# openDemocracy
> openDemocracy is an independent international media platform covering news, ideas and culture which seeks to challenge power and encourage democratic debate.
Public Ghost content for AI and LLM tooling. This file includes a bounded export of public pages first, then recent public posts.
Append `.md` to any post or page URL to get the content in Markdown (for example, `/example-post.md`).
## Pages
### About Us
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/about/
Last updated: 2026-05-22T14:47:49.000Z
openDemocracy is an independent, international media organisation headquartered in London with bureaus in the UK, Africa and Latin America. We produce investigative and movement-focused journalism in English and Spanish at the nexus of gender, geopolitics, migration, technology and rights.
openDemocracy has operated at this intersection for more than 25 years and we reach a highly engaged global audience of activists, policymakers, academics and civic leaders through our digital platforms and newsletters, offering a rich diversity of stories and perspectives from across the world. Contributors to openDemocracy include senior political leaders, policy advisers, academics, technologists and cultural figures, reflecting our role as a trusted platform for democratic debate.
Our work is regularly amplified through syndication and co-publishing partnerships with major global outlets and regional newsrooms. These include: AFP, Al Jazeera, BBC News, BBC World Service, Channel 4 News, Daily Express, Daily Mail, Daily Mirror, El País, Financial Times, Forbes, Globo, LBC, Metro, People, Perfil, PM (BBC Radio 4), Politics Live (BBC Two), Sky News, The Guardian, The Herald, the i, The Independent, The New Statesman, The New York Times, The Observer, The Sun, The Sunday Times, The Telegraph, The Times, The Washington Post, The Week, Univision, UOL and Yahoo! News/Noticias.
openDemocracy’s journalism consistently drives real-world change and our investigations have helped change laws, trigger official investigations and strengthen accountability worldwide.
openDemocracy.net is published by openDemocracy Limited, a UK-registered company (#3855274) wholly owned by the non-profit openDemocracy Foundation for the Advancement of Global Education (company limited by guarantee #04807614).
## Find out more
- [**Contact**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/contact/)
- [**People**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/people/)
- [**History**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/history/)
- [**Who funds us?**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/who-funds-us/)
- [**Values, policies & protocols**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/our-values/)
- [**Jobs**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opportunities-at-opendemocracy/)
- [**Licensing and syndication**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/syndication/)
- [**Privacy notice**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/privacy-notice/)
- [**Complaints**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/content/files/2026/04/openDemocracy-Complaints-Policy-1777390596333.pdf)
### Podcasts
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T14:41:24.000Z
[The Blair connection to Palantir’s tax dodgeopenDemocracy Weekly Newsletter 08 August 2026openDemocracyopenDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-080826/)
### Writers
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/writers/
Last updated: 2026-01-16T14:45:39.000Z
_No content available._
### featured
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/featured/
Last updated: 2026-01-16T14:53:31.000Z
_No content available._
### People
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/people/
Last updated: 2026-01-20T09:09:51.000Z
## **Senior management team**
**Editor-in-chief** Aman Sethi
**Finance manager** Sarah Jones
**HR manager** Emily Falconer
**Development director** Rudaba Osmani-Edwards
## Other key roles
**Technical and publishing manager** Matthew Linares
## Newsdesk
**News editor** Indra Warnes
## Africa
**Africa editor** Ayodeji Rotinwa
## Americas
**Americas’ editor** Diana Cariboni
**South America reporter** Angelina de los Santos
## UK investigations
**Senior investigative reporters** Sian Norris
**Investigative reporter** Ethan Shone
## UK news
**Gender and identity editor** Nandini Archer
## Audience and engagement
**Audience engagement manager** Carla Abreu
**Multimedia producer** James Battershill
## democraciaAbierta
**Editor and director** Diana Cariboni
## Board of directors
**Chair** Suzanna Taverne
**Non-executive directors** Michael Mitchell, Nitil Patel, George Peretz, Inga ‘Inky’ Thordar, Kitty von Bertele
**Executive director** Aman Sethi
**Honorary president** Anthony Barnett
## **Inclusivity information**
**At the end of 2023, openDemocracy had 52 team members**
- 52% of our team were women, 42% were men and 6% were gender non-conforming
- 75% were white
- They lived in Armenia, Brazil, Colombia, France, Germany, Kenya, Mexico, the Netherlands, Nigeria, Spain, Uganda, Ukraine, the UK, the US and Uruguay
**The senior management team had eight members**
- 37% were women, 63% were men
- 75% were white
**Over the year we hired seven people**
- 71% were women, 29% were men
- 29% were white
**The openDemocracy board had ten members (including one staff member already covered above)**
- 40% were women, 60% were men
- 70% were white
**We are committed to continuous learning and transparency about our performance on diversity, equity and inclusion**
## **Technical team**
This website is hosted on Ghost.
Our donations systems were developed, and are maintained, by Rich Lott at [Artful Robot](https://artfulrobot.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
### History
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/history/
Last updated: 2026-01-20T09:16:34.000Z
## Editors-in-chief and chief executives
**Anthony Barnett** 2001-07
**Tony Curzon Price** 2007-12
**Magnus Nome** 2012-14
**Mary Fitzgerald** 2014-21
**Peter Geoghegan** 2021-23
**Satbir Singh**, chief executive 2023-24
**Aman Sethi**, editor-in-chief, appointed 2024
[Why we founded openDemocracy 20 years ago – and why it workedAt the turn of the millennium, we needed a radical new media outlet that could keep up with a changing world. Now, the world is changing againopenDemocracyAnthony Barnett](https://www.opendemocracy.net/why-we-founded-opendemocracy-20-years-ago-and-why-it-worked/)
[‘Go ahead, lad’: the beginning of openDemocracy – a tribute to David ShuttThe late Liberal Democrat peer played a seminal role in the origins of openDemocracy.openDemocracyAnthony Barnett](https://www.opendemocracy.net/go-ahead-lad-the-beginning-of-opendemocracy-a-tribute-to-david-shutt/)
[An improbable teamIt took an unlikely combination of talents to start building openDemocracy’s Tower of Babel, comments one of its foundersopenDemocracySusan Richards](https://www.opendemocracy.net/improbable-team/)
### Who Funds Us?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/who-funds-us/
Last updated: 2026-08-03T13:31:11.000Z
We are extremely grateful to all our funders and donors, whose generous support allows us to continue producing high-quality journalism which challenges power, inspires change and builds leadership among groups underrepresented in the media.
The support we receive through the generosity of our readers is also really important to us. Please consider **supporting us** to help openDemocracy survive and grow.
You can support openDemocracy with charitable grants and gifts to the openDemocracy programme of openTrust, a UK-registered charity (#1086404).
## **Our current grants**
**David McClure Trust:** £24,000 over 3 years to support open Democracy's podcast, In Solidarity.
**Ford Foundation:** Ford Foundation: $2,015,000 over 5 years for a BUILD grant. $500,000 over 24 months for general operating support.
**Foundation for a Just Society:** $400,000 over 24 months for the expansion and strengthening of our Tracking the Backlash project in Latin America and East Africa.
**Oak Foundation:** £252,000 unrestricted programme support over 3 years for “Building Feminist Resilience Through Narrative Innovation.”
**The Alexander Mosley Charitable Trust:** £150,000 over 3 years for general operating support.
## Individual donations
Three thousand seven hundred and three individuals gave us £369,444.76 in 2025.
In 2025, openTrust received £22,888.20 in donations on behalf of individuals for openDemocracy’s core activities. For more details on openTrust’s finances, please see its [accounts.](https://theopentrust.org.uk/governance/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
You can find our accounts[ on the Companies House website](https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/03855274/filing-history?ref=opendemocracy.net).
### Write For Us
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/write-for-us/
Last updated: 2026-01-20T09:22:45.000Z
## **Writing for openDemocracy**
openDemocracy is an independent global media organisation.
Through reporting and analysis of social and political issues, we seek to educate citizens to challenge power and encourage democratic debate across the world.
We publish written and multimedia content primarily covering the UK, Africa and Latin America, in English, Spanish and Portuguese. Experienced journalists write most of it, but if you have something important to say, and can say it well, we want to hear from you.
We especially want to hear from members of groups that are ignored or under-represented in the media as a whole.
## **How to do it**
Send us a pitch (a short proposal for the piece you want to write). Keep it short and to the point – a few lines is plenty.
Please familiarise yourself with our content. It is useful to check previous coverage of the topic you are addressing, so your proposal complements rather than duplicates it.
If we want to accept your pitch, one of our editors will email you to explain what happens next. If you send a pitch relating to an area outside of the UK, Africa or Latin America it is unlikely we will be able to accept.
We regret that we cannot respond individually to all the pitches we get. If we are interested in taking your idea further, we aim to respond within three UK working days.
If you don’t hear from us, though, don’t lose heart! It doesn’t mean your pitch was bad – it may just be that we didn’t have the capacity to take it on.
Please tell us if you have published a similar article elsewhere, either on the web or in print, providing links if possible.
Do not submit anything written entirely with an AI tool. If you do use generative AI or related tools to create any portion of your submission, that must be cited like any other source.
If you are responding to an article published on our site, please consider posting your response as a comment on the article itself.
## **Copyright & syndication**
When openDemocracy has paid for an article to be written, we own the copyright. When no money has changed hands, copyright remains with the author.
To assure our writers gain as much exposure as possible around the world, openDemocracy has adopted a [**Creative Commons licence**](https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for much of its content.
openDemocracy assumes the right to syndicate your writing. Any revenue generated is shared equally between openDemocracy and the author.
We further assume the right to include your work in other republication agreements, such those with academic institutions and in printed journal publications.
## **Requests to authors**
If openDemocracy has published your work and another publication or website approaches you wishing to republish it, please ask them to send an email to syndication@opendemocracy.net so that we can negotiate fees and handle administration.
## **What our authors say**
“Thank you for what you are doing, as a feminist journalist who often finds journalistic spaces really intimidating and exclusionary, because of how they are dominated by patriarchal ideas and masculinity. It’s such a breath of fresh air to even hear about the idea of feminist investigative journalism.” **2018 journalism fellow**
“It really means a lot especially given this is the first time I've written something like this and published it… I really appreciate being given the opportunity to hold space for my voice :)” **First time (activist) writer**
"Writing for openDemocracy gives me a remarkable opportunity to provide contemporary analysis on security issues for many thousands of informed people across the world.
"I find it hugely satisfying because it goes far beyond the readerships that most academics can reach. It is a demanding process and means that you really have to be on top of your subject, but the reward of being able to engage with opinion formers, journalists, teachers, students and many others more than compensates for that." **Paul Rogers, Professor of Peace Studies at Bradford University**
“I found openDemocracy by chance, and corny as it sounds they’ve transformed my writing life. Their willingness to put in the extra work editing helps me shape my precious but convoluted articles into something readable.” **Deborah Padfield (Citizens Advice Bureau adviser, Cambridge)**
“The effects \[of publishing my article on openDemocracy\] were quite significant: I was invited to meet government ministers, including a cabinet minister, as well as the Trades Union Congress.” **Carlota Perez, honorary professor at the Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose at University College London**
"I write for openDemocracy for the same reasons I read it: its internationalism, its rigour of thought and the astonishing wealth of wisdom and debate in its pages. Writing for such a challenging audience and in the company of such excellent writers has a way of pulling your best work from you.
"As a hack, writing for openDemocracy has two juicy advantages. The first is that it is very difficult to persuade the news editor of a British tabloid to take 1,000 words on the injustices of global trade rules. Secondly (and this is not for the faint-hearted), the readers do not suffer fools gladly, if at all." **Tom Burgis, journalist, now at the Financial Times**
## **Data protection**
openDemocracy never gives out email addresses or other contact details of any of the authors we publish.
Our policy when approached for author contact is to forward the request to the author.
We ask that you provide us with contact details that reflect the often very short lead-in times of online media. If you do not check your emails regularly, please provide us with a telephone number.
## Final step
Email your pitch to editors@opendemocracy.net
### Our values, policies and protocols
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/our-values/
Last updated: 2026-01-20T09:33:26.000Z
## *At openDemocracy, we are…*
**Accountable**
We always seek to act ethically and with integrity. We’re publicly transparent about our aims, funding and affiliations. If we make mistakes, we take responsibility and learn from them.
**Independent**
We are not beholden to any faction or vested interest. We encourage rebellious, creative, independent thinking.
**Excellent**
We always strive to do journalism that is accurate, evidence-based and compelling. We set ourselves high standards, and we continually ask if we are being ambitious enough.
**Agile**
We seek to be nimble and innovative in a fast-changing world.
**Collaborative**
We’re part of a global independent media ecosystem that we want to support and grow. Wherever possible, we prioritise collaboration over competition. We value working with and learning from others who share our goals.
**Pluralist**
We value diversity of perspective, culture and lived experience. We resist groupthink and we encourage debate. We are plural but not neutral: we call out injustice and oppression – but we listen to competing ideas about how to address them.
**Intersectional**
We are feminist, anti-racist, we challenge all forms of unjust power or discrimination. And we invest in leadership, training, mentoring and learning from underrepresented groups – because if we change the media, we change the debate.
## [Independence and transparency](https://www.opendemocracy.net/independence-and-transparency/)
## [Privacy notice](https://www.opendemocracy.net/privacy-notice/)
## [Licensing and ](https://www.opendemocracy.net/syndication/)[syndication](https://www.opendemocracy.net/syndication/)
### Privacy Notice
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/privacy-notice/
Last updated: 2026-01-20T09:26:54.000Z
## **Privacy notice**
openDemocracy is committed to protecting your privacy in accordance with the Data Protection Act 2018, the General Data Protection Regulation (‘GDPR’) and other relevant legislation. This is the legal framework that sets guidelines for the collection and processing of personal information of individuals within the UK and the European Union.
We will be clear about what data we collect from you and how we use it. We will protect all personal data you share with us and guarantee not to share it with anyone except those described in this policy
This notice describes the kinds of information that openDemocracy processes and how we maintain records of your personal data.
If you have any queries regarding this privacy notice please contact us on [info@opendemocracy.net](mailto:info@opendemocracy.net).
[See your cookie settings here](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cookies/).
## **Who are we?**
openDemocracy is an independent global media platform covering world affairs, ideas and culture. We seek to challenge power, inspire change and encourage democratic debate across the world.
openDemocracy.net is published by openDemocracy Limited, a UK-registered company (#3855274) limited by guarantee and wholly owned by the non-profit openDemocracy Foundation for the Advancement of Global Education (company limited by guarantee #04807614).
You can support openDemocracy with charitable grants and gifts to the openDemocracy programme of openTrust, a UK registered charity (#10864094).
openDemocracy also works with[ Neo Philanthropy](https://neophilanthropy.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (NEO) (a registered 501(c)3 organisation) as a US-based fiscal sponsor. NEO acts as an umbrella organisation for a project and accepts and administers funds on its behalf.
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A cookie is a small text file that is sent from our website and stored in your web browser or on the device you're using.
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### **More information**
Further information about cookies and how to control their use is available from
- [All About Cookies](http://www.allaboutcookies.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
- [Your Online Choices](http://www.youronlinechoices.eu/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
## **How do we get your consent?**
When collecting information from you, we always
- process data lawfully, fairly and in a transparent manner;
- collect data only for purposes that are legitimate and necessary in relation to the services we provide;
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### **Making a donation**
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## **What will we do with things you submit yourself?**
### ***Submissions***
openDemocracy invites you to submit articles, or pitches for articles, that you would like us to publish on our site. We will assess pitches and articles and let you know if we are interested in publishing them; we aim to do this within three weeks. We require you to give us an email address so that we can communicate with you about your article or pitch.
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### ***Online comments***
openDemocracy may remove any comment on our website or social media channels that we deem inappropriate, spam or offensive. Comments are pre-moderated using the automated [Perspective API system](https://perspectiveapi.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
### ***Surveys and petitions***
From time to time openDemocracy will conduct voluntary surveys to better understand our readers' views or to support editorial initiatives. This information may be aggregated and then compiled and shared with third parties.
*No personally identifiable information will be published or shared with third parties without your explicit consent.*
## **Links to other sites**
openDemocracy contains many links to other websites. We are not responsible for the privacy practices or the content of such websites.
## **Recruitment**
openDemocracy uses a separate company called RecruiterBox to manage our recruitment process. If you respond to a job advertisement, any information you give us will be used in that recruitment process to fill open positions or for monitoring statistics. Once a position has been filled, we will store data for 12 months unless otherwise specified, as we may want to keep applications on record for future vacancies.
## **What is our lawful basis for processing your data?**
The lawful basis for processing your information is set out in article 6 of the GDPR. This requires us to be accountable and transparent about any information we ask from you. In line with the GDPR we will provide clear consent from individuals and only ask for information that is necessary. openDemocracy will ensure that we comply with the law. For more information, please see the[ ICO website](https://ico.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in regards to processing data.
The basis we may process your personal data are:
**Consent:** When you have given clear consent for us to process your personal data for a specific purpose.
**Contract:** When we must process your data in order to fulfill a contract we have with you, or because you have asked us to take specific steps before entering into a contract.
**Legal obligation:** When we must process personal data about you to comply with the law (not including contractual obligations).
**Legitimate interests:** When we need to process your personal data in order to manage and grow our organisation.
## **Security**
openDemocracy will ensure that we have all the necessary processes in place to store your data safely. We follow industry-best practices to make sure your information is not inappropriately lost, misused, accessed, disclosed, altered or destroyed. As part of our security process we have trained and dedicated members of staff who regularly audit our security access. This ensures that only the appropriate individuals have access to your data.
All third-party organisations we work with are also GDPR-compliant and we work continually to ensure the security of our online data. We do not share your data with any third parties unless you have given your explicit consent.
## **How to exercise your rights under GDPR**
Under the GDPR, you have the right to access, rectify and erase your data, as well as the right to restrict processing and data portability. Those who object to our processing or do not wish to be subscribed to our services can use the “unsubscribe” link, which is clearly linked on our website and in any correspondence we have with a subscriber.
If you wish to amend any data we hold that you have the right to change, or exercise any of your other rights, we will require identification before making any changes. As part of our lawful responsibilities, upon request openDemocracy will erase any personal information within a month of receipt.
Please contact us at info@opendemocracy.net.
## **Appointment of data protection officers**
openDemocracy has two data protection officers who are dedicated to upholding the highest standards of data protection. We will ensure that we operate within our legal obligations and have sufficient resources to deal with any enquiries you have.
If you have any concerns or enquiries about our data protection policy, please contact us at openDemocracy, The Print House, 18-22 Ashwin Street, London, E8 3DL or email us at info@opendemocracy.net. We aim to respond within 72 hours of receiving an email.
## **Changes to our privacy policy**
We regularly review our privacy policy and we will place any updates on this web page. This privacy notice was last updated on 1 September 2021.
## **Data protection officers**
Satbir Singh, managing director
Alastair Tibbitt, head of audience and engagement
## **Contact information**
For general enquiries, please contact [info@opendemocracy.net](mailto:info@opendemocracy.net)
### Independence and Transparency
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/independence-and-transparency/
Last updated: 2026-01-20T09:30:15.000Z
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## Posts
### ‘Silence is not neutrality’: Organising against the far right in Saxony-Anhalt
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/silence-is-not-neutrality-organising-against-the-far-right-in-saxony-anhalt/
Last updated: 2026-09-17T10:54:15.000Z
Before the election, researcher Christin Jänicke kept returning to a piece of advice from an East German activist who lived through the far-right violence of the 1990s: “Keep going, don’t let them wear you down.”
Jänicke found herself returning to these words after the far-right Alternative für Deutschland party won this month’s election in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt with 43.8% of the vote. Having fallen short of a majority, the party is still seeking support from other parties or politicians to form a government.
Since the vote, there have been demonstrations, messages of solidarity and calls to keep fighting for rights. But, Jänicke said, there is also “powerlessness and fear” – not only of what may come next, but of what many people are already experiencing.
For Saxony-Anhalt’s migrant-led organisations and those they support, some of those fears are stark. “Do I still have a future here? Will my children be safe? Will I continue to be treated as an equal member of this society?” These are among the questions being heard by Landesnetzwerk Migrantenorganisationen Sachsen-Anhalt (LAMSA), a statewide network of migrant organisations.
Mina Jawad, who leads LAMSA’s work on democracy and participation, describes a mixture of “fear, anger, exhaustion and uncertainty”.
But the network is wary of depicting migrant communities only as victims. “People are organising, supporting one another and insisting on their place in this state,” she said. migrants are not outside German society looking in. We live with the same concerns about housing, healthcare, schools, wages, pensions and public services as everyone else.”
The problem, she argues, is that migrants are increasingly being blamed for problems they experience alongside everyone else. “Real social problems are left unresolved, while migrants, including second generation, are turned into scapegoats.”
## **When resistance becomes riskier**
Jänicke, a researcher at the WZB Berlin Social Science Centre whose work examines civil society responses to the far right, says the AfD’s increasing power changes the conditions under which resistance takes place.
“It becomes socially riskier for clubs, congregations and associations to draw a line against the far right,” she said.
That pressure becomes greater when far-right politicians gain power. A person may simultaneously be a neighbour, a member of the local club and an far-right official with influence over funding or other decisions.
The problem is particularly acute in eastern Germany, Jänicke argues, where activists face several pressures at once: confronting a strong far-right movement on the ground while also challenging stereotypes that dismiss the east as uniformly far right and allow the AfD to claim east German identity for itself.
LAMSA describes similar pressures. In smaller communities, Jawad said, speaking publicly against racism can carry a personal cost because people know one another and political positions are highly visible.
“But the answer cannot be retreat.”
Instead, organising often means less visible work: keeping advice services open, documenting discrimination, building local relationships and making sure people know they are not alone.
“Civil society is not an extension of government,” Jawad said. “We have an independent democratic role. If fundamental rights come under pressure, silence is not neutrality.”
## Beyond the demonstrations
Germany has seen enormous demonstrations against the far right in recent years, even as the AfD has continued to make electoral gains.
For Jänicke, that does not mean the protests have failed. “You can’t read off from the election result alone whether an action was successful,” she said.
Mass demonstrations can break a sense of paralysis, bring people into political action for the first time and create new alliances. “You no longer feel alone.”
But street protests are only one layer of resistance. “The actual normalisation mostly happens quietly, gradually, and often unnoticed,” Jänicke said – through decisions about a club membership, a donation or whether a far-right politician is invited to a community event.
That makes places such as sports clubs, congregations, volunteer organisations and local associations important political terrain. “You can actually do something yourself,” she said. “You don’t have to wait for the next election.”
LAMSA’s own organising points to a similar conclusion. During door-to-door canvassing, people spoke about poverty, loneliness, healthcare, pensions, deteriorating infrastructure and a sense that institutions no longer worked for them. “One of the most important lessons is that people need to be approached as citizens with real social concerns, not as ideological categories,” Jawad explained.
The answer, LAMSA argues, is neither to dismiss those grievances nor to accept the far right’s explanation for them. “The lesson is not to copy far-right language in order to compete with the far right. The lesson is to address the conditions that make scapegoating politically effective.”
Or, more concretely: “You cannot repair a broken road, secure a pension or staff a rural clinic by blaming migrants.”
## ‘Practical, not symbolic’
Both Jawad and Jänicke point to the importance of infrastructure: organisations, funding and networks capable of sustaining resistance long after a demonstration has ended.
For small or rural groups, Jänicke said, even basic resources can make a difference. A volunteer-run organisation may not have legal advice or a permanent meeting place. Sometimes solidarity from elsewhere means financial help; sometimes it means people from a larger city bringing equipment, organising an event or simply showing up.
“The costs of this engagement are not evenly distributed,” she said. Those already marginalised by “class, background or geography” often carry the greatest burden.
LAMSA says migrant-led organisations need “solidarity that is practical, not symbolic”: reliable long-term funding, legal protections against discrimination, access to decision-making and the ability to continue their work independently of changes in government.
That matters even more as the AfD moves closer to exercising institutional power in Saxony-Anhalt. For Jänicke, the challenge is therefore no longer simply stopping a marginal party from gaining ground. “It’s about protecting existing projects for diversity and against racism that already exist,” she said.
And the state itself, she argues, is not a neutral actor: it can protect civil society through funding and legal support or weaken it through cuts and delegitimisation.
LAMSA similarly warns against treating Saxony-Anhalt as an isolated problem. “What begins with the marginalisation of migrants does not end with migrants,” Jawad said. “When the equal worth of one group becomes negotiable, the democratic rights of everyone become less secure.”
### Hundreds of abuse victims arrested when calling for help, new data finds
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/domestic-abuse-victims-jail-theresa-may-conservatives/
Last updated: 2026-09-16T09:31:24.000Z
Domestic abuse victims in England and Wales are facing arrest when calling the emergency services for help, according to new data published by Women in Prison.
The charity asked more than 500 women in the criminal justice system about their experiences of domestic abuse, with nearly a third (29%) saying they were arrested when the police or emergency services were called to a domestic incident, even when they were the victim of abuse. The offence of assaulting an emergency worker, which was made a crime in 2018, was a major driver of arrests.
The report follows a groundbreaking [investigation](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/domestic-abuse-victims-criminalised-tory-law/) published by openDemocracy last year, which revealed that at least 1,486 women accused of assaulting an emergency worker since 2020 had, at some point, been recorded as victims of domestic abuse. The figure is an underestimate, as only seven of England and Wales’ 43 police forces responded to our Freedom of Information request.
Now, Women in Prison’s new data confirms the extent to which domestic abuse victims are being criminalised when interacting with the emergency services, prompting concerns that women will be put off calling for help when suffering violence.
Mia (not her real name) was in an abusive relationship and called the police due to feeling unsafe in her home. When the officers arrived, her abuser claimed that she was acting violently towards him, leading to her being handcuffed and removed from the property.
During her arrest, Mia became distressed after hitting her head on the police car door. In response, the male officer told her that “you are not a victim”. Angry and upset that she was under arrest when calling for help, she spat at him, leading to her conviction for assaulting an emergency worker. “I literally lost my whole life because of this,” she said. “I would never call the police again for help; I’ve lost everything because of them.”
Women convicted of the violent offence struggle to access housing and work, and are at risk of losing their children. This was the case for Mia, whose children were taken into care following her conviction. Social services also cited that she could not protect her children from her perpetrator’s domestic abuse.
“When men get arrested they get taken away,” Mia said. “When women get arrested, they take the children away.”
Mia’s story is far from unusual. At an event in Parliament hosted by Women in Prison this week, the charity’s chief executive Sonya Ruparel revealed that its frontline workers are “saying this is now every woman in my caseload”.
Ruparel also praised openDemocracy’s reporting to an audience that included peers, academics, lawyers and frontline workers. “Protecting emergency workers and protecting vulnerable women are not competing aims,” she said.
[Hundreds of domestic abuse victims face jail for assaulting policeWomen who call police to help deal with abusive partners are being criminalised for assaulting emergency workersopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/domestic-abuse-victims-criminalised-tory-law/)
The event was held to bring attention to how women are being disproportionately drawn into the criminal justice system by the offence, which was introduced under Conservative prime minister Theresa May.
Women account for 29.7% of adults found guilty of assaulting an emergency worker, compared to 15% of adult offenders convicted of common assault. Assaulting an emergency worker now makes up more than half (52%) of all female prosecutions for violence against the person, and it is the second most indictable offence for women after shoplifting.
The disproportionality was noted in the equality impact assessment carried out when the Conservative government doubled the maximum sentence for the offence to two years in 2022\. However, MPs failed to interrogate why women were more likely to be arrested for this offence.
The government’s own analysis recognises that there has been no deterrent effect of introducing the offence or increasing the sentencing. In the case of abuse victims, this is because the offending is not planned, but a response to trauma or feeling in danger, and violence.
Women in Prison recommends that police introduce vulnerability screening processes to ensure women arrested for the offence are assessed by a domestic abuse specialist before any charging decisions are made.
The charity is calling on the government to act on recommendations in the recent Independent Sentencing Review and commission a study on the impact and consequences of the legislation on vulnerable and marginalised groups, such as women at risk of domestic abuse.
It is also seeking revised Crown Prosecution Service guidance to recognise when a domestic abuse victim is arrested for assaulting an emergency worker and guide prosecution decisions accordingly.
### 9/11 revisited + UK’s sovereign AI chief joins US AI company
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-120926/
Last updated: 2026-09-12T08:00:14.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- The face of the UK’s 'Sovereign AI' strategy becoming a lobbyist for Anthropic exposes the revolving door between Whitehall and Silicon Valley.
- 25 years on from 9/11, the paranoid, fundamentalist spirit of 2001 is being resurrected by right-wing tech billionaires armed with the internet.
- Authoritarian governments across Latin America are weaponizing the US "War on Terror" framework to militarise their states, crush dissent, and persecute political opponents.
- The far-right AfD’s historic surge in Germany threatens the political stability of the entire nation.
- Why saving democracy requires radically reinventing political practice to match the iterative, bottom-up structures of the tech companies shaping the future.
- The Trump administration has engineered a murky 100-year deal to seize a fifth of Venezuela's oil reserves, marking a return to 20th-century "regime compliance" imperialism.
- Climate scientist Dr. Ella Gilbert warns against trusting "tech bro" promises of unproven geoengineering fixes.
Is the War on Terror finally over? Did it ever end?
Twenty five years after two commercial jets slammed into the World Trade Centre in New York, we continue to live in 9/11’s long shadow: a world of constant surveillance, secret courts, cross-border renditions, water-boarding, torture, autonomous drone warfare and the normalisation of foreign military interventions. Apparently anything is acceptable as long as it is conducted with the aim of “fighting terror”.
This weekend, Americans will look back to mourn those who lost their lives in twin towers. But if 9/11 was a tragedy for America, it was a crisis that continues to extract a price in Afghanistan and much of the Middle East. What little global legitimacy the West had gained after the collapse of the USSR in 1991 was vapourised a decade later in 2001.
Today, US gunships are back in the Persian Gulf and US “precision weapons” continue to slam into schools and wedding parties,except the victims are now in Iran, rather than Iraq. The US continues to seek foreign oil, except this time they are looking south, and it is Venezuelans who must pay for the privilege of being ruled from Washington.
The next election is only three years away, and ****we are determined to** ****prevent the rise of the far right.** To do that, we want to recruit 500 new monthly donors by the end of 2026\. We're a third of the way there – but still have a long way to go
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
This week we bring you a snapshot of the world after 9/11\. Our founder Anthony Barnett revisits the moment the twin towers collapsed and how the moment that changed the world and informed openDemocracy’s future.
You can also read Manuel Tufró’s reflection on how “the war on terror” perpetuates itself by constantly seeking new targets – something which is on the mind of Germany’s, Patrick Kaczmarczyk, whose insightful article analyses how the tumult of the 1990s laid the grounds for the country’s modern far-right.Meanwhile, writer and philosopher Georg Diez writes about the strange new world of “Frontier Politics”, where democracy and technology seem increasingly incompatible.
To witness Diez’s thesis in action, do read Tom Darling’s incisive view on how Matt Clifford, the man tasked with developing the UK’s sovereign AI strategy, has decided his talents are better spent lobbying the UK government on behalf of the US AI giant, Anthropic.
9/11 also marks 25 years since openDemocracy came into its one as one of the first daily online independent publications. That’s 25 years of nurturing new ideas, conducting impactful investigations, and publishing inconvenient truths. If you value our contributions over the past quarter century, consider becoming a regular donor.
I don’t know what the world will look like in 2051, but I do hope we’ll still be fighting the good fight.
Have a great weekend
**Aman**
---
[Matt Clifford joining Anthropic makes a joke of the UK’s Sovereign AI StrategyBritish startups will now be competing against the UK’s best-connected AI lobbyist who was meant to be their champion against US tech dominance.openDemocracyTom Darling](https://www.opendemocracy.net/matt-clifford-joining-anthropic-makes-a-joke-of-the-uks-sovereign-ai-strategy/)
[Revisiting 9/11openDemocracy found its purpose in the need to make sense of the world after the collapse of the twin towers. Revisit our reportage from the time.openDemocracyAnthony Barnett](https://www.opendemocracy.net/revisiting-9-11/)
[The ‘anti-terrorist state’ is growing in power 25 years after 9/11The global war on terror, born from the ashes of the twin towers, perpetuates itself by constantly seeking new targetsopenDemocracyManuel Tufró](https://www.opendemocracy.net/25-years-on-from-9-11-the-anti-terrorist-state-is-gaining-ground-in-latin-america/)
[Germany’s far-right surge is not just about the EastThe AfD’s victory in Saxony-Anhalt has roots specific to eastern Germany. But the economic insecurity behind its rise is increasingly visible across the country.openDemocracyDr. Patrick Kaczmarczyk](https://www.opendemocracy.net/germanys-far-right-surge-is-not-just-about-the-east/)
[Frontier Politics: AI and the Crisis of the Democratic FormIf we want to save democracy, the institutions of tomorrow must be shaped in accordance with the possibilities of tomorrow.openDemocracyGeorg Diez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/frontier-politics-ai-and-the-crisis-of-the-democratic-form/)
[Inside the US Takeover of Venezuelan OilNine months after the US abducted Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, a highly unusual oil deal has surfaced.openDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-us-takeover-of-venezuelan-oil/)
[Trump’s Venezuela: Why seek regime change if you can get regime compliance?The Trump administration’s forcible appropriation of a fifth of Venezuela’s oil reserves is worse than the theft of national assets in post-Soviet Russia.openDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/trumps-venezuela-why-seek-regime-change-if-you-can-get-regime-compliance/)
[Tech bros will tell you that geoengineering will save us, it won’tAs the latest UNEP reports we will blow past 1.5°C, we must prioritise solutions that work, rather than focusing on complex, unproven technologiesopenDemocracyElla Gilbert](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tech-bros-will-tell-you-that-geoengineering-will-save-us-it-wont/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### 25 years after 9/11, what do you think is the biggest security threat?
| [Vote and see results →](https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-120926/?jump=poll) |
| -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
---
[](https://www.tickettailor.com/events/placeforhope/2391338?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Join us for an exclusive **live recording** of *Changed My Mind*, the podcast that explores the thinking behind serious shifts of opinion. This panel discussion will feature Rosemarie Mallet, the bishop of Croydon, Aman Sethi, the editor-in-chief of openDemocracy, Alison Goldsworthy, the CEO of The Depolarisation Project, and Laura Osborne, the managing director of WPI Economics. You can get a flavour of *Changed My Mind* by listening to the [podcast](https://www.opendemocracy.net/cmmpod) or via this [article](https://www.opendemocracy.net/leor-zmigrod-political-violence-self-defence/).
[Join us live](https://www.tickettailor.com/events/placeforhope/2391338?ref=opendemocracy.net)
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## Reader Comments
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
> Do Gullis and his ilk take us for fools who will fail to spot the absence of declarations of interest? Whether in paid or voluntary positions, even pre-Nolan it has been second nature for most of us, surely, to declare even a potential interest, to desist from speaking or voting and to offer to leave the room.
>
> That was the situation yesterday, is so today and will remain so for all our tomorrows.
>
> Is it perhaps a case of projecting on to all of us their own self- interested view of the world, so making it for them inconceivable that anyone else would disapprove or find it otherwise than the norm?
**Mal | Re:** [**Ex-Tory MP-turned-Reform councillor landed lobbying job after defecting**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/ex-tory-mp-turned-reform-councillor-landed-lobbying-job-after-defecting/)
---
Polish Deputy Premier Mieczyslaw Jagielski leaves the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk after signing the final agreement between the Polish government and striking workers | LEHTIKUVA/AFP/Getty Images)
## This week in history
**The Gdańsk Agreement and Solidarity • 31 August 1980**
On 31 August 1980, the Polish government signed the Gdańsk Agreement with striking workers, recognising the right to form independent trade unions, marking the first such recognition in Soviet-bloc history. The Solidarity movement that emerged was at its peak a union of ten million people, more than a third of Poland's adult population. Its example, its methods, and its ultimate partial defeat contain lessons we can all learn from.
[The victory and defeat of SolidarnoscThe images accompanying this article come from the Wyspa Institute of Art exhibition “Dockwatchers” inside the Gdańsk shipyard. From the exhibition catalogue: “With ‘Dockwatchers’, happening alongside the official celebrations of the 25th anniversary of Solidarność, Wyspa targets beyond officially represented history. It asks about oral histories, cracks in memories, abandonedopenDemocracyNeal Ascherson](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/solidarity%5F2806jsp/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**I brought the war with me, Lindsey Hilsum**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781784745349?ref=opendemocracy.net)
I don’t believe in heroes but if I had one, it would be Lindsey Hilsum, whose brave journalism from the world’s wars is always unflinching, honest, and tells the human stories in conflict. In 2024 she published this beautiful anthology that brings together poetry and her own stories from the frontlines. The poems are not necessarily about war, but the emotions they evoke are reflected in the stories she tells from Syria, Iraq, Rwanda, Palestine, Afghanistan and other places of intense heat and suffering. Rather than take a chronological approach, Hilsum organises her poems and stories thematically – looking at love, courage, fighters.
I wanted to share her book today, because this week marks the liberation of Izium, Ukraine, which was occupied for six months by Russian forces in 2022\. Hilsum opens the book at a bombed out apartment building outside Izium which she visited straight after the liberation, and where I went a year later. When I read the poem she chose, James Fenton’s [A German Requiem](https://www.poemhunter.com/poem/a-german-requiem/?ref=opendemocracy.net), it helped me express the horror and difficult emotions of how it felt to stand there: *It is not the houses. It is the space between the houses./It is not the streets that exist. It is the streets that no longer exist.* I read those opening pages, and I felt so grateful for her book.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### ¿Es Venezuela nuestro canario en la mina de carbón?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es-venezuela-nuestro-canario-en-la-mina-de-carbon/
Last updated: 2026-09-11T15:00:51.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Así se fraguó el acuerdo Trump-Delcy de apropiación del crudo venezolano
- La guerra antiterrorista que nació el 11 de septiembre de 2001 se reproduce buscando siempre nuevos blancos
- El ascenso de la ultraderecha en el este de Alemania cuenta una historia de desengaño social y económico
- **Esta semana en la historia**: 11 de septiembre de 1973 - Golpe de Estado en Chile
En nuestra última newsletter publicamos una indagación reveladora de cómo un país sometido a sanciones – Venezuela – acude al trueque cuando no puede usar el sistema financiero internacional ni tener cuentas bancarias ni disponer de activos situados fuera de sus fronteras.
Esta vez, nuestro editor en jefe, **Aman Sethi**, entrevista al autor de ese análisis, el **economista Francisco Rodríguez,** para entender el opaco acuerdo petrolero entre Washington y Caracas, un contrato del que todos hablan pero nadie quiere publicar.
Este acuerdo, que cada día que pasa se parece más a una farsa, se presenta para Donald Trump como un éxito fácil y rápido (Venezuela tiene que entregar a EEUU 40.000 barriles diarios de crudo a precio de costo).
Sin librarse de la dictadura, Venezuela pasó a ser además un protectorado dr Trump, que este querría replicar en otros lugares. Así, Venezuela puede ser el **canario en la mina de carbón**, anticipando el futuro de sus vecinos de América Latina. Pero ese futuro, advierte Rodríguez en la entrevista, está escrito en el pasado de las relaciones hemisféricas.
[El gran robo del petróleo venezolanoUna parte del petróleo venezolano se entregará a Washington a precio de costo en virtud de un contrato que nadie quiere publicaropenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-eeuu-petroleo-delcy-rodriguez-donald-trump-betancourt-maduro/)
Cuando cayeron las Torres Gemelas, el **11 de septiembre de 2001**, una de las primeras historias que me tocó traducir y editar era sobre los habitantes de Nueva York que no querían respirar el aire contaminado, mientras las autoridades los instaban a volver a la Zona Cero (la zona del desastre) en el Bajo Manhattan.
El reclamo se volvió crónico, lo mismo que las enfermedades y las muertes. Solo ahora la alcaldía de Nueva York reconoce, con la desclasificación de documentos, que supo desde el primer momento de los peligros para la salud que implicaba reabrir el Bajo Manhattan, pero aun así siguió adelante.
En cierto modo, las explosiones de los **ataques terroristas del 11S** siguieron matando gente casi hasta ahora. De modo análogo, la caída de las torres dio lugar al “estado antiterrorista”, una arquitectura doméstica e internacional de guerra, persecución, perfilamiento religioso y racial, torturas, muertes y doble rasero legal que dura hasta nuestros días.
El artículo de **Manuel Tufró**, director de Justicia y Seguridad del Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales de Argentina, explica el desarrollo de ese estado antiterrorista, dentro y fuera de EEUU, y cómo América Latina se lanzó también en los últimos años a reconfigurar sus leyes e instituciones para hacer del combate al terrorismo un objetivo supremo – aunque no hubiera terrorismo.
[El Estado antiterrorista se agiganta 25 años después del 11SLa guerra antiterrorista global, que nació en las ruinas de las torres gemelas, se reproduce a sí misma buscando siempre nuevos blancosopenDemocracyManuel Tufró](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/s11-ataques-terroristas-torres-gemelas-estado-antiterrorista-ny-marco-rubio-america-latina/)
El domingo, **Alternativa por Alemania (AfD)**, un partido que reivindica el nazismo, ganó las elecciones en una de las regiones del este. **Patrick Kaczmarczyk**, investigador de la Universidad de Mannheim y consultor de la agencia de la ONU sobre comercio y desarrollo, no se detiene en los aspectos ideológicos, sino en el declive económico, la inflación y los problemas de vivienda detrás de este vuelco que afecta a todo el país.
[Ultraderecha en Alemania: el auge de AfD ya no es solo del esteLa victoria de AfD tiene raíces propias en el este de Alemania, pero la incertidumbre económica detrás de su ascenso es cada vez más visible en todo el paísopenDemocracyDr. Patrick Kaczmarczyk](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/alemania-elecciones-ultraderecha-afd-auge-este-deterioro-inflacion/)
## Esta semana en la historia
**Salvador Allende • 11 de septiembre de 1973**
Más de 50 años después de muerto, Salvador Allende, el primer presidente izquierdista elegido democráticamente en América Latina, sigue siendo un héroe de la democracia y de la izquierda en Chile, en la región y en el mundo. La semana pasada, otro mandatario elegido en las urnas, el argentino Javier Milei, se refirió a Allende de forma insultante y elogió el sangriento golpe militar que puso fin a su gobierno, al que el chileno resistió con su propia vida.
[Chile, 50 años del golpe militarTras derrocar al presidente Salvador Allende y tomar el poder por las armas en septiembre de 1973, la dictadura encabezada por Augusto Pinochet permaneció 17 años al frente de Chile. Este ciclo de entrevistas a personas autorizadas de alto nivel busca evaluar y comprender lo que ha pasado en ChileopenDemocracyAndrés Bernal Sánchez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/chile-50-anos-golpe-militar/)
Gracias por leernos y que tengas un gran fin de semana.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Trump’s Venezuela: Why seek regime change if you can get regime compliance?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/trumps-venezuela-why-seek-regime-change-if-you-can-get-regime-compliance/
Last updated: 2026-09-11T09:41:33.000Z
Nine months after United States special forces abducted Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife in an early morning raid, the US claims to have struck a highly unusual deal to take control of about a fifth of Venezuela's oil reserves, or about 65 billion barrels, over the course of a 100-year lease period.
The deal, which is structured through the US Department of Defense (which the Trump administration calls the Department of War), has no recent precedent. While the United States has often engineered military and covert regime change in countries around the world to appropriate resources, the Trump administration's actions in Venezuela recalls the sorts of 20th century US interventions that lead to a series of revolutions in Latin America and also Iran in the 1950s.
To make sense of this moment, I caught up with Francisco Rodríguez, a Venezuelan economist, a senior research fellow at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, and professor of public and international affairs at the University of Denver. Rodriguez is also the author of four books, including his latest, The Collapse of Venezuela: Scorched-Earth Politics and Economic Decline.
The following is an edited excerpt of our interview. You can listen to the whole interview on our [*In Solidarity*](https://pod.link/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5hY2FzdC5jb20vcHVibGljL3Nob3dzLzY2YmYzYmU4NDcxNTFhYTFkM2M4ZjBhZQ/episode/NmFhMTI3Mzk3Mjc1ZGFiZTk1ZDc0NTE2?ref=opendemocracy.net)podcast.
**Aman Sethi: I'd like us to start with just getting your reactions to this, this oil deal. Specifically, if you could just talk through what you know so far, what this means, and whether this is how oil deals are normally done in Venezuela.**
**Francisco Rodriguez:** Okay, a bit of the background. Venezuela had been under oil sanctions from the US between 2019 and this year. And the US after it carried out a military operation to capture Nicolás Maduro, it decided that it was going to try to forge, let's call it a "cooperative relationship," with the government of Delcy Rodriguez, who was Maduro's vice president.
And what the US has been trying to do is sell the idea of ‘Now we're gonna help the Venezuelan oil sector recover’. Venezuela is sitting on the world's largest oil reserves , but it produces just 1% of world oil output.
January of this year just a few days after the military operation to take out Maduro, President Trump actually calls a lot of oil industry executives to the White House, says, "I want you to invest in Venezuela." Many of these executives say, “We're not so sure.” One of them actually says this country is really uninvestable under current conditions. So he gets a lukewarm reaction.
So now we have the announcement of this plan, and this plan — it promises that Venezuela is going to get $100 billion in oil investment. And that's really important here, because that's what most experts have said is needed to get Venezuela to produce what it was producing before the sanctions back in 2016 which was around two and a half million barrels.
Now it's producing roughly one \[million barrels per day\]. It's increased a bit to 1.2 million. So you want to get that up by 1.5 million barrels. You need 100 billion to do that. That sounds fine. Actually, that sounds great. If I'm Venezuela, and I'm told, "Hey, here's the $100 billion you can put into your oil industry, and you'll get more tax revenue. We'll benefit." I say, "Where do I sign?" So that part looks good.
But then let's look at it in more detail because President Trump actually says two things almost in the same breath. He says Venezuela's gonna get $100 billion of investment in the oil sector, but this is not going to cost a dime to US taxpayers.
**Okay, wait.**
**So the US is not gonna pay for it. Venezuela is broke, so Venezuela is not gonna pay for it. Who is going to pay for it? Well you would think oil companies, large oil companies, right? Chevron, Exxon, Conoco. But they're not here. They're nowhere in the deal. No, they don't wanna be part of this.**
**So where are these 100 billion going to come out of ?**
Here's where it gets really interesting and really murky. These $100 billion are going to be put out by a Barbados-based company that was created just a few years ago. It's a company owned by a businessman with not the best reputation in the world. His name is Alejandro Betancourt. He's best known for getting billions of dollars in no-bid contracts from the Chavez administration to build electrical plants, at least one of which was never completed. And he's offering to the US a thirty-five percent stake in his company.
So the US Department of War is going to now own thirty-five percent of that company. And it's also going to have the right to purchase at cost twenty percent of the company's output. So that's the deal.
The White House yesterday put out a statement saying that Venezuelan barrels of oil are going to start flowing into US reserves as of November. And basically, President Trump had already said that they were going to replenish the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve with oil that was a gift from Venezuela.
That's the word that President Trump used.
So that means that probably as of today you will have Venezuela sending 40,000 barrels of oil to the US at cost. That's a loss of about $500 million a year for Venezuela.
What is Venezuela getting in return? A promise that somebody, someday, is going to come up with $100 billion is going to be willing to lend them to Mr. Betancourt so that he can invest in the oil sector.
This deal is all wrong. This is the most impoverished country in Latin America.
**How legal is this? Like, is this from a Venezuelan perspective, from an international contracts perspective?**
There's a set of legal objections to it. Now of course the problem is that in developing countries Venezuela ranks 146 out of 146 countries in terms of the rule of law.
Asking what is legal or not in a country that has no rule of law, this is almost like a theological question, really.
Because when we think about the law, laws are interpreted by courts, but the courts are controlled by the government. Article 150 of the Venezuelan Constitution says that the National Assembly has to approve the deal.
The National Assembly is 90% controlled by the government, so they could have taken the deal before the National Assembly. They didn't. Why didn't they do it? Because then they'd have to publish the contract, but they don't want to publish the contract. Nobody wants to publish the contract.
There's a set of other problems I could go down out of all of the different laws that have been violated. But one important one is Article 39 of the country's hydrocarbons law states that you have to assign contracts in the oil sector through public competitive bidding. There was no public competitive bidding here.
In fact, a government vice-minister recently said, "The thing is that we're under an economic emergency decree that we declared after the earthquake." Really? You're gonna use the earthquake as an excuse to give away 20% of the country's reserves?
**What does it smell like to you?**
It smells like Trump essentially said, "I wanna do something about gas prices before the midterm and I wanna claim that I'm getting some of this oil from Venezuela. So I want some of that oil from Venezuela to come in and for me to say that I'm putting it into a strategic reserve, and this is bringing down oil prices. I wanna do that before the midterms. Sign me a deal."
I think that's essentially all there is. But from the standpoint of Venezuela, Venezuela has just given away 20% of its reserves to a company owned by a very shady figure.
After the invasion of Iraq when you had the occupation there was a public bidding round for the rights to exploit Iraqi oil. This was a competitive bidding process, it was transmitted through public television, so Iraqis could actually see the bidding taking place in real time.
This process was transparent. This is the complete opposite. This firm is going to get, over the life of the concession, the equivalent of $303 billion.
That's the, that, that is what the private firm gets in profits.
That is what it's going to get. That is the equivalent of three years of Venezuelan GDP. 65 billion barrels. Venezuela has a huge level of reserves. The Russian privatization program of 1996 was for 20 billion barrels of oil.
This is more than three times the size. And in Russia, which was a steal, which was horrible, there was a free-for-all. That's what led to the rise of the Russian oligarchs. They at least had the decency to rig an auction. Here, there was no auction. They didn't even pretend.
So this is not going to end up well. If you're handing over these massive resources to connected political insiders this is not helping create a democracy. This is consolidating a crony capitalist oligarchy.
**In your book you've likened studying the Venezuelan economy to the equivalent of being a rare disease specialist. For all of us outside who honestly don't know very much about Venezuela, what is your analysis of the regime in power right now?**
**What is the point at which the people just say, "We're done with this regime," and they just get swept out?**
**We can understand the American motivations. We can understand Delcy Rodriguez is some kind of captive, but what about the entire country that sits below her? How are people taking this?**
That's a great question. And it forces one to think about how we got here. So Venezuela got here after about a quarter of a century of very deep polarization. Hugo Chávez, who came into power in 1999 was a populist and popular politician.
And, like many populist politicians, his message was, “Throw the bums out, people are tired of the old politics. You need change. You need to refound the republic.” And that convinced a lot of people. He was able to get a clear electoral mandate. He reformed the constitution.
He did what many leaders who have at least an authoritarian bent will do in those circumstances, which is say "We really need to change this, give more power to me." So he really made the Venezuelan presidency all-powerful in that constitutional reform. And that really shaped Venezuelan politics over the next quarter century because you created a winner-take-all political system in which the opposition was completely out of anything.
So you ended up in this, this politics which was very polarized between the government and the opposition. Now, Chávez did some things that a lot of Venezuelans liked at the time. He was definitely somebody who sought out ways to let very large disadvantaged majorities which had been excluded from Venezuelan social, economic, and political life have a stake.
He also did a lot of things very badly.
He got a huge oil boom. He spent a lot of that money. He ran the country into debt. He hired people like Alejandro Betancourt to build electrical plants, some of which were never built. So the country lived through this deep polarization. And then Chávez died, and then he leaves Maduro. Then the economy starts doing poorly. Then he \[Maduro\] becomes more repressive because the opposition is really going after him. And then the opposition goes to the US, and the US says "Let's get tough on this, let's impose sanctions."
They hurt the country's oil industry. It leads to a huge decline in the country's oil production. So they, they effectively create an economic catastrophe. So you end up in this trap, which is what in my book I call the trap of economically destructive political conflict.
And the whole-- the puzzle that I try to explain in my book is, how is it that you get an economy to collapse, to lose seventy-one percent of per capita income? This is the equivalent of three consecutive great depressions without a war. And my answer is that this happens because there's a moment in which this politics becomes so destructive that both sides are essentially playing scorched earth.
So you end up having this battle for the country that turns the economy into a political battlefield, and that's where it collapses.
Then all of a sudden Trump decides to send in US forces, captures Maduro, and decides that he's going to run the country with the people who are there. What we know and what he has said literally is that he's put a gun to Delcy Rodriguez's head. We also know that Delcy Rodriguez is complying with everything that Trump is asking for.
Is she doing it because she has a gun to her head, or is she doing it because this actually works in her favor and she can stay in power? Probably both.
**I have, well, several questions from this, but, but let's start with the question of sanctions. It's possible for many governments to make many bad decisions and to do bad things to the economy.**
**But there is a very specific kind of bad thing that happens once sanctions are imposed, right? When you're cut out of the US financial system, for example, that is a very, very particular form of economic punishment.**
**What is your assessment of the role that, that sanctions have actually played here? Because one thing that I'm struggling with is this narrative of "Venezuela let its oil industry completely collapse, and now we're gonna fix it, and now everything will be fine". I'm struggling with the dissonance, but maybe I don't know enough.**
That's a very interesting question. It's a very important question. It's not an easy question to answer because well, you have many factors going on, and definitely there was a lot of mismanagement.
There were poor economic policies, so you have to disentangle the effects of those poor policies from the effect of sanctions.
My estimate is that approximately half of Venezuela's economic contraction during its collapse period between 2012 and 2020 can be attributed to sanctions.
So in other words, this is a country that in the absence of sanctions would have gone through a major crisis. It would have seen, by my estimates, GDP decline by thirty-six percent, but not by seventy-one percent. And in fact, that thirty-six percent decline that would have occurred in the absence of sanctions actually puts it in line with other collapses generated by similar episodes of protracted exercise of bad policies particularly in Latin America.
And all of them have a very similar pattern. You have a commodity-dependent economy. You have a period in which deep imbalances accumulate. You start getting high levels of debt.
The country starts going into a current account deficit. You start seeing high levels of capital flight, and then you get a decline in the price of the commodity like what you got between 2014 and 2016\. And there you get this deep economic crisis.
That is what happened in Venezuela between 2012 and 2016, which were the first three years of Maduro in power. In 2017 something different starts happening. And you start seeing that markets are expecting that the Venezuelan economy will begin to recover.
Because oil prices had fallen from $100 to $30, and then they had recovered to around $50, $60\. What history teaches us is that the economy stabilizes and then begins to recover in that situation. That's not what happened in Venezuela. In Venezuela, the economy continued shrinking at an accelerating rate. And the difference was that was the year in which sanctions began to be imposed.
So yes, sanctions did deep damage to this economy. These sanctions didn't come out of the blue. These sanctions were part of a political strategy by the country's opposition that was reacting to things that Maduro was doing which were very bad and were very evil and very authoritarian, and said, "We need to up the ante here by doing what we can do. We have allies in the US, that can help us start taking Maduro's control from the country's purse strings away."
So in 2019, the Trump administration decided to recognize Juan Guaido, an opposition legislator, as Venezuela's legitimate President. This is something that the US had never done before. The US had never recognized somebody with no de facto control over the territory as the President. And what happened as a result of that was that all of the country's offshore assets, including all of the assets of PDVSA, the state-owned oil company, were transferred to the management of Guaido or his appointees. What that meant is that the country no longer had access to its funds. These funds were essentially handed over to the opposition. It made it impossible for the government even to carry out the most basic economic policy.
There's nothing in politics that is for free, right? So you acquire a commitment when you have an external power like that, that is helping you. And that means that you can't question what that external power is doing in your country because you essentially live off of them, right? And this, by the way, was literally true. The Venezuelan opposition — the Venezuelan National Assembly elected in 2015, whose term ended in 2020 — had around 80 opposition legislators who were getting paid monthly salaries out of an account in the Federal Reserve. So the US could literally cut the salaries of the opposition politicians if the opposition decided to go against it.
This is the typical Faustian bargain, right? You say, "I'm willing to do anything if you will help me regain power," for good reasons.
But the reality is that these Faustian bargains don't end well.
**I'm imagining an Indian opposition leader touring Europe and America and asking for support to become the Prime Minister of India, and they would be, you know, laughed out of the country.**
**I understand that the dynamics are different but it does strike me as an unusual theory of power. In your book, you also talk about the fact that while Venezuela is shown as an exception to kind of ordinary politics, it in many ways is almost like a weather vane that shows you where politics is going.**
**But what does this moment in Venezuela tell us if we say Venezuela is, in some ways, the country of the future? What is it telling us now, especially in light of this deal?**
I would love to be wrong but I do think that Venezuela might be initiating a model that the US is probably going to try to imitate in other countries.
President Trump actually considers Venezuela a success story, and he's been trying to produce similar outcomes in Cuba and Iran. And there have been negotiations between Trump administration officials and officials in those countries where they're proposing this type of deal. The type of deal is you stay in power, the opposition doesn't come to power but you change completely the way in which you're doing things, and you follow our orders essentially.
And I want to emphasize that this isn't a government that rules the country with US support. This is a government that is carrying out the orders of the US . This is a government that has carried out military operations with US troops and Venezuelan troops in Venezuelan territory. It recognized Israel. And three days after Marco Rubio announced that the US was launching a campaign to dismantle the International Criminal Court, Venezuela says, "We're leaving the International Criminal Court." The first Latin American country to do so.
So this has become the most dependable US ally in the region. And it's led to this thesis in Washington of, why seek regime change if you can get regime compliance? That's essentially what they're trying to do.
You were saying this looks like a somewhat of an odd concept coming from India and thinking about it in terms of the dynamics in that region.
I would say it's not that foreign in Latin America. But you have to dig a little bit into history to go there. What the US did in Venezuela was actually what the US did in a number of countries at the beginning of the \[20th\] century including Cuba, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Panama. It basically imposed protectorates in these countries.
The Cuban one is interesting because Cuba, the US kind of occupied and took control of after the Spanish-American War. And then what the US did is that it forced the Cubans as a condition for independence to accept into their constitution to grant the US a standing right of intervention.
So basically, if the US disagreed, if it took exception to any key decisions of the Cuban government, the US had the right to intervene militarily, and the US, in fact, exercised that right four times in the subsequent twenty years from the signing of that amendment, known as the Platt Amendment.
And one of the problems with that, it's no coincidence that it was precisely Cuba that saw the political movement that has been most antagonistic to the US emerge.
If you study the early 20th century in Cuba what you find is that Cuban politicians were acting very much in the way in which Venezuelan politicians are acting now
They understood that whoever was in power needed the support of the US. So they became politicians who were adept at lobbying Washington and at building political coalitions between Washington stakeholders to support them. And this means that they were not politicians that built a domestic political base, that were trying to answer the demands of their constituencies. So the protectorate regime, what it does is that it stifles institutional development in a way that basically doesn't let the institutions of a democracy emerge.
And of course, if you have an electorate that cannot express its grievances, cannot express its demands through the political system, a big part of that electorate is going to become very angry, and then you end up with something like the Cuban Revolution. I think that is a very distinct risk now.
It's a risk that we will enter into a pattern as a result of Washington's idea that it can run Latin American countries by remote control, that we're going to enter into a very similar political dynamics, which, in the end, is going to be bad for the region, but it's also going to be very bad for the US standing in the region.
### Así se fraguó el acuerdo Trump-Delcy de apropiación del crudo venezolano
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-eeuu-petroleo-delcy-rodriguez-donald-trump-betancourt-maduro/
Last updated: 2026-09-11T13:08:27.000Z
Nueve meses después de que Estados Unidos secuestrara al presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro, Washington afirma haber acordado con Caracas hacerse de una quinta parte de las reservas de petróleo de Venezuela.
Pero no se trata de un acuerdo comercial internacional al uso, sino estructurado a través de una empresa privada con sede en Barbados, propiedad de un empresario requerido por la justicia de varios países, en la que el Departamento de Defensa de Estados Unidos tiene una participación del 35%.
Entrevistamos a Francisco Rodríguez, profesor y economista venezolano y autor de *The Collapse of Venezuela: Scorched-Earth Politics and Economic Decline* (El colapso de Venezuela: política de tierra quemada y declive económico). Rodríguez desentraña los entresijos de este acuerdo de 100.000 millones de dólares, explicando por qué las grandes petroleras brillan por su ausencia y por qué Venezuela está enviando 40.000 barriles de petróleo a EEUU a precio de costo.
La siguiente es una síntesis de la entrevista que se puede escuchar completa (en inglés) en el [último episodio del podcast In Solidarity](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-us-takeover-of-venezuelan-oil/) de openDemocracy.
### **¿Podría explicar qué significa este acuerdo y si esta es la forma en la que se suelen cerrar los acuerdos petroleros en Venezuela?**
Primero, un poco de contexto. Venezuela estuvo sometida a sanciones petroleras de EEUU entre 2019 y este año. Las sanciones siguen formalmente en vigor, pero EEUU las ha ido flexibilizando. Luego de llevar a cabo una operación militar para capturar a Maduro, EEUU decidió intentar forjar una “relación de cooperación” con el gobierno de Delcy Rodríguez, que era la vicepresidenta de Maduro. Todo este contexto sirve para entender lo que está sucediendo con la industria petrolera del país. Cuando Estados Unidos dice “ahora pueden volver a vendernos petróleo”, en realidad, obliga a Venezuela a vender ese petróleo a través de EEUU. Así que EEUU decide quién compra el petróleo, y el dinero va a parar a cuentas gestionadas por EEUU.
Lo que Washington intenta es vender la idea de que ahora van a “ayudar a que el sector petrolero venezolano se recupere”. Es un país que tiene las mayores reservas de petróleo, pero solo extrae el 1% de la producción mundial.
En enero, unos días después de la operación militar contra Maduro, Donald Trump convocó a muchos ejecutivos de la industria petrolera a la Casa Blanca y les dijo: “Quiero que inviertan en Venezuela”. Muchos de estos ejecutivos respondieron: “Bueno, no estamos seguros. Tenemos que pensar detenidamente cuáles son las condiciones”. Uno de ellos llegó a decir: “Este país es realmente inviable para invertir en las condiciones actuales”.
Y ahora tenemos el anuncio de este plan, que promete que Venezuela va a recibir 100.000 millones de dólares en inversión petrolera. Eso es lo que la mayoría de los expertos dicen que se necesita para que Venezuela vuelva a producir lo que producía antes de las sanciones, en 2016, unos 2,5 millones de barriles. Ahora produce 1,2 millones.
Suena genial. Pero analicémoslo con más detalle. Trump en realidad dice dos cosas casi al mismo tiempo: que Venezuela va a recibir 100.000 millones de dólares de inversión en el sector petrolero, pero que esto no le va a costar ni un céntimo a los contribuyentes estadounidenses.
Así que EEUU no va a pagarlo, y Venezuela está en bancarrota, así que tampoco va a pagarlo. ¿Quién lo va a pagar? Uno pensaría que las grandes petroleras, Chevron, Exxon, Conoco. Pero ellas no aparecen por ningún lado en el acuerdo. Chevron, una empresa que ya opera en Venezuela, anunció su propio acuerdo, va a invertir 7.000 millones de dólares que, para una gran empresa como Chevron, es relevante.
Entonces, ¿de dónde van a salir esos 100.000 millones? Los va a aportar una empresa con sede en Barbados, que se creó hace solo unos años y que nunca ha operado fuera del sector petrolero venezolano \[North American Blue Energy Partners\]. ¿De dónde va a sacar esta empresa esa suma? Quién sabe. La empresa, que opera actualmente y produce unos 200.000 barriles, es propiedad de un empresario que no goza de la mejor reputación. Se llama Alejandro Betancourt, conocido por conseguir miles de millones de dólares en contratos sin licitación del gobierno de Hugo Chávez para construir centrales eléctricas, de las cuales al menos una nunca se terminó. \[Cuando se anunció el acuerdo, Estados Unidos, Suiza y España tenían abiertas investigaciones judiciales contra Betancourt\]. Y está ofreciendo a EEUU una participación de 35% en su empresa.
Así que el Departamento de Guerra de EEUU va a ser propietario del 35% de esa empresa, y también va a tener derecho a comprar, a precio de costo, el 20% de la producción de la empresa. Ese es el acuerdo.
¿Por qué está haciendo esto Estados Unidos? Una interpretación dice que no pudieron conseguir que las grandes petroleras se sumaran. La otra es que EEUU está prometiendo algo que no le cuesta nada, ni siquiera está prometiendo que vaya a aportar 100.000 millones. Está diciendo que Betancourt va a aportar 100.000 millones.
La Casa Blanca publicó un comunicado en el que decía que los barriles de petróleo venezolano van a empezar a llegar a las reservas de EEUU a partir de noviembre. Trump ya había dicho que iban a reponer la Reserva Estratégica de Petróleo de EEUU con crudo que era un “regalo” de Venezuela.
Para que el petróleo pueda estar en EEUU en noviembre, Venezuela enviará 40.000 barriles a EEUU a precio de costo. Eso supone una pérdida de unos 500 millones de dólares al año para Venezuela. ¿Qué obtiene Venezuela a cambio? La promesa de que alguien va a aportar 100.000 millones de dólares a Betancourt para que pueda invertir en el sector petrolero.
Así que este acuerdo es un completo error desde el punto de vista económico.
### **¿Y hasta qué punto es legal?**
Venezuela ocupa el puesto 143 de 143 países en cuanto al estado de derecho, según el [World Justice Project](https://worldjusticeproject.org/rule-of-law-index/country/Venezuela%2C%20RB?ref=opendemocracy.net). Así que preguntarse qué es legal o no en un país que carece de Estado de Derecho es casi como una cuestión teológica.
Las leyes las interpretan los tribunales, pero los tribunales están controlados por el gobierno. Dicho esto, hay que pensar cuál es el riesgo de que un futuro gobierno llegue al poder y diga “esto no se hizo de acuerdo con la ley. Vamos a revertirlo”.
El artículo 150 de la Constitución establece que la Asamblea Nacional tiene que aprobar el acuerdo. Por cierto, la Asamblea Nacional está controlada en un 90% por el gobierno, así que podrían haber llevado el acuerdo ante la Asamblea Nacional. No lo hicieron, porque entonces tendrían que publicar el contrato, y no quieren publicarlo.
Hay una serie de problemas más. De todas las diferentes leyes que se han infringido, es importante el artículo 39 de la Ley de Hidrocarburos, que establece que los contratos en el sector petrolero deben adjudicarse mediante licitación pública competitiva. Aquí no hubo licitación pública competitiva. Ese artículo también dice que se pueden hacer excepciones en circunstancias especiales. ¿Renunciar al 20% de la riqueza petrolera del país se puede considerar una excepción? Eso va en contra de la naturaleza básica del concepto de excepción.
### **¿A qué le huele este acuerdo, entonces?**
Huele a que Trump dijo: “Quiero hacer algo con los precios de la gasolina antes de las elecciones de mitad de mandato (en noviembre) y quiero decir que estoy obteniendo parte de este petróleo de Venezuela”.
### **En su último libro compara el estudio de la economía venezolana con ser especialista en enfermedades raras. ¿Cuál es su análisis del régimen que está en el poder?**
Esta pregunta te obliga a pensar en cómo hemos llegado hasta aquí, tras aproximadamente un cuarto de siglo de polarización muy profunda. Hugo Chávez, que llegó al poder en 1999, era un político populista y popular. Y, como muchos políticos populistas, su mensaje fue “la gente está harta de la vieja política. Se necesita un cambio. Hay que refundar la república”. Y eso convenció a mucha gente. Consiguió un claro mandato electoral. Reformó la Constitución.
Hizo lo que muchos líderes con una inclinación autoritaria hacen en esas circunstancias: “como tenemos que cambiar esto, denme más poder”. Con esa reforma constitucional, convirtió la presidencia venezolana en un poder absoluto y marcó el rumbo de la política venezolana durante el siguiente cuarto de siglo, porque creó un sistema político de ‘el ganador se lo lleva todo’, en el que la oposición quedaba completamente al margen.
Así que la oposición organizó en 2002 (Chávez llevaba solo tres años en el cargo) un golpe de Estado contra él, que fracasó. Cuando tienes ese tipo de política de el ganador se lleva todo, los políticos asumen riesgos muy elevados porque no tienen nada que perder.
He sido muy crítico con muchas cosas que hizo Chávez, pero también reconozco que hubo algunas cosas positivas. Sin duda era alguien que buscaba formas de aumentar los beneficios procedentes de las rentas del petróleo para la mayoría de los venezolanos. Y que las mayorías desfavorecidas, que habían sido excluidas de la vida social, económica y política en muchos sentidos, tuvieran voz.
También hizo muchas cosas muy mal. Vivió un enorme auge petrolero. Gastó gran parte de ese dinero. Llevó al país al endeudamiento. Contrató a gente como Alejandro Betancourt… Esto generó una profunda polarización. Y luego murió Chávez, y quedó Maduro. La economía empezó a ir mal, luego a Maduro le empezó a ir mal en las urnas, y se volvió más represivo porque la oposición le estaba pisando los talones. Y entonces, la oposición acude a EEUU, y EEUU empieza a imponer sanciones que perjudican a la industria petrolera, y esto conduce a una enorme caída de la producción, así que, en la práctica, provoca una catástrofe económica.
Así acabamos en esta trampa, que es lo que en mi libro denomino ‘la trampa del conflicto político económicamente destructivo’.
Y entonces, Trump decide enviar fuerzas especiales, captura a Maduro y decide que va a gobernar el país con la gente que está allí. ¿Cómo lo hace? Lo que sabemos, y lo que él mismo ha dicho, es que le puso una pistola en la cabeza a Delcy Rodríguez. También sabemos que Delcy Rodríguez está cumpliendo con todo lo que Trump le pide. ¿Lo hace porque tiene una pistola en la cabeza, o porque en realidad esto la beneficia y así puede mantenerse en el poder? Probablemente ambas cosas.
### **¿Qué piensa del papel que desempeñaron las sanciones?**
Es una cuestión a la que he dedicado mucha investigación. No es una pregunta fácil de responder porque hay muchos factores y, sin duda, hubo mucha mala gestión y políticas económicas deficientes, así que hay que separar los efectos de esas políticas deficientes del efecto de las sanciones.
Según mis estimaciones, aproximadamente la mitad de la contracción económica de Venezuela durante el periodo de colapso, entre 2012 y 2020, puede atribuirse a las sanciones.
En otras palabras, se trata de un país que, de no haber habido sanciones, habría atravesado una grave crisis; según mis estimaciones, habría registrado una caída del PIB del 36%, pero no del 71% como la que tuvo. Esa caída del 36% está en línea con otros colapsos generados por episodios similares de una aplicación prolongada de malas políticas, particularmente en América Latina.
Todos siguen un patrón muy similar al de Venezuela. Hay una economía dependiente de las materias primas; hay un periodo en el que se acumulan desequilibrios bastante profundos. Hay controles de precios y de cambio. Se empiezan a registrar altos niveles de deuda. El país empieza a entrar en un déficit por cuenta corriente a pesar de haber experimentado un auge significativo. Empiezas a observar altos niveles de fuga de capitales y, a continuación, se produce una caída del precio de la materia prima, como la que se produjo entre 2014 y 2016\. Ahí es cuando se produce esta profunda crisis económica.
Eso es lo que ocurrió en Venezuela entre 2012 y 2016, los tres primeros años de Maduro en el poder. En 2017 la mayoría de las previsiones económicas apuntaban hacia una recuperación. Porque los precios del petróleo habían caído de 100 a 30 dólares, y luego se habían recuperado hasta situarse en 50 o 60 dólares. En esa situación, la economía se estabiliza y luego empieza a recuperarse. Eso no es lo que ocurrió en Venezuela. la economía siguió contrayéndose a un ritmo cada vez mayor: ese año se empezaron a imponer las sanciones.
Estas sanciones no surgieron de la nada; formaban parte de una estrategia política de la oposición, que estaba reaccionando ante las cosas que Maduro estaba haciendo, que eran muy malas, muy perversas y muy autoritarias.
Se utilizaron muchos instrumentos. La primera administración de Trump decidió reconocer a Juan Guaidó, un diputado de la oposición, como presidente legítimo de Venezuela. EEUU nunca había reconocido a alguien, sin control de facto sobre el territorio, como presidente de un país.
Como consecuencia de ello, todos los activos en el extranjero del país, incluidos todos los activos de PDVSA, la empresa petrolera estatal, fueron transferidos a la gestión de Guaidó o de sus funcionarios designados. Eso significó que el país ya no tenía acceso a sus fondos, porque fueron entregados a la oposición.
Todo esto hizo que fuera imposible para el gobierno llevar a cabo incluso la política económica más básica.
Los políticos venezolanos se posicionan tanto del lado del gobierno de Maduro como de la oposición. Empiezan a acudir a sus poderosos aliados internacionales. En el caso de la oposición, se trataba de EEUU, que, de hecho, sí ayudó a la oposición. Pero en política no hay nada gratis. Así que adquieres un compromiso cuando cuentas con una potencia externa como esa que te está ayudando. Y eso significa que no puedes cuestionar lo que esa potencia está haciendo en tu país, porque, en esencia, dependes de ella.
La principal líder opositora, María Corina Machado, a quien en muchos sentidos respeto, incluso le entregó su Premio Nobel a Donald Trump. Esto es el típico pacto faustiano que nunca acaba bien.
María Corina Machado realizó una gira el año pasado que la llevó a la Casa Blanca, para intentar convencer a la administración de Trump de que Venezuela era una oportunidad de negocio tan fantástica que, si se derrocaba a Maduro, Estados Unidos se beneficiaría de enormes acuerdos petroleros. Y prometió privatizar el sector petrolero estatal, tal y como está haciendo Delcy Rodríguez.
### **En su libro también habla del hecho de que, aunque Venezuela se presenta como una excepción en la política convencional, en muchos sentidos es casi como una veleta que te indica hacia dónde va la política. ¿Qué nos dice este momento de Venezuela?**
Me encantaría estar equivocado, pero Venezuela podría estar poniendo en marcha un modelo que EEUU va a intentar imitar en otros países. A estas alturas es bastante sabido que Trump considera a Venezuela un caso de éxito. Y ha estado intentando conseguir resultados similares en Cuba e Irán. Ha habido contactos entre funcionarios de Trump y funcionarios de esos países en los que se está proponiendo este tipo de acuerdo, algo así como “te quedas en el poder, la oposición no llega al poder, pero cambias por completo tu forma de hacer las cosas y, básicamente, sigues nuestras órdenes”.
El gobierno de Delcy Rodríguez está cumpliendo las órdenes de EEUU. Ha llevado a cabo operaciones militares con tropas estadounidenses y venezolanas en territorio venezolano. Ha reconocido a Israel. Tres días después de que Marco Rubio anunciara que EEUU iba a lanzar una campaña para desmantelar la Corte Penal Internacional, Venezuela dice “nos retiramos de la Corte Penal Internacional”. Es el primer país latinoamericano en hacerlo.
Y eso ha llevado a esta tesis en Washington: ¿por qué buscar un cambio de régimen si se puede conseguir que el régimen cumpla? Y no es tan extraño en Latinoamérica. Lo que hizo EEUU en Venezuela fue lo que hizo en varios países a principios del siglo XX: en Cuba, República Dominicana, Haití y Panamá. Impuso protectorados en estos países, de diferentes formas.
Así pues, no hace falta una administración colonial; se puede tener un gobierno al que se le puede amenazar con una invasión y, de esa forma, se consigue que haga lo que uno quiera. Esto es algo que Estados Unidos hizo, sin ningún tipo de vergüenza, hace 100 años. Formaba parte de la Doctrina Monroe y de lo que se conoce como el Corolario de Roosevelt a la Doctrina Monroe. Creo que eso es lo que se está preparando.
[Venezuela: De la Doctrina Monroe a la ley de la selva de TrumpEstados Unidos tiene una larga historia de intervenciones militares en América Latina. Nunca antes fueron tan descaradasopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/)
No es ninguna coincidencia que fuera en Cuba donde surgió el movimiento político que ha sido más antagónico hacia EEUU, como resultado de ese periodo. Si estudias los primeros años del siglo XX en Cuba, descubres que los políticos cubanos actuaban de manera muy similar a como lo hacen ahora los políticos venezolanos. Entendían que quienquiera que estuviera en el poder necesitaba el apoyo de EEUU para gobernar el país. Así que se convirtieron en políticos expertos en ejercer presión en Washington y en forjar coaliciones políticas entre las partes interesadas de Washington para que los respaldaran.
Pero no eran políticos que construyeran una base política interna, que intentaran responder a las demandas de sus electores. Así pues, el protectorado frena el desarrollo institucional de una forma que, básicamente, no deja que surjan las instituciones de una democracia.
Y si tienes un electorado que no puede expresar sus quejas, que no puede expresar sus demandas a través del sistema político, una gran parte de ese electorado se va a enfadar mucho, y entonces acabas con algo como la Revolución Cubana.
Es un riesgo de que, como consecuencia de la idea de Washington de que puede dirigir los países latinoamericanos por control remoto, vayamos a entrar en una dinámica política muy similar, lo cual, al final, va a ser malo para la región, pero también muy perjudicial para la imagen de EEUU en la región.
[Petróleo venezolano y sanciones: 11.000 millones que no aparecen en las cuentasOPINIÓN: El gobierno de Nicolás Maduro fue muy corrupto, pero entender la dimensión de su corrupción requiere no ignorar cómo sobrevivió a las sanciones de EEUUopenDemocracyFrancisco R. Rodríguez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-petroleo-maduro-corrupcion-sanciones-nyt-eeuu/)
### Frontier Politics: AI and the Crisis of the Democratic Form
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/frontier-politics-ai-and-the-crisis-of-the-democratic-form/
Last updated: 2026-09-10T15:26:21.000Z
*This story was first published on Georg Diez's* [*substack*](https://survival21.substack.com/p/frontier-politics)*: Survival in the 21 Century*
## **I.**
The Frontier Lab is the institutional framework through which the future is shaped today. It is the technologists who are shaping this future, and they do so on behalf of and in the interests of private companies such as OpenAI or Anthropic, which are sustained by investments on a scale such that the collapse of these companies would result in an economic—and thus societal—catastrophe.
What is missing is the democratic counterpart to this model. While the world emerging from the Frontier Labs is radically digital, the system we use to shape society and politics is radically analog. The 21st century meets the 19th century. It is clear who wins here.
The logical conclusion, if we want to save democracy by reinventing it, is this: the institutions of tomorrow must be shaped in accordance with the possibilities of tomorrow. This applies just as much to public administration as it does to schools, universities, political institutions, parliaments, political parties, and the political arena. So far, we have seen this: the technologists are creating facts on the ground, while the democrats are watching.
When it comes to the future of democracy, it is therefore crucial to place institutional innovation at the center of our thinking: What form of institutions is appropriate for the age of AI, in which the foundations of politics and society are undergoing fundamental change? And what can we learn from those who are already shaping the institutions of the future—albeit without democratic impetus?
It is always helpful to listen to someone like Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI, or Dario Amodei of Anthropic when they speak about the implications and consequences of their work—especially the implications for democratic practice, the future of work, or social cohesion —unlike the intellectually ambitious Amodei, the profoundly clueless Altman makes it deeply unsettling when one makes the mistake of expecting these technologists to provide the answers to tomorrow’s democratic questions.
What they have delivered so far is infrastructure, not political theory; the task is to democratize this infrastructure and create new infrastructures that, in turn, transform democracy.
In a present that has lost all balance, it is a recurring pattern to turn to precisely those for solutions who are responsible for the problems in the first place. It is not the technologists who should develop the democracy of tomorrow—they lack the ambition or training for this, and it is neither in their interest nor their mandate—rather, the ideas should come from politics and civil society, which, however, often lack the technological understanding of the challenges and opportunities presented by, for example, large language models.
This fundamental contradiction must be resolved. Genuine answers to the democratic crisis will only be found if non-technologists acknowledge their own lack of knowledge and strive to understand the technological realities of our time—not in pursuit of technological or technocratic solutions, but for solutions that are on par with the technology itself.
## **II.**
It is the radical nature of their form that makes Frontier Labs so unique. They are free from democratic oversight, yet they act—in terms of economic power and institutional disruption—almost like states. Their intentions are opaque, yet they are treated as partners, as rational actors in a game with rules. At the same time, they remain in a constant state of experimentation, obeying few rules other than those of their own internal logic and venture capital.
OpenAI, Anthropic, and Google are thus replacing essential institutions, structures, and ways of thinking in political practice. We are witnessing societies around the world being transformed into experimental spaces, without the parameters of these experiments being clear, without the goals and assumptions being communicated in an understandable way, and without any effective means of public participation or political oversight.
The way Frontier Labs operate is, in many respects, a mystery, and former employees of OpenAI or Anthropic are contractually bound to silence. But there are reports, such as that by [Calvin French-Owen](https://calv.info/openai-reflections?ref=opendemocracy.net), from which a few principles applicable to OpenAI can be derived; I believe these also offer insights into the form that future democratic political practice might take.
First, according to French-Owen, OpenAI is “incredibly bottoms-up, especially in research”: “When I first showed up there, I asked about the roadmap for the next quarter. The answer I received was, ‘There isn’t one’ (although one does now exist).” Good ideas can come from anywhere, and it’s often not really clear in advance which ideas will prove to be the most fruitful. Instead of a large-scale ‘master plan,’ progress is iterative and only becomes apparent when new research findings bear fruit.”
Second, thanks to its bottom-up culture, OpenAI is highly meritocratic. “In the past, leaders within the company were promoted primarily based on their ability to develop good ideas and then implement them. Many leaders who were incredibly competent weren’t particularly good at things like giving presentations to the entire staff or political maneuvering. That plays a lesser role at OpenAI than it might at other companies. The best ideas usually prevail.”
Owen-French describes “a strong bias toward action (you can just do things)” as the third key aspect of OpenAI’s culture: It’s not uncommon for similar but independent teams to come up with different ideas. What’s always important is that projects are tackled by a small handful of people without them having to ask for permission. “As soon as these projects prove promising, teams quickly form around them.”
A fourth element of the Frontier approach is the researchers, who act as their own “mini-executives.” “There’s a strong tendency to work on one’s own project and wait to see how it develops. This leads to a logical consequence: Most research arises when a researcher is specifically assigned to a particular problem. If something is considered boring or ‘solved,’ it’s unlikely anyone will work on it.”
For Owen-French, a fifth factor in OpenAI’s success is the ability to change course quickly: “It’s much better to do the *right* thing as soon as you receive new information than to stick to a course just because you had a plan. It’s remarkable that a company as large as OpenAI still maintains this attitude—Google obviously does not. The company makes decisions quickly, and when it chooses a direction, it commits fully to it.”
Bottom-up, flat hierarchies, performance over management, autonomy and trust, action and experimentation, and the ability to overturn everything: A good summary of the Labs’ principles is provided by Nathan Lambert’s [blog post](https://www.interconnects.ai/p/how-to-manage-ai-training-organizations?ref=opendemocracy.net), which boils down to the statement: “you ship your org chart”—the product is ultimately a consequence of decisions that are embedded in and reflect the company’s organizational structure.
The unifying idea behind this: These are small units operating here in the spirit of a larger plan, and the pressure—the pressure to justify—lies not with the new to prove what it can do, but with the old to show why we should keep it.
So if one wants to develop a new democratic practice, it’s not about breaking the old system at any cost; it’s about recognizing the possibilities—and also the necessities—that emerge in the practice of Frontier Labs and how they can be harnessed democratically.
For, of course, the Frontier Labs themselves, in their current form, are not the building blocks of a democratic future. In her excellent book \*Empire of AI\*, Karen Hao describes the inner workings of OpenAI with critical clarity—in the company’s early days, she writes, about a quarter of the employees were women or non-binary individuals; the executives were almost all male and white.
And the ethos of AI companies—as articulated, for example, in the [texts](https://darioamodei.com/essay/the-adolescence-of-technology?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Dario Amodei, CEO of Anthropic, and in the widely read [manifesto](https://situational-awareness.ai/?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Leopold Aschenbrenner, who was part of OpenAI’s “Superalignment” team until 2024—is quite clear: It is a small group of people who have the right to steer the development of AI.
The logic and strategy are thus Leninist: “There are probably only dozens of people who truly ‘need to know’ the key implementation details for a given algorithmic breakthrough at a given lab,” writes Aschenbrenner, “you can vet, silo, and intensively monitor these people, in addition to radically upgraded infosec. ”
Or as Lenin put it in 1920 in “What Is To Be Done?”: “The organization of the revolutionaries, on the other hand, must above all and primarily include people whose profession is revolutionary activity.” And further: “This organization need not necessarily be very extensive and must be as conspiratorial as possible.”
## **III.**
Democracy works differently. But perhaps, at certain moments, it must function this way—at least in part. For the question is, after all, what is meant by democracy: form or content? The two complement each other in unique and not always identical ways.
We are currently experiencing a crisis of the form of democracy, which is linked to a crisis of content. It is not easy to say which comes first: the systemic contradictions of a style of governance that does not correspond to the possibilities, the requirements, or the experience of our time—or systemic resistance that is currently unleashing itself with full vehemence in a fascist manner.
But that is not the point at all: the issue is to see the problem—and thus also the solution—in the very structure of the system itself—understood not as an ideology, but as infrastructure. So how is information processed today—socially and, above all, politically? How are decisions made, communicated, and implemented?
What lies ahead is a complete overhaul of the system, in which individual parts can be retained. This requires courage and determination, and likely structures similar to those found in the Frontier Labs—the democratic contradictions inherent in this form of Frontier Politics must be articulated and resolved. The practice itself should be put to the test.
This would not mean running a political party like a business or a startup; it would mean generating the energy necessary to arrive at experimental, new, and better answers and solutions to current problems.
All of this has very practical implications. Frontier Labs are drawing in money and talent that are lacking elsewhere. It is no longer a cliché that in organized politics, at many levels—from the very bottom to the very top—talent is lacking, ambition is misdirected, and promising people are held back. There are so many misguided incentives here that politics, in its current form, will never win the competition for the best minds.
These minds, in turn, do not follow the same logic as political parties, which date back to a time when linear résumés and predictable careers were the norm; therefore, the goal cannot be to replace one or two generations of professional politicians with a new generation of professional politicians.
The logic of new technological possibilities would render the profession of the career politician obsolete. Politics as a profession, as Max Weber called it, is a product of the first industrial revolution of the 19th century; under the conditions of the coming industrial revolution, this field, like virtually all other areas of society and institutions, will also change.
These changes generate fear and centrifugal forces. The forces of resistance from the old system are strong, especially because they affect people who have found their role, purpose, and security within that system.
All of this can now lead to a turning away from technology itself—the infrastructure that underpins our society, economy, and, consequently, politics. Or one can turn toward these technologies and try to understand and shape them, attempting to see and harness their inherent and new logic to create institutions that are suited to the conditions of the times for which they are intended.
Of all people, Bill Gates has just [summed it up](https://www.gatesnotes.com/a-turbulent-ai-era-and-critical-choices-to-make?ref=opendemocracy.net): We need a plan for how we want to deal with AI. One could also say: We need politics. We need politics that operates at the level dictated by technology. We need new politics.
What we’ve seen so far, in various forms, is the organized lack of ambition on the part of those in power. The disruptions of our time, however, are real and cannot be addressed with the usual mediocrity.
### La ultraderecha alemana ya no es solo un problema del este
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/alemania-elecciones-ultraderecha-afd-auge-este-deterioro-inflacion/
Last updated: 2026-09-09T20:26:57.000Z
El partido de extrema derecha Alternativa para Alemania (AfD) obtuvo el domingo el 43,8% de los votos en Sajonia-Anhalt. La conservadora Unión Demócrata Cristiana, que ha gobernado ese estado la mayor parte del tiempo luego de la reunificación alemana en 1990, quedó en un distante segundo lugar con el 17,2%.
Para el mundo, que aún ve a Alemania como sinónimo de estabilidad política, industria fuerte y condiciones de vida relativamente altas, este resultado puede sorprender. O no tanto.
Sin embargo, los últimos años han dejado profundas huellas en la economía alemana. El rendimiento económico real apenas creció, la producción industrial se debilitó y los hogares sufrieron una pérdida sustancial de poder adquisitivo. De hecho, los salarios reales solo recuperaron recientemente su nivel previo a la pandemia. Para un hogar promedio de cuatro personas, las pérdidas económicas en comparación con la tendencia anterior a la crisis ascienden a 12.000 euros (casi 14.000 dólares) al año.
No sorprende que estos hechos hayan provocado cambios en el panorama político. En las elecciones federales de 2025, la AfD duplicó su porcentaje de votos en todo el país. Su apoyo sigue siendo mucho mayor en Alemania Oriental, pero el partido también obtuvo avances sustanciales en el oeste. Mientras tanto, los partidos tradicionales tienen dificultades para ofrecer una respuesta convincente al estancamiento económico, la incertidumbre industrial y el aumento del costo de vida. El gobierno federal se limitó en gran medida al discurso habitual de competitividad, reformas estructurales y austeridad, al tiempo que recortaba el gasto civil y aumentaba el gasto militar.
Este contexto nacional influyó enormemente en la campaña electoral de Sajonia-Anhalt, por lo que los resultados no pueden interpretarse simplemente como un veredicto sobre el gobierno estatal. Al mismo tiempo, Sajonia-Anhalt tiene su propia historia económica, y esa historia ayuda a explicar por qué las consecuencias políticas se han manifestado con tanta mayor intensidad en esa región.
## Las peculiaridades de Sajonia-Anhalt
Para entender Alemania Oriental, resulta imposible ignorar las profundas secuelas de la terapia de choque de mercado que se aplicó desde la reunificación. Cuando Alemania Oriental y Occidental se unificaron monetariamente en 1990, la paridad entre sus monedas provocó una drástica pérdida de competitividad para la industria del este. La industria manufacturera se desplomó en pocos años y millones de empleos desaparecieron. Muchos jóvenes calificados emigraron. La privatización de las empresas del este también transfirió la propiedad y la toma de decisiones económicas a empresas de Alemania Occidental, mientras que numerosos puestos gerenciales en empresas e instituciones públicas fueron ocupados por alemanes occidentales.
Durante una generación, la transformación económica se asoció, por lo tanto, a las experiencias traumáticas de la desaparición de empleos, la emigración y la pérdida de control sobre el futuro de la región. Las consecuencias aún se aprecian hoy en la estructura demográfica, en los salarios más bajos y en la geografía económica del este de Alemania.
Este contexto histórico es relevante porque la región se enfrenta ahora a otra transformación industrial, a la que accede desde una posición estructuralmente débil. En Sajonia-Anhalt, el salario mensual medio de un empleado a tiempo completo ronda los 3.560 euros (4.140 dólares), más de 650 euros (750 dólares) por debajo de la media nacional. El desempleo es de 8,2%, superior a la media alemana. La producción económica volvió a caer en 2025, mientras que sectores industriales importantes como el químico, el metalúrgico y el de la industria automotriz siguen bajo presión.
Los hogares también pasaron varios años de fuertes subidas de precios. La inflación ha disminuido, pero los alimentos, la vivienda y la energía siguen siendo considerablemente más caros que antes de la pandemia. Entre los votantes de AfD, la preocupación por pagar las facturas y mantener el nivel de vida es generalizada.
La inseguridad económica no es el único factor que explica el apoyo a la AfD. La migración, el nacionalismo, la oposición al apoyo a Ucrania y el resentimiento hacia las instituciones políticas establecidas también influyen. Pero estos conflictos políticos se desarrollan en un contexto económico. Cuando la gente prevé un deterioro de su nivel de vida y teme que el cambio estructural perjudique aún más a su región, el resentimiento encuentra un terreno más fértil.
## Un punto de partida mejor que 1990
Existe una diferencia importante respecto de la transformación posterior a la reunificación. Hoy en día, Sajonia-Anhalt cuenta, al menos en principio, con condiciones mucho mejores para beneficiarse del cambio estructural en lugar de simplemente absorber sus costos. El estado genera una gran parte de su electricidad a partir de fuentes renovables, y el este de Alemania ha atraído importantes inversiones en movilidad eléctrica, baterías y energías renovables. Alrededor del 60% de los automóviles fabricados en el este de Alemania ya son eléctricos.
Sin embargo, aprovechar estas ventajas depende del marco general de la política industrial alemana, y es aquí donde la economía de Sajonia-Anhalt encuentra dificultades. Con un fuerte apego emocional a las ideas liberales de mercado y la austeridad fiscal (excepto en el sector militar), la política industrial alemana resulta errática y contradictoria. Los agentes del mercado carecen de una idea clara de qué sectores generarían demanda en la economía alemana en el futuro. Existe una gran incertidumbre sobre los precios futuros de la electricidad, fundamentales para la transición ecológica. Los anuncios se revisan con frecuencia o se aplican de forma moderada – por ejemplo, en el caso de los precios máximos de la electricidad para la industria – debido a las regulaciones liberales de mercado a nivel europeo.
El sector automovilístico ilustra cómo esto afecta en concreto a los medios de subsistencia y a las empresas locales.
La planta de Volkswagen (VW) en Zwickau, por ejemplo, en la vecina Sajonia, se transformó en una de las fábricas insignia de coches eléctricos de la compañía tras años de inversión y negociaciones con la plantilla de trabajadores. Los empleados recibieron formación y se convenció a una fuerza laboral inicialmente escéptica de que la transición podía garantizar el futuro de la fábrica.
Sin embargo, ahora Volkswagen no puede garantizar la producción de vehículos allí más allá de 2030 y está considerando usos alternativos. En todo el grupo, se están recortando puestos de trabajo a medida que VW responde a una caída de la demanda, el exceso de capacidad y la creciente competencia de los fabricantes chinos. Para los trabajadores (y sus familias) que recuerdan el colapso económico de la década de 1990, estos acontecimientos inevitablemente tienen un significado diferente. Plantean la pregunta de si otra transformación volverá a dejar menos empleos, comunidades más débiles y decisiones tomadas en otros lugares.
## El problema del este es un problema alemán
Si bien la historia de la reunificación es específica de Alemania Oriental, las presiones económicas que se observan hoy en día son cada vez más comunes. Los trabajadores industriales de la región del Ruhr, Sarre o Baden-Württemberg se plantean preguntas similares sobre el futuro del empleo en los sectores automotriz, siderúrgico y químico. Los hogares de toda Alemania han experimentado una disminución en su poder adquisitivo real. Los municipios tienen dificultades para mantener las escuelas, el transporte y otros servicios básicos. La vivienda se encareció en muchas ciudades, mientras que los ferrocarriles alemanes se han convertido en un recordatorio diario del deterioro de la infraestructura pública.
La evolución electoral de la AfD refleja este cambio. Sus mejores resultados se siguen registrando en el este, pero su ascenso en el oeste de Alemania es innegable. Las diferencias regionales persisten. La tendencia subyacente es cada vez más nacional.
Parte de la explicación reside en el agotamiento del modelo económico alemán. Durante años, el crecimiento de Alemania se basó en gran medida en las exportaciones, la energía barata y la fuerte demanda de China. La industria automotriz, los fabricantes de maquinaria y las empresas químicas se beneficiaron enormemente. El éxito de este modelo redujo la presión para un cambio fundamental.
Tras la crisis financiera, el gobierno de Angela Merkel introdujo el freno constitucional a la deuda soberana. La inversión pública se mantuvo débil, mientras que las carreteras, las escuelas, los ferrocarriles y la infraestructura digital se deterioraron. Durante la Eurocopa 2024, los visitantes extranjeros presenciaron de primera mano este problema a través de retrasos en los trenes y una deficiente cobertura móvil.
La política industrial siguió un patrón similar. Alemania llegó a tener una importante industria de fabricación de paneles solares, pero gran parte desapareció en la década de 2010\. China, al contrario, desarrolló grandes capacidades de producción y cadenas de suministro de paneles solares, baterías y vehículos eléctricos.
Los fabricantes de automóviles alemanes mantuvieron una alta rentabilidad con los vehículos de motor a combustión, especialmente en China, y se adaptaron solo gradualmente. Ahora se enfrentan a competidores chinos con ventajas en baterías, escala de producción y, cada vez más, en los propios vehículos.
Alemania aún cuenta con muchos de los recursos necesarios para un nuevo modelo industrial: mano de obra calificada, ingenieros, institutos de investigación, infraestructura industrial y grandes recursos de energías renovables. Lo que falta es una estrategia suficientemente coherente para transformar esos recursos en empleo estable y una mejora del nivel de vida.
## ¿Qué hay que cambiar?
Aprovechar el potencial de la economía y brindar mayor seguridad económica requeriría medidas significativas en al menos dos frentes. A corto plazo, Alemania necesita una mayor demanda interna tras años de pérdida de poder adquisitivo y escaso crecimiento. Reducir el IVA en alimentos básicos o disminuir el costo del transporte público brindaría un alivio tangible a los hogares.
Más allá de este alivio inmediato, el gobierno debe decidir qué tipo de economía industrial quiere para Alemania dentro de 10 o 20 años. Esto requiere una inversión sostenida en redes eléctricas, transporte, educación y energías renovables, junto con una estrategia más clara para sectores como el acero, la química, las baterías y la movilidad eléctrica. Cuando la producción estratégicamente importante no pueda garantizarse solo con inversión privada, la participación o la propiedad pública debe estar disponible. Esto cobra especial relevancia en las regiones que atraviesan un cambio estructural.
Sin embargo, la primera reacción de Berlín tras las elecciones no da motivos para esperar ese cambio de rumbo. El canciller Friedrich Merz reconoció la magnitud de la derrota de la UDC en Sajonia-Anhalt, pero reafirmó el programa de reformas económicas de su gobierno, al que se oponen la mayoría de los alemanes, ya que aumentará las dificultades y los costos para la población. Su conclusión fue que estas reformas debían explicarse mejor y comunicarse de una manera que conectara más emocionalmente con los votantes.
La respuesta de Merz sugiere que Berlín saca una conclusión muy distinta del resultado. Tras años de estancamiento, incertidumbre industrial y presión sobre los ingresos familiares, buena parte de la dirigencia política sigue considerando que la estrategia económica es, en general, acertada y que el principal problema es de comunicación. Sajonia-Anhalt debería hacer que revisen esa idea.
Puede que el estado tenga una historia específica que no se puede extrapolar al oeste de Alemania, pero varias de las fuerzas que allí influyen – la inseguridad en torno a los empleos industriales, la carestía, el deterioro de los servicios públicos y la disminución de la confianza en que la política pueda definir el cambio económico – son igualmente visibles en otros lugares.
Los partidos democráticos no podrán contener a AfD solo con llamamientos a la defensa de las instituciones democráticas. También deben demostrar que estas instituciones pueden proporcionar seguridad económica, servicios públicos eficaces y un futuro industrial creíble. El caso de Sajonia-Anhalt muestra lo que puede pasar cuando la confianza en esa promesa se desgasta por demasiado tiempo.
*\*Patrick Kaczmarczyk es investigador del Centro de Excelencia para la Transformación de la Universidad de Mannheim, Alemania. Es consultor de la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre Comercio y Desarrollo (UNCTAD).*
### 25 years after 9/11, the ‘anti-terrorist state’ has captured Latin America
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/25-years-on-from-9-11-the-anti-terrorist-state-is-gaining-ground-in-latin-america/
Last updated: 2026-09-10T15:28:11.000Z
Twenty-five years ago, four simultaneous suicide attacks on U.S. soil [claimed 2,977 lives](https://911memorial.org/visit/memorial?ref=opendemocracy.net). Most of the victims were people who worked in the World Trade Center’s twin towers. Hundreds of firefighters and police officers who rushed to the disaster site also died.
The trauma of the attack on American soil entrenched in U.S. politics the idea that the response had to be on the scale of war. And so it was: a global and endless war ensued, one that to this day perpetuates itself by constantly seeking new targets. It involved the invasion of several countries, the normalization of torture, and the detention of hundreds of people in secret prisons scattered throughout the world. According to Brown University’s [Costs of War project](https://costsofwar.watson.brown.edu/costs/human?ref=opendemocracy.net), more than 900,000 people died as a direct result of the war on terrorism in the twenty years following the attacks of September 11, 2001\. “Indirect” deaths caused by the collapse of the infrastructure and economies of the invaded countries are estimated at around 3.8 million people.
The current situation in Latin America redefines this date as the starting point of another aspect of the process – one that is perhaps less discussed in our region: the reconfiguration of states, their laws, institutions, practices, and balances of power, all geared toward combating terrorism as the supreme objective. The anti-terrorist state was born. And once it was set in motion, it could never be dismantled. What was built under the pretext of an exceptional situation became the norm.
In the United States, it was decided that terrorism required a military response externally, but also a reconfiguration of the state internally. Activities such as emergency response and immigration control were “securitized” and placed under the purview of a new Department of Homeland Security, created in 2002\. The authority granted to intelligence agencies to collect all types of data to spy on the population itself was expanded. In terms of national and international law, the blurring of the line between criminal justice and the laws of war – coupled with an increasing emphasis on prevention and anticipation – led to a sort of parallel legal system with no right to a defense and no means of overseeing the proceedings.
A series of administrative tools based on the logic of labeling were also developed: all the state has to do is label a person or organization as a terrorist for them to face consequences without the need to present evidence or go through legal proceedings. This is how, for example, the various “lists” of designated terrorists work, from which severe sanctions are imposed on the individuals or groups included on them.
In the years following 2001, the idea that the fight against terrorism must be carried out using militarized and exceptional measures became the norm globally. This occurred because other countries, such as Russia, China, and Israel, found in this counterterrorism framework an opportunity to legitimize their actions against internal and external enemies.
A global counterterrorism architecture was also established at the UN level, based on four pillars: addressing the conditions that foster the spread of terrorism; preventing and combating terrorism; strengthening the capacities of states and the UN itself for that purpose; and, finally, ensuring respect for human rights and the rule of law in the context of the fight against terrorism. It will come as no surprise to anyone that interest in enforcing the fourth pillar was, and remains, scant or nonexistent.
Latin America remained largely on the sidelines of this trend, except in cases such as Colombia, where the approach to the internal conflict was also at times viewed as part of the global war on terrorism.
But the exceptional status of the Latin American “zone of peace” began to change in recent years. First, a number of governments in the region began to take an interest in applying the counterterrorism framework domestically. The persistence and evolution of organized crime provided the perfect excuse. Militarization, states of emergency that allow bypassing the separation of powers, and the consolidation of secrecy as a form of governance are all measures far too appealing to leaders with authoritarian tendencies.
Thus, the counterterrorism framework also began to shape several Latin American states – El Salvador, Ecuador, Honduras, Peru – with the sequence of events almost always the same. Real instances of violence establish the use of the category “terrorism” and legitimize emergency measures; once in place, these measures become entrenched and normalized, and begin to be used for the purposes of political persecution. Other countries with much lower levels of violence, such as Argentina and Chile, have spent several years attempting to label territorial conflicts involving indigenous peoples – such as the Mapuche – as terrorism. With the advent of far-right governments, they are also taking measures to reconfigure the state along the anti-terrorist lines.
This trend was exacerbated by Trump’s return to power. As part of its new global strategy, the U.S. defines Latin America as[ a zone of exclusive dominance](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-coup-trump-united-states-monroe-doctrine-maduro/).
The current plan is to mobilize the entire continent toward a process of militarization subordinate to the Southern Command, using the fight against “narco-terrorism” as a pretext. To this end, it is reviving and updating many of the tools from the post-2001 anti-terrorism framework. Consequently, Latin American strategies that abuse the anti-terrorism framework are being emboldened because the U.S. promotes the application of that same framework as a hemispheric policy, in addition to using it domestically. Even the broadening of the definition of terrorism to include political persecution was explicitly promoted by Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the recent “summit” that brought together representatives from more than 60 countries to hear his warnings about the “resurgence of leftist terrorism.”
[The US is inciting a global fight against ‘far-left’ protestUnder the pretext of fighting ‘terrorism’, the Trump administration warned allies to back its political persecutionopenDemocracyCentro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)](https://www.opendemocracy.net/united-states-far-left-terrorism-protest-activism-direct-action-trump-rubio-argentina/)
Twenty-five years after the launch of the anti-terrorist state, its shadow looms larger than ever in Latin America, exacerbating the risks of an escalation of lethal violence, recurring violations of national sovereignty with the consent of local elites, and political persecution disguised as counterterrorism.
The concept of terrorism establishes a link between politics and crime. Today this allows governments to criminalize dissent, especially those who attempt to resist current forms of subjugation (genocide, environmental destruction, impoverishment, right-wing political violence) through forms of direct action. As Argentinian scholar Pilar Calveiro pointed out in her book *Violencias de Estado* (State Violence), these forms of collective action ultimately refer to the “right to rebellion” – a right once recognized – which the counterterrorism framework seeks to eradicate.
Resisting the anti-terrorism framework’s ability to reshape the functioning of the state (and parts of society) in an authoritarian and violent direction is now a political priority for civil society, social movements, and democratic forces in Latin America.
[Venezuela: From Monroe’s Doctrine to Trump’s Jungle LawThe US has a long history of military intervention in Latin America, but never before has it been so brazenopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-coup-trump-united-states-monroe-doctrine-maduro/)
[Trump’s plan to detain migrants at Guantánamo is cruel, but not newTrump’s plan to detain migrants follows a long history of the US locking up vulnerable people at the campopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/guantanamo-trump-detain-migrants-history-hiv-refugees-cuba-haiti-us/)
*Manuel Tufró is the director of the Justice and Security Program at CELS (Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales), an Argentine human rights organisation with a broad agenda that includes defending the right to protest.*
### Inside the US Takeover of Venezuelan Oil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-us-takeover-of-venezuelan-oil/
Last updated: 2026-09-09T12:45:51.000Z
| [ Listen on Spotify ](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) | [ Listen on Apple Podcasts ](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net) |
| ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
Nine months after the US abducted Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, a highly unusual oil deal has surfaced. The US claims to have struck an agreement to take control of about a fifth of Venezuela's oil reserves. But this isn't a standard international trade agreement; it’s structured through a Barbados-based private company owned by a controversial businessman, with the US Department of Defense taking a 35% stake.
In this episode, we sit down with Francisco Rodríguez, a Venezuelan economist and author of *The Collapse of Venezuela: Scorched-Earth Politics and Economic Decline*. Rodríguez dismantles the mechanics of this unprecedented $100 billion deal, explaining why major oil companies are nowhere to be found and why Venezuela is currently shipping 40,000 barrels of oil to the US at cost.
**Chapters:**
00:00:00 - Introduction
00:03:00 - The Barbados Company and the Missing $100 Billion
00:05:00 - Replenishing the US Strategic Reserve at Venezuela's Expense
00:07:00 - Bypassing Venezuelan Law and the National Assembly
00:09:00 - Comparisons to the 1996 Russian Privatization
00:13:00 - Hugo Chávez and the Origins of Economic Collapse
00:18:00 - The Devastating Impact of US Sanctions
00:22:00 - The Opposition’s "Faustian Bargain" with Washington
00:25:00 - "Regime Compliance" and the Future of US Intervention
**Credits:**
Presented by Aman Sethi
Produced by Harry Beney
### A 25 años del 11S, el Estado antiterrorista avanza en América Latina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/s11-ataques-terroristas-torres-gemelas-estado-antiterrorista-ny-marco-rubio-america-latina/
Last updated: 2026-09-08T19:27:47.000Z
Hace 25 años, cuatro atentados suicidas simultáneos en territorio estadounidense se cobraron [2.977 vidas](https://911memorial.org/visit/memorial?ref=opendemocracy.net). La mayor parte de las víctimas eran personas que trabajaban en las torres gemelas de Nueva York, y centenares de bomberos y policías que acudieron a la zona del desastre.
El trauma del ataque en suelo propio instaló en la política estadounidense la idea de que la respuesta debía ser del orden de la guerra. Y así fue: siguió una guerra global e infinita, que hasta el día de hoy se reproduce a sí misma buscando siempre nuevos blancos. Implicó la invasión de varios países, la normalización de la tortura y el encierro de centenares de personas en cárceles clandestinas esparcidas por todo el mundo. Según el proyecto [Costs of War](https://costsofwar.watson.brown.edu/costs/human?ref=opendemocracy.net), de la Universidad de Brown, más de 900.000 personas murieron como consecuencia directa de la guerra contra el terrorismo en los 20 años posteriores a los ataques del 11 de septiembre de 2001\. Las muertes “indirectas” causadas por el colapso de la infraestructura y la economía de los países invadidos se estiman en torno a los 3,8 millones de personas.
La actual coyuntura latinoamericana resignifica el S11 como el punto de inicio de otro aspecto del proceso, quizás menos discutido en nuestra región: la reconfiguración de los Estados, de sus leyes, sus instituciones, sus prácticas, sus balances de poder, para orientarse a combatir el terrorismo como objetivo supremo. Nacía el Estado antiterrorista. Y una vez que se puso en funcionamiento, nunca se pudo desmontar. Lo que se construyó con la excusa de una situación excepcional se transformó en la regla.
En Estados Unidos se definió que el terrorismo requería una respuesta militar hacia afuera, pero también una reconfiguración del Estado hacia dentro. Actividades como la respuesta a las emergencias o el control de migraciones se “securitizaron” y pasaron a estar, a partir de 2002, bajo la órbita de un nuevo ministerio de seguridad nacional [(Department of Homeland Security](https://www.usa.gov/agencies/u-s-department-of-homeland-security?ref=opendemocracy.net)).
Se ampliaron las habilitaciones para que los servicios de inteligencia recopilaran datos de todo tipo para espiar a la propia población. En términos de la legalidad nacional e internacional, la indiferenciación entre justicia criminal y derecho de guerra y el énfasis cada vez mayor en la prevención y anticipación derivaron en una suerte de sistema legal paralelo sin derecho a la defensa ni posibilidades de controlar los procesos.
Se desarrollaron además una serie de herramientas administrativas basadas en la lógica del etiquetamiento: basta con que el Estado rotule como terrorista a una persona u organización para que sufra consecuencias sin necesidad de mostrar evidencias ni atravesar procesos legales. Así funcionan, por ejemplo, las distintas “listas” de las que se derivan graves sanciones para las personas o grupos incluidos.
En los años que siguieron a 2001 la idea de que la lucha contra el terrorismo debe realizarse con herramientas militarizadas y de excepción se naturalizó en todo el mundo. Esto ocurrió porque otros países, como Rusia, China o Israel, encontraron en este marco antiterrorista la posibilidad de legitimar sus acciones contra enemigos internos y externos.
También se construyó una arquitectura global antiterrorista en el ámbito de la ONU, basada en cuatro pilares: abordar las condiciones que favorecen la expansión del terrorismo, prevenir y combatir el terrorismo, fortalecer las capacidades de los Estados y de la propia ONU con ese fin, y finalmente asegurar el respeto de los derechos humanos y del estado de derecho en el contexto del combate al terrorismo. No sorprenderá a nadie que el interés por hacer cumplir el cuarto pilar fue y es escaso o nulo.
América Latina se mantuvo mayormente apartada de esta corriente, salvo por casos como el de Colombia, donde el abordaje del conflicto interno también fue en ocasiones pensado como parte de la guerra global contra el terrorismo.
Pero esa excepcionalidad de la “zona de paz” latinoamericana empezó a cambiar en los últimos años. Primero, una serie de gobiernos de la región comenzaron a interesarse por la aplicación interna del marco antiterrorista. La persistencia y mutación del crimen organizado fueron la excusa perfecta. Militarización, regímenes de excepción que permiten saltarse la división de poderes, consolidación del secreto como forma de gobierno, todas medidas demasiado atractivas para líderes con vocación autoritaria.
Así, el marco antiterrorista comenzó también a moldear a varios estados latinoamericanos: El Salvador, Ecuador, Honduras, Perú. La secuencia es casi siempre la misma; fenómenos de violencia reales instalan el uso de la categoría “terrorismo” y legitiman las herramientas de excepción y, una vez instaladas estas herramientas, se perpetúan, se naturalizan y comienzan a ser utilizadas con fines de persecución política. Incluso países con niveles de violencia mucho menores, como Argentina o Chile, toman medidas para reconfigurar los Estados en ese sentido a partir de la instalación de gobiernos de extrema derecha.
Esta tendencia se exacerbó con la llegada de Donald Trump nuevamente al poder. Como parte de su nueva estrategia global, EEUU define a América Latina como una [zona de su dominio exclusivo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/).
[Venezuela: De la Doctrina Monroe a la ley de la selva de TrumpEstados Unidos tiene una larga historia de intervenciones militares en América Latina. Nunca antes fueron tan descaradasopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/)
El plan actual es movilizar a todo el continente hacia un proceso de militarización subordinado al Comando Sur, y la excusa es el combate al “narcoterrorismo”. Para ello, Washington recupera y actualiza muchos de los instrumentos del marco antiterrorista posterior a 2001\. De este modo, las estrategias latinoamericanas que abusan del antiterrorismo se ven empoderadas porque EEUU promueve la aplicación de ese mismo marco como política hemisférica, además de usarlo también a nivel doméstico. Incluso la ampliación de la categoría de terrorismo para la persecución política fue explícitamente impulsada por el secretario de Estado, Marco Rubio, en la reciente “cumbre” que reunió a representantes de más de 60 países para escuchar sus advertencias sobre el “resurgimiento del terrorismo de izquierda”.
[EEUU propone una cruzada de persecución política a escala globalCon la excusa del terrorismo, el gobierno de EEUU promueve una persecución política de escala globalopenDemocracyCentro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/eeuu-propone-una-cruzada-de-persecucion-politica-a-escala-global/)
A 25 años de la puesta en marcha del Estado antiterrorista, su sombra se extiende hoy como nunca en América Latina, exacerbando los riesgos de una escalada de violencia letal, de violaciones sistemáticas a la soberanía nacional con la anuencia de las elites locales, y de persecuciones políticas disfrazadas de antiterrorismo.
El concepto de terrorismo provee una asociación conceptual entre política y delincuencia que permite a los gobiernos criminalizar la disidencia, sobre todo a quienes ensayan su resistencia a los sometimientos actuales (genocidios, destrucción ambiental, pauperización, violencia política de la derecha) a través de formas de acción directa que, como observó la investigadora argentina Pilar Calveiro en su libro *Violencias de Estado* (2012), remiten en última instancia al “derecho de rebelión” en algún momento reconocido, y que el marco antiterrorista pretende erradicar.
Resistir la capacidad del marco antiterrorista para reconfigurar las formas de funcionamiento del Estado (y de partes de la sociedad) en un sentido autoritario y violento es hoy una prioridad política para la sociedad civil, los movimientos sociales y las fuerzas democráticas de América Latina.
[El plan de Trump para encerrar a migrantes en Guantánamo es cruel, pero no nuevoEl plan de Trump abreva en una larga tradición estadounidense de encerrar a personas vulnerables en la base militaropenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/guantanamo-trump-detencion-migrantes-historia-vih-refugiados-cuba-haiti-eeuu/)
*Manuel Tufró es director de Justicia y seguridad del Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS), una organización de derechos humanos de Argentina, fundada durante la última dictadura militar, que promueve la protección de derechos y su ejercicio efectivo a nivel nacional e internacional.*
### Revisiting 9/11
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/revisiting-9-11/
Last updated: 2026-09-10T09:00:27.000Z
openDemocracy was born out of the horror of 9/11 and the defiance it created. We had launched in May 2001, convinced that a magazine on the web, published in fortnightly issues like a print magazine, could bring intelligent, well-organised, global debate to the new-fangled internet.
The first lesson we learnt immediately was that while making it free to read might have consequences for our ‘business plan’, if we kept a pay wall no one would read us at all. Let alone around the world. Less than three months later, the planes went into the twin towers. There was no television in the office and, of course, no smart phones. Some of us went to the nearby Tapas bar and watched live as the second tower came down. My eldest daughter had already rung me from her college to say, “It’s the Apocalypse”. With these words ringing in my ears I decided we would publish daily.
I called Todd Gitin, our American editor, who was then teaching at NYU. He had an apartment high up in Washington Square, where, over breakfast, he and his wife Laurel thought momentarily the first tower had caught fire, before they learnt the reality.
He wrote an immediate response, reportage on being in Manhattan, rather than analysis, which we published at 11pm London time on the day. We titled it: *Is this our fate*.
Daily publishing demands a forum and, sensing what was coming and in need of a question to attract contributions, we called it: **Is Terror the New Cold War?**
Contributions came in from around the world — and in these terrible circumstances openDemocracy took off.
In different ways most contributors confronted what everyone knew immediately would be a historic turning point, with a dreadful feeling that while justice could be done, it was all too likely that something even more terrible would ensue.
You can feel this tension in Paul Gilroy’s response, who was writing from Yale at the time as he witnessed the beginning of *The American Jihad.*
A month after the attack we ran Tom Nairn’s response, *Hooligans of the Absolute*. Its references to some of the articles we had published gives an idea of the debate we were now hosting. The ‘front page’ of ‘Issue 7’ pictured at the top shows how many we had already published by 25th September.
Nairn’s article is marked by an underlying optimism that the bizarre world-view of the terrorists was never going to prevail. In one sense his judgement has been vindicated. But in another it has been defied. He rightly identified Palestine and the need for Palestinians to have their own state as a crucial cause of the catastrophic irrationality. He could not imagine the genocide now being inflicted upon them in Gaza and the West Bank twenty-five years later. Or that the baton of al-Qaeda’s assault on liberal ‘internationalism’ could find its way to new, incredible figures seeking to lure humanity “through ‘Black Pluto’s door’ into an antique Underworld of theocratic absolutes and paranoid finality”. For Elon Musk and Peter Theil show every sign of becoming the inheritors of bin Laden’s “fundamentalist spirit-world”, only now they are armed not with hi-jacked passenger planes but the internet itself.
Todd Gitlin, Paul Gilroy and Tom Nairn’s articles follow:
---
## [**Is this our fate?**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/article-213jsp/)
[TODD GITLIN](https://www.opendemocracy.net/author/todd-gitlin/) \- September 11, 2001, 11:09 pm
A fog of terrorism has settled on us – America, New York, everyone I know. Affliction by the phantasmagorical. Dull fear – fear of what’s already happened, fear of the future. More than anything, perhaps, disbelief – a disbelief so bleak and wobbly you can’t even believe in it. Myself, I’ve been groping around in a fog since 9 this morning when my wife pointed out the window at the sickly yellow-brown smoke pluming eastward, one mile further downtown. A couple of minutes later, an explosion – the second one, I missed the first – and since then, we weave in and out of the unreal.
Staring into the unknown, we fall back on the aura of precedents – catastrophes felt so deeply in common they define the ground for a generation or more. Pearl Harbor, the marker in my parents’ lives and times. The Kennedy assassination, when the world went gravely strange, and we knew nothing would be the same. We were right. But of course we didn’t know the ways, not the half of them...
[Continue reading](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/article-213jsp/)
---
## [**The American Jihad**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/article-210jsp/)
[PAUL GILROY](https://www.opendemocracy.net/author/paul-gilroy/) \- September 17, 2001, 11:09 pm
Most commentaries on the horrors of 11 September 2001 have been delivered from two positions.
The first is a grounded location: the place of immediate rather than media-made spectatorship. Blanketed in dust and dioxin, downtown Manhattan opened onto the romance, heroism, fortitude and collective energy of the globalised metropolis. These transcendent qualities have been celebrated as its antidote to a human tragedy that remains inexplicable, most habitable when it is localised. Locality becomes the enemy of explanation. The tragedy is the making of the city, which rediscovers, renews and strengthens itself in overcoming adversity. Rudy and Hillary, holding hands across their receding political divisions, discovered a historical precedent for this magical civic bond in the memory of London during the Luftwaffe's blitz of 1940...
[Continue reading](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/article-210jsp/)
---
## [**Hooligans of the Absolute: Black Pluto's door after 11 September**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/hooligans-of-absolute-black-plutos-door-after-11-september/)
[TOM NAIRN](https://www.opendemocracy.net/author/tom-nairn/) \- October 04, 2001, 2:06 pm
As [Brendan O’Leary](https://www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-globaljustice/article%5F163.jsp) has pointed out in a recent contribution to **openDemocracy**, one of the key things about 11 September is that no-one claimed responsibility for the atrocities. They were an ontological statement, rather than propaganda of the deed for a particular nation or oppressed class. The world was meant to stand revealed by them: ‘reality’ as God’s ultimate struggle against Satan, exemplified by the martyr-hijackers. In such a cosmic phantasmagoria, a new world war is nothing. The bigger the Satan, the harder will he eventually fall. The perpetrators – attacking a society already so strongly inclined towards belief in UFOs, moral absolutes and the Christian version of ‘fundamentalism’ – must have calculated that they could hardly fail.
Yet fail they will, for perfectly mundane (and profane) reasons having little to do with the atavistic theology of either side. O’Leary is surely right to call for normality: “*Be normal*… think about being normal as a way of standing up for yourself and your values”. Keep the head, in other words. The object of the criminals was socio-cultural decapitation. They will not be allowed to get away with it...
[Continue reading](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/hooligans-of-absolute-black-plutos-door-after-11-september/)
### Germany’s far-right surge is not just about the East
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/germanys-far-right-surge-is-not-just-about-the-east/
Last updated: 2026-09-08T12:55:46.000Z
The far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has just won 43.8 per cent of the vote in Saxony-Anhalt. The conservative Christian Democratic Union, which has governed the state for most of the period since reunification, came a distant second with 17.2 per cent.
For a country still associated abroad with political stability, strong industry and comparatively high living standards, such a result may seem surprising.
Yet the past few years have left deep marks on the German economy. Real economic output has barely grown, industrial production has weakened, and households have suffered a substantial loss of purchasing power. Indeed, real wages only recently recovered their pre-pandemic level. For an average household of four people, the economic losses relative to the pre-crisis trend amount to €12,000 per year.
It is hardly surprising that these developments have led to shifts in the political mood. At the 2025 federal election, the AfD doubled its national vote share. Its support remains much higher in eastern Germany, but the party also made substantial gains in the west. Meanwhile, the mainstream parties have struggled to offer a convincing response to stagnation, industrial uncertainty and the rising cost of living. The federal government has largely stuck to the familiar language of competitiveness, structural reforms and spending restraint, while cutting civilian spending as military expenditure rises.
This national context heavily shaped the election campaign in Saxony-Anhalt, so the results cannot be understood simply as a verdict on the state government. At the same time, Saxony-Anhalt has its own economic history, and that history helps explain why the political consequences have become so much more pronounced there.
**The peculiarities of Saxony-Anhalt**
When examining economic and political development in eastern Germany, it is impossible to ignore the deep scars left by the market shock therapy of the early 1990s. When East and West Germany entered monetary union in 1990, the parity between the West and East German currencies caused a dramatic overnight loss of competitiveness for eastern industry. Manufacturing collapsed within a few years and millions of jobs disappeared. Young and qualified people left in large numbers. The privatisation of eastern companies also transferred ownership and economic decision-making to western German firms, while many senior positions in business and public institutions were subsequently filled by western Germans.
For a generation, economic transformation therefore became associated with the traumatic experiences of job losses, out-migration and a loss of control over the region’s future. The consequences remain visible today in the demographic structure, in lower wages and in the economic geography of eastern Germany.
This historical background matters because the region is now facing another industrial transformation, which it enters from a structurally weak position. In Saxony-Anhalt, the median monthly wage for a full-time employee is around €3,560 (£3,059), more than €650 below the national median. Unemployment stands at 8.2 per cent, higher than the German average. Economic output fell again in 2025, while important industrial sectors such as chemicals, metals and automotive suppliers remain under pressure.
Households have also lived through several years of sharply rising prices. Inflation has fallen, but food, housing and energy remain considerably more expensive than before the pandemic. Among AfD voters, concerns about paying bills and maintaining their standard of living were widespread.
Economic insecurity is not the only factor explaining support for the AfD. Migration, nationalism, opposition to support for Ukraine and resentment against established political institutions all matter. But these political conflicts unfold against an economic background. Where people expect their living standards to deteriorate and fear that structural change will leave their region worse off, resentment finds more fertile ground.
**A better starting point than 1990**
There is one important difference from the transformation after reunification. Saxony-Anhalt today has, at least in principle, much better conditions to benefit economically from structural change rather than simply absorb its costs. The state produces a large share of its electricity from renewable sources, and eastern Germany has attracted important investments in electric mobility, batteries and renewable energy. Around 60 per cent of the cars manufactured in eastern Germany are already electric.
Leveraging these structural advantages, however, depends on the wider framework of German industrial policy – and this is where the economy in Saxony-Anhalt is getting into trouble. With a strong emotional attachment to market liberal ideas and fiscal austerity (except for the military), German industrial policy turns out erratic and contradictory. Market participants have no orientation in which sectors the German economy will generate demand in the future. There is a high uncertainty over future electricity prices, which are key to the green transformation. Announcements are frequently revised or applied modestly – for example in the case of capped electricity prices for industry – due to market liberal regulations at the European level.
How that concretely affects local livelihoods and business, is vividly illustrated by the automotive sector.
Volkswagen’s plant in Zwickau, for example, in neighbouring Saxony, was transformed into one of the company’s flagship electric-car factories after years of investment and negotiations with the workforce. Employees were retrained and an initially sceptical workforce was persuaded that the transition could secure the plant’s future.
Now Volkswagen cannot guarantee vehicle production there beyond 2030 and is considering alternative uses. Across the group, jobs are being cut as VW responds to weak demand, overcapacity and stronger competition from Chinese manufacturers. For workers (and their families) who remember the economic collapse of the 1990s, such developments inevitably resonate differently. They raise the question of whether another transformation will once again leave behind fewer jobs, weaker communities and decisions taken elsewhere.
**The eastern problem is becoming a German one**
While the history of reunification is specific to eastern Germany, the economic pressures visible there today increasingly are not. Industrial workers in the Ruhr area, Saarland or Baden-Württemberg are asking similar questions about the future of jobs in cars, steel and chemicals. Households across Germany have experienced a decline in real purchasing power. Municipalities struggle to maintain schools, transport and other basic services. Housing has become expensive in many cities, while Germany’s railways have turned into a daily reminder of deteriorating public infrastructure.
The AfD’s electoral development reflects this shift. Its strongest results are still in the east, but its rise in western Germany has been unmistakable. The regional differences remain substantial. The underlying trend is becoming more national.
Part of the explanation lies in the exhaustion of Germany’s economic model. For years, German growth rested heavily on exports, cheap energy and strong demand from China. The car industry, machinery producers and chemical companies benefited enormously. The success of this model reduced the pressure for fundamental change.
After the financial crisis, Angela Merkel’s government introduced the constitutional sovereign debt brake. Public investment remained weak while roads, schools, railways and digital infrastructure deteriorated. During the 2024 European football championship, visitors from abroad received a concentrated demonstration of the problem through delayed trains and patchy mobile coverage.
Industrial policy followed a similar pattern. Germany once had a substantial solar manufacturing industry, but much of it disappeared during the 2010s. China, by contrast, built large-scale production capacities and supply chains in solar panels, batteries and electric vehicles.
German carmakers remained highly profitable with combustion-engine vehicles, particularly in China, and adjusted only gradually. They now face Chinese competitors with advantages in batteries, production scale and increasingly the vehicles themselves.
Germany still has many of the assets needed for a new industrial model: skilled workers, engineers, research institutes, industrial infrastructure and large renewable-energy resources. What is missing is a sufficiently coherent strategy to turn those assets into secure employment and rising living standards.
**What needs to change**
Leveraging the potential of the economy and providing more economic security would require significant action on at least two fronts. In the short term, Germany needs stronger domestic demand after years of lost purchasing power and weak growth. Cutting VAT on basic food items or reducing the cost of public transport would provide visible relief to households.
Beyond such immediate relief, the government needs to decide what kind of industrial economy it wants Germany to have in ten or twenty years. That requires sustained investment in electricity grids, transport, education and renewable energy, combined with a clearer strategy for sectors such as steel, chemicals, batteries and electric mobility. Where strategically important production cannot be secured through private investment alone, public equity stakes or public ownership should be available. Above considerations apply in disproportionate urgency for regions undergoing structural change.
The first response from Berlin after the election, however, gives little reason to expect such a change in direction. Chancellor Friedrich Merz acknowledged the scale of the CDU’s defeat in Saxony-Anhalt, but reaffirmed his government’s economic reform programme, which the majority of Germans oppose, as it will increase hardship and costs on the population. His conclusion was that these reforms needed to be explained better and communicated in a way that reached voters more emotionally.
Merz’s response suggests that Berlin has drawn a very different lesson from the result. After years of stagnation, industrial uncertainty and pressure on household incomes, much of the political establishment still treats the economic strategy as broadly sound and the main problem as one of communication. Saxony-Anhalt should give pause to that assumption.
The state may have a specific history that cannot simply be projected onto western Germany, but several of the forces at play there – insecurity about industrial jobs, high living costs, deteriorating public services and declining confidence that politics can shape economic change – are equally visible elsewhere.
Democratic parties will not contain the AfD through appeals to defend democratic institutions alone. They also have to demonstrate that those institutions can provide economic security, functioning public services and a credible industrial future. Saxony-Anhalt shows what can happen when confidence in that promise erodes for too long.
*Dr Patrick Kaczmarczyk is a researcher at the Centre of Excellence for Transformation of the University of Mannheim, Germany. He is a consultant at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).*
### Matt Clifford joining Anthropic makes a joke of the UK’s Sovereign AI Strategy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/matt-clifford-joining-anthropic-makes-a-joke-of-the-uks-sovereign-ai-strategy/
Last updated: 2026-09-08T08:11:44.000Z
US Big Tech tightened its stranglehold over UK politics last week, as Matt Clifford, the face of the UK’s [‘Sovereign’ AI ](https://www.sovereignai.gov.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net)strategy, [joined Anthropic](https://www.theregister.com/public-sector/2026/09/02/anthropic-hires-architect-of-uk-ai-policy-as-mps-warn-of-clear-conflict-of-interest/5293903?ref=opendemocracy.net) as ‘Managing Director of International Affairs’.
With Clifford, the US AI major now boasts an arsenal that includes not just[ former UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak](https://techcrunch.com/2025/10/10/former-uk-prime-minister-rishi-sunak-to-advise-microsoft-and-anthropic/?ref=opendemocracy.net), but the man Sunak hired to shape how the UK develops and invests in British companies and startups building the models, compute, and infrastructure that will shape and power the UK’s approach to artificial intelligence.
UK startups - including ‘sovereign’ AI companies - will now be competing for procurement contracts against a lobbyist that has the mobile phone number of every single senior politician and official who matters, access he got because he was meant to be their champion in the face of the onslaught of the handful of US companies —particularly Anthropic and its competitors OpenAI and Google
In a[ statement](https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7500786870868664320/?ref=opendemocracy.net), Clifford said he was joining Anthropic because they “took seriously” the belief that “people everywhere want real agency over how \[AI\] is used”. These words ring hollow. In reality, those seeking to give the UK agency by growing their companies here - and thereby sharing in the value of this technological transformation - will now find it harder to do so.
Clifford is only the latest to be hoovered up in the great brain drain - of leading figures from across academia, politics, and business going to work at the frontier AI labs. The impact of this ‘soft’ yet insidious corruption of public life is only set to grow.
Big tech uses the same playbook on both sides of the Atlantic; Dean Ball, who previously advised the US administration on AI policy, recently [went in-house to do a similar job for OpenAI](https://www.axios.com/2026/06/18/dean-ball-openai?ref=opendemocracy.net). Ball, a prominent public commentator on AI matters, was then shocked to discover people attributed his online musings to his employer. But that's the bargain you have made, guys: you become rich beyond most people’s wildest dreams, but we don’t have to take you seriously as independent actors anymore.
That’s why it was a shock to read that Clifford initially intended to stay on as Chair of the Advanced Research and Innovation Agency. ARIA, which was set up by Dominic Cummings to fund high-risk, high-reward British science including AI, to hand out £800m of taxpayers' money to promising innovations. There were already concerns about the institution's closeness to Big Tech: a[ Democracy for Sale investigation](https://democracyforsale.substack.com/p/dominic-cummings-moonshot-agency-aria-big-tech-52m-google-open-ai) earlier this year found an eighth of its research funding over two years had gone to US tech firms and venture capital groups.
It was always completely untenable for the agency to be chaired by an Anthropic executive - with access to confidential information on the value and activities of the very UK companies his employer might look to buy. Acquisitions of smaller companies are increasingly a key business strategy for the firm - Anthropic bought at least four startups in 2026 alone: [Bun](https://www.anthropic.com/news/anthropic-acquires-bun-as-claude-code-reaches-usd1b-milestone?ref=opendemocracy.net), Stainless, Vercept, and, for a reported $400m, the biotech firm [Coefficient Bio](https://www.fiercebiotech.com/biotech/anthropic-acquires-stealth-ai-startup-coefficient-bio-400m-deal?ref=opendemocracy.net).
With Clifford having initially offered a narrow recusal from Anthropic-related matters, he then said in a [statement on X on Monday](https://x.com/matthewclifford/status/2096956322868601030?ref=opendemocracy.net) that he had “decided to step down to ensure my new role at Anthropic doesn’t become a distraction”. He has said he will stay on as Chair for six months on an interim basis, during which time he will have access to the business-sensitive information described here. It is noteworthy that this announcement came after a significant backlash at his apparent plan to continue in the role. In a reply to me [posted on X](https://x.com/matthewclifford/status/2096985936718332203?ref=opendemocracy.net) late on Monday, he insisted no one had asked him to resign.
To understand how a sovereign gamekeeper could so readily turn international poacher, it’s important to situate this as part of a wider failure of the British tech sector and policymaking worlds.
For many UK tech players, now typified by Clifford, their understanding of British sovereignty sees the UK cast as little more than an outpost in the US empire. The reaction from the tech sector was telling in this regard. Dom Hallas, Executive Director of the Startup Coalition, the UK's trade body for tech startups, [commented on X](https://x.com/Dom%5FHallas/status/2095027629451555296?ref=opendemocracy.net): *“Matt \[Clifford\] ensuring that Anthropic continues their run as the most British-coded major lab 😂 V\[ery\] exciting stuff!”*
Generously, some of the reaction is likely a recognition of (what they at the time believed was) Clifford’s continued status and influence as a funder through ARIA. But it’s hard to avoid the sense that all the congratulatory social media posts betray an emptiness at the heart of the appeals to sovereignty. If the call came from Silicon Valley and the number was right, many of these people would be on the first plane out of Heathrow just like Clifford.
The yank-ification of British tech also shows up in policy. Earlier this year we at [The New Contract found](https://www.thenewcontract.org/post/more-than-1-in-3-sovereign-ai-firms-us-owned-fois-reveal?ref=opendemocracy.net), through Freedom of Information requests, that more than a third of 'Sovereign AI' funding has gone to companies ultimately owned in the US. As it stands, there is nothing to prevent any of them upping sticks - or being bought by the likes of Anthropic. This is not a serious industrial strategy.
So what can be done?
Despite a new system in place [following the abolition of the Advisory Committee on Business Appointments (ACOBA](https://themodernregulator.com/uk-acoba-reform-civil-service-commission/?ref=opendemocracy.net)), the government should introduce a statutory cooling-off period for anyone moving from policymaking into the very companies they were meant to regulate and design policy around.
Public money must come with conditions, including continued UK ownership, and a guarantee that the IP and data it funds stay in Britain. If a strategic company is targeted for acquisition, the government should be willing to use Competition and Markets Authority intervention and/or ministerial powers to block this.
Andy Burnham assumed the premiership amid [reports](https://www.ft.com/content/5f2fce3c-7ae7-48e6-9d95-5ad7f49328df?syn-25a6b1a6=1&ref=opendemocracy.net) he was planning to ‘revamp’ AI policy; the abolition of the Science and Technology department was rumoured to be because he rightly saw Starmer’s administration as too close to Big Tech. Clifford’s resignation must be the catalyst for this more significant reset.
### Preparing for a world beyond 1.5°C
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/preparing-for-a-world-beyond-1-5degc/
Last updated: 2026-09-07T11:41:52.000Z
In 2022, analysis by the World Meteorological Organisation indicated [a 50% likelihood](https://wmo.int/news/media-centre/wmo-update-5050-chance-of-global-temperature-temporarily-reaching-15degc-threshold-next-five-years?ref=opendemocracy.net) that global average temperatures would rise 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels within the next 5 years. Four years later, the latest report by the United Nations Environment Programme demonstrates that the [1.5°C](https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/press-release/unep-world-set-cross-15degc-global-warming-can-still-limit-adapt-and?ref=opendemocracy.net) threshold is now very likely to be exceeded, which is known as “overshoot”.
1.5°C is a legally binding threshold that came out of the landmark climate policy known as the [Paris Agreement](https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement?ref=opendemocracy.net), launched at the 2015 Conference of the Parties (COP) in Paris. It was spearheaded by many, and it will become the focus of litigation in the coming years. [Litigation is an important phase in many social movements](https://yalelawjournal.org/note/the-anatomy-of-social-movement-litigation?ref=opendemocracy.net) and can cause meaningful change.
The threshold of [1.5°C represented the most optimistic limit](https://www.un.org/en/climatechange/science/climate-issues/degrees-matter?ref=opendemocracy.net) countries hoped they could achieve. In recent years, we have moved into a phase of the Paris Agreement known as the[ global stocktake](https://unfccc.int/topics/global-stocktake?ref=opendemocracy.net), where countries outline how much [carbon and other greenhouse gas emissions](https://ourworldindata.org/greenhouse-gas-emissions?ref=opendemocracy.net) they produce.
At present, countries globally have reduced emissions enough to currently [limit warming to 2.6°C to 2.9°C](https://climateactiontracker.org/global/emissions-pathways/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which is clearly not enough. For every 0.1°C above 1.5°C, we push the natural world closer to [irreversible tipping points](https://www.un.org/scientific-advisory-board/en/earth-system-tipping-points-0?ref=opendemocracy.net), such as the the [Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC)](https://interactive.carbonbrief.org/amoc-explainer/index.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), where large-scale melting of the Greenland ice sheet causes cold, fresh water to flow rapidly into the North Atlantic. This could cause the AMOC to shut down, resulting in significant cooling in Europe and North America and potentially altering large-scale global weather patterns. Worryingly, [we do not know enough about these tipping points](https://thebreakthrough.org/journal/climate-change-banned-words/climate-tipping-point-real?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Scientists use [climate models](https://www.rmets.org/metmatters/climate-modelling?ref=opendemocracy.net) —which we use to project future and past climates — to consider a range of scenarios. Some of the most [optimistic scenarios include technologies](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959378016300681?ref=opendemocracy.net) that we do not have. Current climate policy is already becoming more “technology” focused. We have investment in a range of [carbon capture methods](https://www.wri.org/insights/carbon-capture-technology?ref=opendemocracy.net). We have [carbon markets to trade carbon](https://carbonmarketwatch.org/2021/09/29/will-the-worlds-largest-carbon-market-reduce-chinas-emissions/?ref=opendemocracy.net), but in some cases, trees planted for carbon capture have regularly been cut down for the timber industry, meaning they do not capture the carbon needed.
We have a focus on AI in several areas, including early warning systems, which have been shown to be [one of the most cost-effective ways](https://www.unep.org/topics/climate-action/climate-transparency/climate-information-and-early-warning-systems?ref=opendemocracy.net) to reduce the impact of extreme weather. But there is [a limit to the capability of all models](https://assets.pubpub.org/9c76pmmn/11686018723236.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), and there is a rising cost associated with the [water and energy use of data centres](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2666389925002788?ref=opendemocracy.net), which remains largely ungoverned.
Another area that is growing is[ geoengineering](https://www.lse.ac.uk/granthaminstitute/explainers/what-is-geoengineering-and-how-could-it-help-tackle-climate-change/?ref=opendemocracy.net). This is a topic that is used in combination with an overshoot scenario to artificially cool the planet. The most frequently considered type is solar modification; where aerosols are sprayed into the sky to reflect sunlight, thereby having a cooling effect.
A [report by the Royal Society showed that](https://royalsociety.org/news/2025/11/solar-radiation-modification/?ref=opendemocracy.net), for solar modification to be effective, 1,500 planes would need to take off in the first year, and the process would need to be harmonised across the globe. If this does not occur, monsoon cycles could be altered, pushing whole regions into potential famine. It is also unclear what the climate would default to if solar modification stopped.
1.5°C has always drawn criticism because it can [depoliticise the climate crisis](https://theglobaljusticenetwork.org/index.php/gjn/article/view/280?ref=opendemocracy.net), and this focus on technology as a silver bullet, unless used in an ethical way, can do the same. It can be used to draw our attention away from the fundamental issue that the current way of [living was never sustainable](https://www.un.org/en/actnow/facts-and-figures?ref=opendemocracy.net) and has created large inequalities in how different people live, both within and between countries, especially those in the Global South.
This is a thread that also runs through [climate justice](https://groups.friendsoftheearth.uk/resources/whats-climate-justice?ref=opendemocracy.net), where climate becomes a story about how we can improve the world to become more just and use resources equitably and sustainably. This theme will be important as we head into a potential [overshoot world](https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/overshoot-explained-5-things-understand-about-world-beyond-15degc?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Another emerging argument is [degrowth](https://degrowth.info/degrowth?ref=opendemocracy.net). This builds on the work of the [planetary boundaries](https://www.stockholmresilience.org/research/planetary-boundaries.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), which are nine boundaries beyond which irreversible damage can be done to parts of the Earth’s system. Degrowth suggests that we currently use more energy than can be sustained and need to reduce the amount of energy we use. However, this does not give enough focus to climate inequities.
1.5°C was important – it and the COP process [reduced emissions to a degree](https://theconversation.com/explainer-how-indicators-have-the-power-to-shape-our-world-43065?ref=opendemocracy.net) and started important conversations. It also fuelled a [protest stage](https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/social-sciences-and-humanities/four-stages-social-movements?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the climate movement. We could suggest that this was all it was designed to achieve: starting a conversation that led to a reduction in emissions. But it wasn’t enough.
The steps that happen next are important, and there is promise. The [Santa Marta Conference](https://www.fossilfueltreaty.org/conference?ref=opendemocracy.net) started a process in which countries felt renewed energy around climate and there has been progress on [climate and health topics](https://healthpolicy-watch.news/key-moments-for-climate-and-health-diplomacy-in-2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net). [Climate education](https://www.cam.ac.uk/news/education-key-to-tackling-climate-misinformation-say-cambridge-experts?ref=opendemocracy.net) and communication can be used as effective tools against the misinformation that will emerge as we head into an overshoot world. It is important that we continue to have a just transition and head towards climate transformation.
### Banned from Reform’s conference, we still have a scoop!
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-050926/
Last updated: 2026-09-05T05:30:53.000Z
Our plan for this week was to report from Reform’s conference in Birmingham, but our reporter Ethan Shone was banned from the event – much like Anna Isaac from The Guardian, veteran broadcaster Michael Crick, and our former editor, Peter Geoghegan.
You know who has been invited? French far-right leader Jordan Bardella, the protégé of Marine Le Pen.
Tempting as it is to write this off as the new normal in an age of political dysfunction, Reform's decision to cherry-pick media coverage is the latest sign that this is a party with little interest in democracy, except as a means to grab power. As citizens, we must avoid this normalisation by calling it what it is: censorship.
If Nigel Farage thinks banning independent, investigative journalists from his conference will somehow shield his party from scrutiny, he’s wrong.
A group of undercover journalists at Verbatim Investigations have just released extraordinary footage of what appears to be the latest evidence of Reform officials breaking the law on political donations by surreptitiously getting a US-based firm to pay for polling commissioned by party aides. The footage also seemingly shows Reform aides discussing how to circumvent laws on foreign donations. Farage has denied all wrongdoing. We’re including a link to the footage in our newsletter, and I urge you all to watch it.
That said, you can’t keep a good man down. This week Ethan has a scoop on Reform councillor Jonathan Gullis’s side hustle as a lobbyist, and an analysis of Reform’s latest big-money donors. We also have openDemocracy reporter Sian Norris’s analysis of Reform’s summer of scandal. Sian, you may recall, spent some time this summer looking into the party’s operations in Montenegro.
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 new monthly donors by the end of 2026\. We've welcomed 120 so far – but we still have a long way to go
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
Also in this issue, Paul Rogers on Reform’s cracks and Labour’s traps, openDemocracy’s movements editor Nandini Naira Archer on Africa and the far-right, and Fazilet Hadi, the head of policy at Disability Rights, on Reform’s dark plans for Disabled people.
A massive thank you to all our new regular donors. We are now a third of the way to our goal of adding 500 new regular donors by the end of the year. Help Ethan buy a top hat, fake moustache and oversized sunglasses so he can sneak into Reform’s conference next year; become a regular donor today! (No, seriously, investigative journalism is painstaking work and we cannot do it without you.)
Have a great weekend,
**Aman Sethi, editor-in-chief**
---
[Reform’s conference is clearest sign yet of Trumpism in the UKFrom banned reporters to love-ins with business, the scandal-hit event offers troubling glimpse into a Farage governmentopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/reforms-conference-is-clearest-sign-yet-of-trumpism-in-the-uk/)
[Ex-Tory MP-turned-Reform councillor landed lobbying job after defectingIn October 2024, things weren’t looking good for Jonathan Gullis. The former MP and Conservative Party deputy chair had been unable to find work as a teacher, his old profession, since losing his parliamentary seat at the general election months earlier. “I think that in some schools, with someopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/ex-tory-mp-turned-reform-councillor-landed-lobbying-job-after-defecting/)
[Who funds Reform? Farage’s party bags £15m from crypto and finance donorsReform has accepted more large donations than any other party in 2026, despite mounting funding scandals, new data showsopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/who-funds-reform-farages-party-bags-15m-from-crypto-and-finance-donors/)
[Can Reform survive its summer of scandal?In July, openDemocracy went to Montenegro to report on Reform backer “Posh George”. Here’s what happened nextopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-reform-survive-its-summer-of-scandal/)
[Reform UK has a new target in its sights: Disabled peopleWith its discriminatory plans for PIP and social housing, Farage’s party has made clear that we’re not part of its gangopenDemocracyFazilet Hadi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/reform-uk-new-target-disabled-people-personal-independence-payment-social-housing/)
[Reform’s cracks, Labour’s traps, and the progressive path forwardA summer of Reform scandals and a new leader have given Labour an edge – if it can resolve three key battlesopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/reforms-cracks-polls-labour-andy-burnham-progressive-path-forward/)
[Does Africa have a far right? It’s complicatedFrom political homophobia to anti-Western populism, Africa’s right doesn’t fit neatly into familiar Western boxesopenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/does-africa-have-a-far-right-its-complicated/)
[Tech bros will tell you that geoengineering will save us, it won’tAs the latest UNEP reports we will blow past 1.5°C, we must prioritise solutions that work, rather than focusing on complex, unproven technologiesopenDemocracyElla Gilbert](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tech-bros-will-tell-you-that-geoengineering-will-save-us-it-wont/)
[My Year Undercover in Reform UKBekijk je favoriete video’s, luister naar de muziek die je leuk vindt, upload originele content en deel alles met vrienden, familie en anderen op YouTube.YouTubeVerbatim Investigations](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RugPik-G1Jw&ref=opendemocracy.net)
---
[](https://www.tickettailor.com/events/placeforhope/2391338?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Join us for an exclusive **live recording** of *Changed My Mind*, the podcast that explores the thinking behind serious shifts of opinion. This panel discussion will feature Rosemarie Mallet, the bishop of Croydon, Aman Sethi, the editor-in-chief of openDemocracy, Alison Goldsworthy, the CEO of The Depolarisation Project, and Laura Osborne, the managing director of WPI Economics. You can get a flavour of *Changed My Mind* by listening to the [podcast](https://www.opendemocracy.net/cmmpod) or via this [article](https://www.opendemocracy.net/leor-zmigrod-political-violence-self-defence/).
[Join us live](https://www.tickettailor.com/events/placeforhope/2391338?ref=opendemocracy.net)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Will Reform recover from its latest scandal?
| [Vote and see results →](https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-050926/?jump=poll) |
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---
## Reader Comments
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
> I’m starting to shift my mood. I’m starting to shift my diet. I’m starting to shift my environment. And I’m starting to shift my politics. All those shifts are starting to look like possibilities and realities.
**Mgease | Re:** [**Climate Breakdown is here: Why won’t governments act?**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-breakdown-is-here-why-wont-governments-act/)
---
Chilean workers in 1964
## This week in history
**Salvador Allende • 11 September 1973**
More than 50 years after his death, Salvador Allende, the first democratically chosen Marxist leader in Latin America, remains a hero of the left, of the poor and of the underprivileged. A tenacious leader, he secured Chile’s top political post on his fourth attempt following his election in September 1970\. Despite his Marxist credentials, Allende was quintessentially a Chilean nationalist who committed his life’s work to the betterment of his fellow countrymen and countrywomen, and to freedom from economic dependence or servitude to any outside power.
[Remembering Salvador AllendeOn September 11, 1973, the democratically elected President of Chile, Salvador Allende, died during a US-backed coup d’état. 40 years on, Allende is of critical importance to those of the left, the poor and the underprivileged.openDemocracySenan Fox](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/remembering-salvador-allende/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Reds - A Global History of Communism**](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/reds-a-global-history-of-communism-paul-mason/8d4837aaf5aac175?ean=9781035905904&bkshp-astro=t&ref=opendemocracy.net)**, Paul Mason**
It takes a seriously good writer to turn a 500-page history of global communism into a gripping page–turner, one that reads like dispatches from the streets of Paris and St Petersburg, that challenges your preconceptions, and demands you fight for a better future. Mason is that writer. He combines academic rigour with journalistic flair, so the reader viscerally experiences the battles on the barricades, the fierce intellectual fights at the International conferences, the sacrifice and victory in the Jarama trenches, and the cruel violence of Leninism and Stalinism.
Reds shows why people believed in communism and socialism, why people revolted and fought for a more equal society. But Mason refuses to shy away from where it all went wrong and how. He urges us not to forget how communism became authoritarianism, drawing on primary sources that witnessed the horrors of the Holodomor, the purges, and the Great Leap Forward. The chapter on World War Two is a fascinating and fresh view on a history you think you know. What’s more, he demands we learn the lessons of what went wrong, so that we can defeat the authoritarians of today.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### ¿Alguien se robó la mitad del petróleo venezolano?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/alguien-se-robo-la-mitad-del-petroleo-venezolano/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T19:52:57.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Petróleo venezolano y sanciones: 11.000 millones que no aparecen en las cuentas
- Todo lo que no sabemos del conservadurismo de África, explicado
- Meta: Acuerdo extrajudicial en EEUU puede sentar la pauta para regular las plataformas y proteger a la infancia
Mientras se revelan detalles cada vez más espeluznantes del **acuerdo petrolero** entre **Donald Trump** y la dictadura venezolana, devenida en gobierno títere de la Casa Blanca, necesitamos entender la historia que nos trajo hasta aquí. En particular, los años de **Nicolás Maduro**.
Su gobierno fue muy corrupto, pero entender la dimensión de esa corrupción requiere no ignorar cómo **sobrevivió a las sanciones de EEUU**. No ayuda cuando el periodismo se deja llevar por la hipérbole o la exageración.
Un artículo reciente del New York Times afirma que en 2021 y 2022, Maduro y sus cómplices **se robaron la mitad de los ingresos de Venezuela** por ventas de petróleo. Se trata de un agujero de 11.000 millones de dólares.
El economista y profesor venezolano **Francisco Rodríguez** contradice, con datos, la afirmación del NYT y expone cómo – enfrentado a un régimen estricto de sanciones impuesto por EEUU – el gobierno venezolano ideó un mecanismo para canjear petróleo por bienes que necesitaba importar y cómo se registró ese sistema de trueque en las cuentas públicas.
[Petróleo venezolano y sanciones: 11.000 millones que no aparecen en las cuentasOPINIÓN: El gobierno de Nicolás Maduro fue muy corrupto, pero entender la dimensión de su corrupción requiere no ignorar cómo sobrevivió a las sanciones de EEUUopenDemocracyFrancisco R. Rodríguez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-petroleo-maduro-corrupcion-sanciones-nyt-eeuu/)
Asistimos a una ola de ultraderecha en nuestra región, y en el mundo. Pero interpretar lo que pasa en otros continentes con ideas preconcebidas nos puede llevar a un muy mal lugar. Por eso resulta iluminador el análisis de **Nandini Naira Archer** sobre las raíces del conservadurismo en África, cómo convive con el antiimperialismo y los discursos anticoloniales y cómo intercambia narrativas y tácticas con la ultraderecha global.
[El conservadurismo africano no encaja en los moldes occidentalesDesde la homofobia política hasta el populismo antioccidental, la derecha africana no encaja fácilmente en los moldes occidentales tradicionalesopenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/africa-derecha-lgbtiq-feminismo-conservadurismo-occidente-sudafrica-xenofobia/)
El acuerdo extrajudicial que logró Meta con 52 fiscales generales de Estados Unidos salvó a la empresa de un juicio multimillonario. La pregunta es si salvará a la infancia y a la adolescencia de los algoritmos adictivos y dañinos para la salud mental de Instagram y Facebook.
[Acuerdo de Meta en EEUU puede redefinir la seguridad infantil en todo el mundoEl proceso contra Meta en EEUU, que terminó en acuerdo extrajudicial, puede ser un modelo para regular a las plataformas digitales y limitar los daños que causan a la salud y la seguridad de la infanciaopenDemocracyRamsha Jahangir](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/meta-seguridad-proteccion-infantil-regulacion-plataformas-acuerdo-eeuu/)
Gracias por leernos y que tengas un gran fin de semana.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### ¿Una extrema derecha en África? No como la conocemos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/africa-derecha-lgbtiq-feminismo-conservadurismo-occidente-sudafrica-xenofobia/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T19:26:35.000Z
A medida que la extrema derecha gana terreno en Europa, Estados Unidos y América Latina, su discurso político resulta cada vez más reconocible y trasciende las fronteras. Sus líderes siguen un guion conocido, que apela al nacionalismo, al conservadurismo social, la xenofobia contra los migrantes y las promesas de un supuesto pasado nacional perdido. ¿Funciona este modelo en África?
openDemocracy entrevistó a tres expertos en política africana: una periodista que lleva mucho tiempo investigando la influencia de la derecha cristiana estadounidense en el continente y dos cientistas políticos especializados en la extrema derecha. Los tres reconocen la existencia de políticas reaccionarias profundamente arraigadas en África, pero se resisten a aplicar una etiqueta generalizada de “ultraderecha”.
La propia terminología plantea un problema, según la periodista de investigación Lydia Namubiru, exeditora de openDemocracy en África. “Ese tipo de política se da en los contextos africanos, pero llamarla ‘extrema derecha’ es un error, porque a menudo no está tan lejos del pensamiento y la práctica política mayoritaria", explica.
En su país natal, Uganda, por ejemplo, el presidente del Parlamento defendió la ley contra la homosexualidad de 2023 que incluye la pena de muerte para algunos delitos. Se observan dinámicas similares en Nigeria, donde el expresidente Goodluck Jonathan firmó una ley contra el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo antes de las elecciones de 2015, y en Sudáfrica, donde Namubiru observa que "todos los principales partidos políticos del país se han desplazado hacia la derecha, si no lo estaban antes, en materia de inmigración".
Jason Love, doctorando de la Universidad de Roskilde (Dinamarca) que investiga el populismo autoritario y la derecha en el Sur Global, coincide en que aplicar marcos occidentales a la política africana puede ocultar más de lo que revela. "El nacionalismo, el anticolonialismo, la religión, la etnicidad, la clase y la soberanía tienen significados históricos diferentes, lo que en muchos casos confunde por completo este espectro binario", afirma. "Alguien puede ser nacionalista, socialmente conservador y autoritario, al tiempo que apoya la propiedad estatal, la redistribución y las políticas anticapitalistas".
Sin embargo, el sociólogo político nigeriano Sa’eed Husaini, investigador del [Centre for Democracy and Development](https://www.cddwestafrica.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net), con sede en Nigeria, advierte contra el rechazo total de los marcos occidentales. Evitar las categorías globales puede crear "un punto ciego" que "excluye a África de la historia mundial" y lleva a quien observa a tratar fenómenos como el etnonacionalismo como algo peculiarmente africano, en lugar de vincularlos a procesos más amplios, como las crisis de deuda, la austeridad y el ajuste estructural.
Así pues, si no existe un único equivalente africano de la extrema derecha, tal como se la conoce en gran parte del mundo, ¿cómo se manifiesta la política reaccionaria en el continente? Aunque los contextos locales dan lugar a diversas combinaciones de xenofobia, conservadurismo religioso, políticas anti-LGBTQ y mayoritarismo étnico, Husaini señala que los movimientos excluyentes tienen dificultades para dominar la política en muchos países africanos.
En cambio, la diversidad de las naciones suele obligar a los partidos a formar coaliciones interétnicas o interreligiosas para ejercer el poder, lo que da lugar a gobiernos como los liderados por William Ruto en Kenia y Bola Tinubu en Nigeria, que son "mucho más de derechas que en el período de la independencia, pero quizá no tan de extrema derecha como los regímenes militares de los años 1970 y 1980", explica Husaini. Estos gobiernos suelen combinar cierto pluralismo étnico-religioso con una economía neoliberal, políticas culturales conservadoras y una política exterior pragmática que aboga por una retórica antioccidental al tiempo que coopera con las potencias occidentales.
Para Namubiru, una característica común de estos gobiernos es lo que ella denomina "homofobia política oportunista": cuando "un actor político o un gobierno en crisis aviva sentimientos anti-LGBTIQ predominantes – pero no necesariamente políticos – en un intento de distraer a la población de la crisis o de hacerse intocable, con el fin de que sus adversarios sean acusados de contar con el respaldo de los homosexuales". Namubiru ha observado esta dinámica en Uganda, Nigeria, Senegal, Malí y Burkina Faso, donde gobiernos asediados intensifican políticas o medidas contra las personas LGBTQ.
En Sudáfrica, afirma Namubiru, donde la homofobia es menos frecuente, los políticos utilizan el mismo guion, pero con otra víctima propiciatoria: los migrantes. Esto resulta visible en las recientes protestas xenófobas, en las que facciones del partido gobernante "que quedaron marginadas por la presidencia de Cyril Ramaphosa están utilizando las calles, de manera populista, para renegociar el poder".
Love coincide en que la xenofobia y la *afrofobia* son muy fuertes en Sudáfrica, pero advierte contra una interpretación a través del prisma de las políticas antiinmigrantes de Europa, puesto que la xenofobia sudafricana se ha desarrollado a lo largo de casi tres décadas de construcción nacional posterior al apartheid, la desigualdad y las contiendas políticas, y se dirige de forma abrumadora hacia otros africanos, más que hacia los sudafricanos blancos o los migrantes procedentes de Europa o América del Norte. "Esto nos indica que la intersección histórica y contemporánea influye en cómo se manifiesta \[la xenofobia\] ahora", afirma Love.
Husaini, por su parte, cree que la política reaccionaria africana antecede al actual momento global de la extrema derecha. Señala la "contrarrevolución reaccionaria" que surgió en las décadas de 1970 y 1980 en respuesta a los movimientos de independencia panafricanos, más inclusivos, que alcanzaron su apogeo entre mediados de la década de 1950 y 1970, que tenían un marcado carácter socialista y buscaban "unir el continente contra el imperialismo occidental".
"Como sabemos, estas aspiraciones se vieron interrumpidas cuando la oposición interna y regional – casi siempre respaldada por antiguas potencias coloniales y que recurría a asesinatos y golpes de Estado, como en los casos del Congo y Ghana – llevó al poder a regímenes radicalmente excluyentes, etnonacionalistas y antizquierdistas", explica Husaini.
"Regímenes como el de Mobutu Sese Seko en el Congo y el de Juvénal Habyarimana en Ruanda suelen recordarse como gobiernos cleptocráticos títeres de Occidente y, como tales, se los considera no ideológicos en lugar de explícitamente de derechas. Esto, en mi opinión, es un error", añade. Esos gobiernos hicieron retroceder las ambiciones progresistas mediante "lo que en otros contextos reconoceríamos claramente como rasgos distintivos de los regímenes de derechas": la etnicización del poder, la conversión de las minorías en chivos expiatorios y la privatización o personalización de los recursos estatales.
## Ser antioccidental no significa ser de izquierda
Los movimientos de independencia africanos fusionaron el anticolonialismo con la idea misma de la nación poscolonial. El resultado, según Husaini, es que "casi todos los partidos de todo el espectro ideológico adoptan alguna forma de retórica antioccidental", lo que permite a gobiernos conservadores y autoritarios hablar el lenguaje del antiimperialismo mientras llevan a cabo políticas excluyentes.
Husaini señala el trabajo del politólogo nigerino Rahmane Idrissa, quien sostiene que los observadores externos pueden confundir la retórica antiimperialista de los regímenes militares del Sahel con una muestra de políticas progresistas, sin prestar suficiente atención a cómo esos gobiernos tratan a sus propias poblaciones.
Namubiru expresa la misma idea de forma más contundente. Los líderes africanos que adoptan la agenda neoliberal global establecida por la conferencia de Bretton Woods de 1944 – que creó el Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial y vinculó las principales divisas al dólar estadounidense – "siguen autodefiniéndose ante el electorado como ‘antiimperialistas’, ‘antioccidentales’ y defensores de la ‘soberanía’ autóctona, incluso mientras transfieren el producto de su corrupción a bancos occidentales o envían a sus descendientes a establecerse en el Reino Unido, Estados Unidos o Canadá".
Los actores políticos actuales, gobiernos militares y movimientos populistas, suelen recurrir al mismo vocabulario. "Esta retórica es frágil y contradictoria, pero políticamente necesaria en muchos contextos africanos", explica Namubiru. Ser antioccidental, económicamente intervencionista o retóricamente anticapitalista no basta por sí solo para determinar la posición de un movimiento político – lo cual, según Love, es la razón por la que África pone de manifiesto los límites del espectro izquierda-derecha.
## Derecha global, pero no solo exportación occidental
Aunque el movimiento de ultraderecha occidental quizá no se traduzca directamente en la política africana, "tiene sin duda ambiciones de influencia global", afirma Namubiru. Sus defensores están "aportando su experiencia organizativa, financiación y contactos a actores \[en las naciones africanas\] que se muestran receptivos a su objetivo", especialmente en torno a políticas anti-LGBTQ y contra las mujeres.
Sin embargo, Namubiru, Love y Husaini advierten que no se debe considerar a los políticos africanos como objetivos pasivos. "Sería erróneo describir a los actores africanos simplemente como receptores pasivos del conservadurismo estadounidense o europeo", afirma Love. "Más bien, son artífices de lo que podríamos llamar ‘procesos de la derecha global’".
De hecho, los conservadores africanos participan cada vez más en encuentros internacionales como la Conferencia de Acción Política Conservadora (CPAC), un evento anual organizado por la American Conservative Union, de EEUU, y establecen relaciones directas con movimientos europeos y estadounidenses. Estas redes permiten el intercambio de ideas sobre migración, género y soberanía, que luego pueden traducirse al lenguaje político local y vincularse a reivindicaciones propias. "Por eso describiría la relación como un intercambio ideológico transnacional más que como una simple exportación occidental", argumenta Love.
A diferencia de lo que ocurre en Occidente, en gran parte de África estas redes no operan a través de partidos formales de extrema derecha, sino a través de iglesias evangélicas y pentecostales, comunidades en línea y otros movimientos sociales, afirma Husaini. Esto podría explicar cómo ideas claramente extremistas circulan ampliamente, incluso cuando resulta difícil identificar a una ultraderecha africana en el ámbito electoral. La excepción, sostiene Husaini, es Sudáfrica, donde existe un puente más directo entre sectores de la extrema derecha estadounidense y los grupos etnonacionalistas blancos sudafricanos.
Love ya ve indicios de que está surgiendo una derecha política más reconocible, con ideas extremistas contemporáneas que ganan terreno entre sectores de la creciente intelectualidad masculina urbana, movimientos sociales y grupos en línea, aunque su influencia directa en la política nacional sea limitada fuera de Sudáfrica.
Sin embargo, se muestra cauteloso a la hora de definirla como una extrema derecha articulada, y señala que un movimiento antimigración en Sudáfrica, una campaña evangélica contra el colectivo LGBTQ en Uganda y un movimiento etnonacionalista en Nigeria no deberían agruparse automáticamente solo porque cada uno de ellos comparta características con la extrema derecha europea.
La verdadera pregunta, afirma Love, es qué ocurriría si estas corrientes distintas comenzaran a unirse. "Si estas líneas divisorias empezaran a converger de manera más sostenida y si las formaciones se volvieran cada vez más audaces y extendidas, podríamos asistir al surgimiento de una ‘extrema derecha’ africana única, que desempeñaría un papel mucho más importante en la concepción de la derecha global".
¿Ha llegado ese momento? Para Husaini, la respuesta es "todavía no".
### Reform’s conference is clearest sign yet of Trumpism in the UK
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/reforms-conference-is-clearest-sign-yet-of-trumpism-in-the-uk/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T16:17:05.000Z
You look like a man in the market for some gold bullion?” My first interaction at last year’s Reform conference was an unconventional one. By the end of the day I’d been treated to a fevered performance by two of the original members of the Jackson Five – ushered onto the stage by an ebullient Nigel Farage – and witnessed a man being forcibly ejected after a fracas in the foyer of a gaudy rooftop bar concerning former Conservative MP Gary Sambrook – he of [‘big dinners’](https://x.com/GarySambrook89/status/1320702726611914754?ref=opendemocracy.net) fame.
In between, I’d attended a seminar hosted by the Antisemitism Policy Trust about the dangers of conspiracy theories, before having a long conversation with a woman who explained that she has long campaigned for Faragist parties and has a particular interest in banning non-stun slaughter, but that her campaigning efforts had always been hampered by “Nigel’s Jewish donors”.
Who knows what I missed out on this time around: openDemocracy’s application for media accreditation to this year’s conference was denied, along with those of dozens of other journalists. They include Anna Isaac, the Guardian’s City editor who broke the story of [Farage’s undeclared £5m donation](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/apr/29/revealed-nigel-farage-was-given-undisclosed-5m-by-crypto-billionaire-in-2024?ref=opendemocracy.net), veteran broadcaster Michael Crick, and Peter ‘formerly-of-this-parish’ Geoghegan – all of whom have reported critically, but not inaccurately, on Reform, and none of whom could reasonably be accused of partisanship.
So, too, for us. Last year I was among the first reporters to raise concerns about convicted fraudster George Cottrell’s relationship to Nigel Farage after he set up a financially opaque company, and I’ve covered the party’s fruitful attempts to forge ties with big business. Yet I suspect I was ultimately ‘punished’ for my intrepid colleague [Sian Norris’ reporting on Cottrell and the network of Montenegro-based companies](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/) connecting him and several leading figures in the party.
Reform has said it approved the vast majority of media applications. Still, it is not generally the done thing for mainstream political parties in the UK to bar even perceivedly hostile journalists from their annual conferences. And despite its recent polling dip, Reform is very much still a mainstream political party in terms of support. The party was higher in the polls this time last year, but has fallen behind Labour only in the last few months; a collated ‘poll of polls’ conducted throughout August suggests that a minority Reform administration is the second most likely outcome at the next election (17%), after a Labour minority (46%), but marginally ahead of a Labour majority (16%).
To my mind, barring journalists feels like an easy way to guarantee negative headlines that detract from your party’s talking points on the first day of conference, and for very little upside. My confusion over why Reform had even bothered with this was assuaged on Thursday evening by the airing of a bombshell undercover investigation into the party’s fundraising operations on Channel 4 – it became clear the party had much more pressing concerns.
While Reform has issued denials and attempted to smear the journalists involved in the sting operation as partisan activists, two of the party’s senior aides have fallen on their swords, including a longtime close confidant of Farage, Dan Jukes. Party outriders are desperately trying to present a united front and say they believe the documentary won’t register much with the public outside SW1, but there are signs – including calls for change from longtime Reform allies – that this latest scandal in a long line of them may do significant damage.
Of course, refusing to a few dozen journalists access to your conference is not an especially egregious attack on press freedoms, even if it does signal a worrying attitude toward scrutiny – albeit not an entirely surprising one; the project has long aped that aspect of Trumpism. The allegations broadcast to the nation on Thursday evening, on the other hand, do qualify as egregious. But history suggests a political party can survive after being caught taking money it perhaps shouldn’t have or seeking to hide donations from public scrutiny. Of more concern should be the hundreds of lobbyists who arrived in Birmingham on Thursday morning for the party’s inaugural business day, where they hosted policy discussions and drinks receptions and client roundtables, all aimed at shaping the agenda of a potential government-in-waiting.
Their presence makes clear that businesses that initially maintained a cautious distance from Reform now clearly see it as a potential partner. This has not happened by accident. The party has put significant resources into its courtship of the business community, and has sanded off the economically populist edges of its platform in order to win over this key constituency.
Even when Reform acts out, there is a sense that its rhetoric is largely for show or that any dispute can at least be quite easily ironed out. Why else would Vodafone – whose executives the party’s spokesperson for home affairs, Zia Yusuf, threatened to hold “criminally liable” for “helping to facilitate the invasion of Britain” after the company donated SIM cards to a refugee charity – be sponsoring a panel discussion at the conference? Deliveroo, too, another company picked on by Yusuf, is dispatching a team of senior lobbyists to the conference to smooth things over.
The business community’s willingness to go along with the unconventional, the repressive and the dangerous aspects of Reform’s agenda – just as they have done on the other side of the Atlantic with Donald Trump – in exchange for a seat at the table should worry us all.
### Ex-Tory MP-turned-Reform councillor landed lobbying job after defecting
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/ex-tory-mp-turned-reform-councillor-landed-lobbying-job-after-defecting/
Last updated: 2026-09-07T12:57:11.000Z
In October 2024, things weren’t looking good for Jonathan Gullis. The former MP and Conservative Party deputy chair had been unable to find work as a teacher, his old profession, since losing his parliamentary seat at the general election months earlier.
“I think that in some schools, with some teachers, my views won’t be something that is popular,” Gullis told the BBC, blaming his links to the Tories for his dwindling job prospects.
Things soon began to turn around, though. When he attended Reform’s conference in Birmingham last September, Gullis was there as the co-director of a small advisory firm he’d since joined, Aegean Consultants, helping clients “navigate a shifting political map” by introducing them to Reform staffers. Within months, he announced he’d ‘defected’ to the party. He then successfully stood for election in May and is now Reform’s leader of Newcastle-under-Lyme council.
Fast forward to this year’s party conference, back in Birmingham this week. Where Gullis’ access pass was last year marked ‘commercial visitor’, this year’s reads ‘party official’. But it would be more accurate if he wore both; he is still a director of Aegean and now also works for a well-established Westminster lobby shop, which just happens to have a number of clients with significant interests in the local authority he now leads.
## **Two roles collide**
On 1 December 2025, Gullis confirmed that he’d joined Reform. Exactly one week later, it was announced that he’d been hired as a senior adviser at growing lobbying firm 5654 & Company, whose website said he’d “bring his deep understanding of Westminster politics and Reform UK to 5654 as the corporate world adapts to a multi-party reality”.
5654 was founded in 2020 by two senior corporate lobbyists and a Tory spad and has established itself as a serious player in Westminster in recent years. Its other senior advisers include Jonathan Van Tam, the former deputy chief medical officer for England who became a household name during the Covid pandemic, and a former senior Labour Party staffer, while its blue-chip clients include private health giant HCA Healthcare, Coca-Cola, Drax Group and arms manufacturer Raytheon UK.
But the firm also targets a particular type of high-value client: housebuilders. It offers to help housing developers “build their corporate reputation locally \[and\] secure support for planning proposals”.
Soon after his election in May, Gullis’ new colleagues chose him as the council’s leader, and he took up the cabinet brief for planning. If there was ever a question as to whether he’d keep his two roles separate, it didn’t last long.
Shortly before he officially took over the cabinet portfolio for planning, Gullis hosted a private roundtable at the Real Estate, Investment and Infrastructure Forum in Leeds. The discussion brought together around 20 people, including the head of planning at major housing developer Vistry Group, a 5654 client, and two other Reform local government leaders: Greater Lincolnshire mayor Andrea Jenkyns and the leader of Lincolnshire County Council, Sean Matthews.
Over cans of kombucha, the group discussed “growth, infrastructure investment and delivery under Reform UK”. Writing on LinkedIn after the event, Gullis said it had been “particularly valuable to connect this conversation with the wider policy work currently underway \[in Reform\].”
As well as Vistry, 5654 currently represents another major housebuilding firm, Bellway. Both firms have a presence in the Newcastle-under-Lyme area and have frequently sought planning from Gullis’ authority. Bellway has a large, ongoing housing development in the village of Baldwin’s Gate, involving up to 200 homes.
Another client, developer Indurent, has submitted plans for a huge, 2.3 million square foot “next generation employment site” on Green Belt land in Newcastle-under-Lyme. The project was signed off with the approval of the council’s recent Local Plan, though it appears to be behind schedule, as the developers previously said they expected the Local Plan to be adopted in early 2025\.
These projects were all underway before Gullis joined the council, and openDemocracy understands he recused himself from the council meeting at which the Local Plan was signed off.
## **The rules on lobbying**
Unlike MPs, councillors are not barred from working as lobbyists, but they must not lobby their own council in return for payment. Doing so would breach the Nolan Principles that apply to anyone who works as a public office-holder.
Lobbying is effectively unregulated in the UK, though companies can choose to become members of the Public Relations and Communications Association (PRCA), which requires declaring a list of clients and signing up to a code of conduct. This states that lobbyists “must not be involved in Professional Lobbying seeking to influence an organisation in which they hold a role”.
Until July 2024, the code also prohibited members from combining their work as lobbyists with their party political roles, though this appears to have been removed from its current code of conduct.
5654 is a member of the PRCA and lists Gullis as an active practitioner at its most recent quarterly update.
Gordon Mole, the chief executive of Newcastle-under-Lyme Borough Council, a non-partisan civil service role, told openDemocracy: “All registered interests of councillors are made available for public inspection.
“It is for councillors to identify whether any particular issue may cause a conflict, declare these, and where needed recuse themselves accordingly.”
We asked 5654 whether Gullis’s role involves advising clients on the planning process, and whether it has measures in place to prevent specific conflicts of interest arising, but the company did not respond. Gullis had not responded to our request for comment at the time of publishing.
*Correction: The story has been updated to reflect that Jonathan Gullis had not officially taken on the planning portfolio when he took part in the meeting at UKREIIF, and that he declared an interest and recused himself from involvement in the Local Plan meeting on 8 July.*
### Who funds Reform? Farage’s party bags £15m from crypto and finance donors
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/who-funds-reform-farages-party-bags-15m-from-crypto-and-finance-donors/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T16:38:18.000Z
Nigel Farage’s party received large donations totalling almost £15m in the first six months of this year, according to Electoral Commission records, including millions of pounds from a crypto billionaire who was pardoned by Donald Trump last year.
Reform’s fundraising operations continue to prove highly effective in spite of its ongoing scandals. The party is amassing a massive financial war chest ahead of the next general election, which many in Westminster believe could take place as soon as next autumn.
The latest donations data comes as Reform suspends two senior aides pending an investigation, after an undercover sting exposed their alleged role in facilitating secret donations, including from impermissible donors overseas. Rival parties said they have reported Reform to the police, while the Electoral Commission said it is “considering all relevant information” and is “in touch with the Met Police”. Reform has denied any wrongdoing.
The events have overshadowed the party’s conference in Birmingham this weekend, and are the latest in [a series of scandals the party has faced](https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-reform-survive-its-summer-of-scandal/) over its funding this year. In July, [openDemocracy travelled to Montenegro](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/) to investigate the lives and business interests of key Reform allies and donors, including ‘Posh George’ Cottrell and billionaire crypto investor Christopher Harborne, in the glamorous coastal resort of Tivat.
At the same time, a number of news reports raised serious questions about Cottrell and Farage, after The Sunday Times reported the Clacton MP had failed to disclose in-kind support from the 32-year-old convicted fraudster. The allegations led to calls for an investigation by parliamentary authorities, which were already probing a £5m gift that Farage allegedly failed to declare having received from Harborne.
**Reform’s crypto funding**
The latest data shows Reform continues to bring in significantly more from large donations than the other parties: £5.3m in the second quarter of 2026, compared to £3.6m for Labour and £2.8m for the Conservatives.
That brings the party’s total donations this year to almost £15m, meaning it has accepted almost twice as much as Labour (£8m) and more than double the Conservatives (£7m).
Reform receives the vast majority of its funding from a small number of high-value donors, with Harborne, a crypto investor based in Thailand, by far the party’s most significant donor to date.
Now, the party has added another crypto billionaire with offshore links to its ranks of mega donors; Sheffield-born Ben Delo gave the party £4m in April, following two £2m donations in January and March.
British crypto entrepreneur Delo has rapidly become one of Reform UK’s largest individual donors, having given the party £8m across the first half of 2026 – £4m in each quarter. If he continues this trend throughout the rest of the year, he could surpass Harborne’s current total.
Delo is one of many Reform donors with strong interests in the crypto sector. He was a software engineer at IBM and later built high-frequency trading systems at JPMorgan and GSA Capital in Hong Kong, before co-founding cryptocurrency derivatives exchange BitMEX. In 2020, US federal authorities charged the BitMEX founders with violating the Bank Secrecy Act over inadequate anti-money-laundering controls; Delo pleaded guilty in 2022, paid a $10m penalty and served 30 months' probation, which ended in December 2024\. Trump pardoned him in March 2025.
Delo’s latest donations come after the government imposed a £100,000 cap on donations from overseas residents in March 2026\. At the time, Delo said he would move back to the UK to sidestep the restriction, and he has reportedly signalled plans to keep funding the party from Britain going forward.
**Big finance and former Tories**
Reform also continues to add new donors with interests in the financial sector. Over the past year, senior figures in the party have engaged with lobbyists in the City of London, seeking both policy ideas and financial support.
Lucas Bitencourt, a young finance entrepreneur, gave the party £100,000, while private equity firm Bryden Capital gave £50,000 and a Jersey financial adviser who works with “the world’s first bitcoin investment fund” gave £25,000\.
A Scottish corporate lawyer specialising in private equity and technology continues to provide funding, giving £100,000 in May. He has now given the party £300,000 in total.
An investment firm linked to Chelsea owner Todd Boehly – a significant donor to conservative politics in the US – also gave the party £75,000\.
Robert Jenrick, Reform’s Treasury spokesman, also received a significant donation after defecting to the party from the Conservatives. Jenrick received £50,000 from a donor with ties to financial services and crypto, Michael Cohen of Capital Group, an investment firm that the Wall Street Journal last year reported was “ploughing billions into crypto”.
Three former Tory donors continue to make up a significant portion of Reform’s funding base: Bassim Haidar, Johan Christofferson and Roger Nagioff all contributed six-figure sums in recent months and have now given over a million between them since the last election. Excluding Harborne, who gave Boris Johnson £1m in 2022, former Tory donors have given Reform over £3m since the 2024 vote.
### Tech bros will tell you that geoengineering will save us, it won’t
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/tech-bros-will-tell-you-that-geoengineering-will-save-us-it-wont/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T15:46:39.000Z
For anyone who’s been paying attention, it’s no surprise that the United Nations Environment Program [(UNEP) reports](https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/press-release/unep-world-set-cross-15degc-global-warming-can-still-limit-adapt-and?ref=opendemocracy.net) that we will now inevitably blow past the global average temperature threshold of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.
Climate scientists like myself have been warning for years that we are about to cross this invisible red line, while quietly worrying that global average temperatures will end up being double that. Personally, I said goodbye to 1.5°C several years ago, but it still feels momentous to see it written in print, and that too by the UN.
The target to keep warming to 1.5°C above pre-industrial temperatures isn’t some hard red line in the sand, because all warming carries some risk, but it’s relevant because limiting warming to 1.5°C gives us a good chance of avoiding some of the worst impacts of climate heating. We’ve already had a glimpse of what this looks like in the myriad heatwaves, wildfires, floods, droughts and storms that have made headlines this year.
Every tenth of a degree of heating means real-terms impacts for peoples’ lives, livelihoods and property, and increases the risk of the extreme events that we’ve already seen tragically claim so many lives. It also increases the likelihood of exceeding critical tipping points such as the collapse of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet, beyond which there’s no return.
We’ve already had [single years that have exceeded the 1.5°C limit](https://climate.copernicus.eu/copernicus-2024-first-year-exceed-15degc-above-pre-industrial-level?ref=opendemocracy.net), but the widely discussed Paris Agreement target is a multi-year average. That means we won’t know we’ve reached it until it’s in the rearview mirror, but it’s also possible to “overshoot” 1.5°C, temporarily peak at higher temperatures, and then bring them back down – and that’s now the best-case scenario outlined by UNEP.
This would mean we would have to take drastic action to bring temperatures back down again rather than continuing to drive them ever upwards. Which, in the current political climate, feels like a bit of a stretch.
Temperatures won’t stabilise until we reach [net zero emissions](https://www.carbonbrief.org/explainer-will-global-warming-stop-as-soon-as-net-zero-emissions-are-reached?ref=opendemocracy.net), where we remove as much carbon from the atmosphere as we add to it. Until then, we will still be increasing greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere and turning up the dial on the thermostat. Net zero isn’t a nice to have, despite what [certain parts of the political spectrum](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13876988.2023.2242799?ref=opendemocracy.net) would have you believe, it’s an essential if we want to have a liveable planet.
In fact, UNEP’s latest report points to the need to take action beyond net zero:
Once we have limited heating to 2°C or below — which currently feels optimistic — we will have to roll out carbon dioxide removal (CDR) to reduce temperatures on an enormous scale.
CDR often connotes high-tech solutions to suck carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere, but it can also mean one of the oldest technologies in the world: trees. That’s why restoring nature and preventing deforestation is so important for climate action.
But UNEP reports that CDR only works if we limit heating to 2C or below. As the stakes of climate heating continue to rise, another idea is moving from the sidelines to centre-stage: geoengineering, or deliberate technological interventions to alter the Earth’s climate.
Geoengineering is a spectrum, ranging from the comparatively reasonable and well-researched ([injecting particles into the stratosphere](https://srm360.org/article/stratospheric-aerosol-injection/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to reflect incoming sunlight and cool the surface, much like major volcanic eruptions have done) to downright barmy (launching [mirrors into space](https://srm360.org/article/space-based-srm/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – you can imagine which silicon valley billionaires love that idea). And while there are sensible (if heated) scientific discussions about how to actually *do* it, there are also some very serious ethical and governance hurdles to overcome.
The tech bros will tell you that geoengineering will save us and allow us to keep doing what we’re doing while still ‘fixing’ climate change. But beware any arguments that downplay the importance of emissions cuts. We can’t simply geoengineer our way out of this crisis.
For example: who decides when to deploy? What happens if an intervention makes things better for some and worse for others? How do we safeguard against bad actors acting unilaterally? These questions are largely unanswered, and that’s before we get to the scientific questions around unintended consequences, like [disrupting the Arctic food chain while trying to refreeze ice](https://www.climatechangenews.com/2025/02/03/us-researchers-geoengineering-experiment-arctic-environmental-risk/?ref=opendemocracy.net), or what happens if we stop the intervention, resulting in a so-called [termination shock](https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/2017EF000735?ref=opendemocracy.net), where temperatures would shoot back up with devastating effect.
In some senses the climate crisis is relatively simple: we’re pumping planet-heating carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, and it’s heating the planet. To reverse it, we need first to stop adding planet-heating carbon dioxide to the atmosphere, and then to start removing it.
The good news is that we do know what we need to do to achieve that. Climate action is less a knowledge problem, and more an implementation one.
Proponents of geoengineering argue that it’s not an either/or between emissions cuts and major interventions. But in a world with finite resources, expensive and unproven geoengineering solutions should not be a priority, rather, we should prioritise the simple stuff we know works: decarbonising energy production, improving public transport, retrofitting and building greener housing, reducing meat and dairy consumption, restoring natural ecosystems.
That said, we are now committed to some level of change, and we need to behave as such. That means we need to prepare for the sea level rise that’s to come, and adapt societies, behaviours and infrastructure to a less predictable and more extreme climate.
If the summer of 2026 has taught us anything in the UK, it’s that our houses, schools, offices, railways, emergency services, power networks and public transport are simply not fit for purpose in the heat. Nor are they built to withstand the wet, stormy, flood-prone autumn and winter that is on its way. We’re not equipped to deal with the rapidly extremifying climate or the weather whiplash it brings. Simply put: our infrastructure was built for a climate that no longer exists.
If we are to survive the coming decades, we need to build preparedness and climate resilience into our society. Extreme events are already exposing our vulnerabilities, and if we thought 2026 was bad, count my words: we ain’t seen nothing yet.
In the wake of our [hottest summer on record](https://www.metoffice.gov.uk/about-us/news-and-media/media-centre/weather-and-climate-news/2026/summer-2026-provisionally-hottest-on-record-for-the-uk?ref=opendemocracy.net), it’s abundantly clear that we need to slash emissions to save lives, and at the same time prepare for the changes that are now committed.
The geoengineers are right about one thing: It’s not an either/or. We have to reduce emissions to net zero *and* remove carbon from the atmosphere *and* adapt to what’s in store. There’s no other safe option.
*Dr. Ella Gilbert is a climate scientist and multi-award-winning presenter with a PhD in Antarctic climate change.*
### ¿Se robaron los secuaces de Maduro la mitad de los ingresos petroleros de Venezuela?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-petroleo-maduro-corrupcion-sanciones-nyt-eeuu/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T14:19:00.000Z
*Mientras se revelan detalles de un acuerdo entre el gobierno de EEUU y el régimen de Venezuela, que podría constituir una apropiación masiva e ilegal de las riquezas petroleras venezolanas, el economista y profesor Francisco Rodríguez cuestiona, con base en datos duros, una información del NYT sobre la dimensión que alcanzó la corrupción petrolera en los años de Nicolás Maduro.*
Si pasaste suficiente tiempo con venezolanos, sabrás que hablamos en superlativos. Tenemos los mejores jugadores de béisbol, las playas más bonitas, las arepas más sabrosas y los dictadores más despiadados. Pero ni siquiera nuestra propensión a exagerar me preparó para un [artículo](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/05/world/trump-venezuela-oil-deals.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) del New York Times que afirma que una red de empresas ficticias dirigidas por empresarios vinculados al expresidente Nicolás Maduro malversó 11.000 millones de dólares del petróleo venezolano en 2021 y 2022.
"Por cada dos dólares que Venezuela obtuvo vendiendo petróleo a principios de esta década, se robó un dólar, según muestran documentos internos y estadísticas oficiales", escribió el corresponsal del NYT, Anatoly Kurmanaev, un reportero experimentado especializado en Venezuela y uno de los periodistas más meticulosos que he conocido. Su artículo, bien documentado, ofrece una visión excepcional de la corrupción venezolana bajo el mandato de Maduro. Pero, ¿es todo lo que afirma precisamente así?
La conclusión del NYT de que la mitad de los ingresos petroleros de Venezuela se perdieron por la corrupción se basa en una suposición concreta: si la empresa petrolera estatal (PDVSA) no recibió el pago directo por 11.000 millones de dólares en exportaciones, ese dinero se lo robó alguien.
Si así fuera, sería el mayor caso de corrupción conocido, varias veces más grande que la mayor investigación de cleptocracia hasta la fecha: el escándalo del 1Malasia Development Berhad (1MDB), el fondo soberano de inversión malayo del que supuestamente se desviaron 4.500 millones de dólares entre 2009 y 2015.
En aquel momento, esto equivalía a alrededor de 0,2% del PIB del país, que rondaba los 270.000 millones de dólares al año. Mientras, los 11.000 millones de dólares de petróleo venezolano representarían aproximadamente 8% del PIB de Venezuela en 2021-22.
Si tomamos en cuenta las estimaciones de que cada dólar de ingresos petroleros generaba unos cuatro dólares de actividad no petrolera, se podría concluir que esta malversación le costó a Venezuela alrededor de 40% de su PIB – varios órdenes de magnitud por encima del costo de la corrupción constatado en numerosos estudios cuantitativos transnacionales, incluso sin contar el dinero que otras personas estaban robando. Venezuela sería la madre de todas las cleptocracias.
Por supuesto, si se hubiera sustraído esta cantidad, tendría importantes implicaciones para los debates sobre Venezuela. Quienes defienden las sanciones más duras contra este país llevan tiempo argumentando que no deberíamos preocuparnos por su efecto perjudicial en la economía, ya que la causa del colapso venezolano es la corrupción. Este argumento es equivocado – no hay razón por la que la corrupción, la mala gestión, las políticas deficientes *y* las sanciones no puedan haber contribuido todas al colapso –, pero se vería reforzado si la mitad de los ingresos petroleros de Venezuela se hubieran robado descaradamente.
Sin embargo, el NYT pasa por alto un hecho importante: en 2021 y 2022, Venezuela estaba sometida a sanciones estrictas de EEUU y no podía acceder a sus cuentas bancarias. El hecho de que PDVSA no recibiera directamente pagos en efectivo por miles de millones de dólares en petróleo no es prueba de corrupción; es prueba de trueque.
## Una mirada a la realidad
Un problema para afirmar que los secuaces de Maduro robaron 11.000 millones de dólares es que sabemos que Venezuela compró bienes en el extranjero durante ese periodo.
El Banco Central de Venezuela [informa](https://www.bcv.org.ve/estadisticas/balanza-de-pagos?ref=opendemocracy.net) que recibió ingresos de divisas por valor de 44.000 millones de dólares en 2021 y 2022; vendió 26.000 millones de dólares en envíos de petróleo, generó 11.000 millones de dólares en exportaciones no petroleras – en gran parte de la minería – y recibió alrededor de 7.000 millones de dólares en remesas.
Pero el país también declaró haber pagado unos 44.000 millones de dólares en importaciones de bienes, servicios y pagos de rentas al resto del mundo durante esos mismos dos años. De hecho, si se suman 2021 y 2022, los ingresos en divisas del país superaron sus gastos en tan solo 40 millones de dólares.
Esta diferencia, también conocida como saldo de cuenta corriente, fue prácticamente nula; Venezuela vivía al día. Y cuando eso ocurre, es muy difícil que la mitad de tus ingresos desaparezca sin que tú ni nadie a tu alrededor se dé cuenta.
**Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de datos de la balanza de pagos del Banco Central de Venezuela*
Tal vez haya otras explicaciones. Si el dinero se robó, entonces quizá ni siquiera entró, y en lugar de esos 44.000 millones de dólares deberíamos haber tenido 55.000 millones de dólares en ingresos en divisas.
Pero el NYT nos dice que el petróleo se vendió y se facturó, y que PDVSA nunca recibió directamente el pago por él; si eso es cierto, entonces sabemos que debería haberse registrado como exportación. Así es como se elaboran las estadísticas de la balanza de pagos: se contabiliza una exportación cuando se vende y se factura, no cuando se paga.
¿Y si el Banco Central está mintiendo? ¿Y si afirma que Venezuela vendió solamente 26.000 millones de dólares en petróleo para ocultar pruebas de corrupción? ¿O si infla las cifras de importación con el mismo propósito? Sin duda, esto no estaría fuera de su alcance. Sabemos que hay casos en los que la sobrefacturación de las importaciones distorsiona las estadísticas de la balanza de pagos, pero eso suele ocurrir en condiciones diferentes, como cuando los controles de cambio hacen que la gente declare importar más de lo que realmente importa.
Para comprobarlo, recopilé los datos facilitados por los 31 principales socios comerciales de Venezuela. Extrapolando la cifra total del comercio de la economía y suponiendo que la cuota comercial con estos socios se mantuvo estable entre 2012 y 2021, calculo que las importaciones totales de bienes ascendieron a 23.000 millones de dólares en 2021-22, una cifra bastante cercana a los 24.000 millones de dólares que registra el Banco Central.
También comparé las estimaciones de los envíos físicos de petróleo realizadas por la[ agencia internacional de noticias Reuters](https://www.reuters.com/graphics/VENEZUELA-OIL/EXPORTS/byprjmlgnpe/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y la plataforma de análisis financiero y negociación Refinitiv Eikon. Ambas utilizaron datos de carga de petroleros para determinar que Venezuela exportó una media de 627.000 barriles de petróleo al día en 2021 y 616.500 barriles al día en 2022\. A partir de estos volúmenes y de las cifras del Banco Central, el precio de venta implícito de Venezuela fue de 47 dólares por barril en 2021, y de 68,1 dólares en 2022 – un 10% menos que el valor de mercado en esos años, según la Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo (OPEP). Esta conclusión concuerda con las pruebas procedentes de[ informes internos de PDVSA](http://petroguia.com/pet/noticias/petr%C3%B3leo/ingresos-de-pdvsa-superan-10000-millones-al-cierre-del-segundo-cuatrimestre-de?ref=opendemocracy.net) y de este [auto de acusación](https://www.justice.gov/d9/press-releases/attachments/2022/10/19/22cr434%5Findictment%5F0%5F0.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de un caso de corrupción en la justicia de Nueva York, con cifras directas que reflejan los descuentos en las ventas de PDVSA.
Para que Venezuela hubiera tenido un superávit por cuenta corriente considerable, el Banco Central tendría que estar subestimando sus exportaciones de petróleo, pero esto implicaría o bien volúmenes de exportación sustancialmente superiores a los calculados por Reuters/Refinitiv Eikon, o bien que Venezuela estuvo vendiendo su petróleo a un precio sustancialmente más alto. Ambas hipótesis parecen muy poco plausibles. Una vez más, las cifras coinciden con lo que nos dice el Banco Central.
En resumen, Venezuela afirma que en 2021 y 2022 importaba aproximadamente lo mismo que exportaba – una versión confirmada por el resto del mundo. Entonces, ¿cómo pueden haber desaparecido 11.000 millones de dólares?
El rastro del dinero
Técnicamente, hay formas en que un país puede gastar lo que gana y, aun así, que desaparezcan grandes sumas.
La primera y más obvia es que hubiera 11.000 millones de dólares por ahí para robar. Pero sabemos que no los había, porque el gobierno de Venezuela estaba en bancarrota y sus cuentas internacionales congeladas; ni siquiera el Banco Central tenía acceso a la mayor parte de sus reservas internacionales en aquel momento.
Y recordemos que, según el NYT, estos 11.000 millones de dólares procedían de cuentas por cobrar impagas. En otras palabras, el petróleo se vendía y se cargaba en buques cuyos propietarios prometían pagar a Venezuela pero, según el Times, nunca lo hicieron.
Otra posibilidad es que Venezuela estuviera acumulando activos porque alguien le estaba prestando dinero. Pero esa explicación tampoco se sostiene. Nadie en su sano juicio hubiera prestado 11.000 millones de dólares a Venezuela en 2021 y 2022\. El país estaba sancionado y tenía prohibido emitir cualquier tipo de deuda en EEUU. Ni siquiera fondos de inversión no estadounidenses se habrían acercado a este país ni con un palo de 10 metros. Tampoco tenía acceso a cuentas bancarias a las que se pudiera transferir un préstamo de esa magnitud.
Si tal acreedor existiera, ¿no estaría intentando recuperar sus 11.000 millones de dólares? Ningún otro acreedor de Venezuela parece saber nada de él, lo cual resulta bastante extraño para un país que [acaba de anunciar](https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2026/05/13/venezuela/reestructuracion-deuda-externa-pdvsa-orix?ref=opendemocracy.net) que está a punto de iniciar la reestructuración de su deuda.
Vale la pena ahora hacer una pausa y examinar las cifras de la balanza por cuenta corriente del país, ya que los datos de la balanza de pagos no solo nos permiten ver cuánto recibió y gastó Venezuela en divisas, sino también de dónde procedía y adónde iba ese dinero.
Y aquí es donde la historia se pone interesante porque, por extraño que parezca, lo que estas cifras parecen indicarnos es que el gobierno venezolano *sí* pidió prestados unos 11.000 millones de dólares (o, más precisamente, 10.400 millones) en esos dos años. También nos indican que acumuló unos 14.000 millones de dólares en cuentas por cobrar, precisamente aquellas que, según el NYT, no se pagaron.
Así que imaginemos que llegamos de Marte, no sabemos nada de la condición de paria de Venezuela en aquel momento y miramos estas cifras. Entonces diríamos, sí, Venezuela pidió prestados 10.000 millones de dólares en esos años y también acumuló 14.000 millones de dólares en cuentas por cobrar (es decir, promesas de pago en el futuro) por sus ventas de petróleo. Y si en nuestra breve estadía en la Tierra, encontramos un ejemplar del NYT y leemos el artículo, diríamos: "Bueno, parece que de esos 14.000 millones de dólares, se robaron unos 11.000 millones".
Entonces, ¿por qué los datos de la balanza por cuenta corriente nos dan estas cifras tan raras? Ahí radica, en mi opinión, la solución al problema.
A continuación se muestra una diapositiva de una presentación elaborada por PDVSA a finales de 2022, en la que se recoge todo el petróleo vendido entre 2020 y 2022\. (La obtuve hace dos años, de unos periodistas que me preguntaron cómo interpretarla). Obsérvese que se cedieron al gobierno 13.300 millones de dólares en facturas. Esa cifra es un poco superior a los 11.000 millones de dólares del NYT porque incluye el año 2020\. En otras palabras, el gobierno pagó sus importaciones mediante envíos de petróleo porque no podía utilizar cuentas bancarias internacionales como consecuencia de las sanciones de EEUU.
**Fuente: Ministerio del Poder Popular del Petróleo*
En circunstancias normales, PDVSA habría vendido el petróleo, recibido dólares como pago y vendido esos dólares al Banco Central. A continuación, el gobierno habría acudido al Banco Central y comprado los dólares para pagar a los importadores. Pero como ese mecanismo no podía utilizarse, el gobierno recurrió al pago en especie, y les dijo a los importadores: miren, si me traen este monto en importaciones, los habilito a que vayan a cobrarlo a quienes compraron nuestro petróleo y nos deben dinero.
Si se analiza el desglose del supuesto endeudamiento que llevó a cabo el gobierno, se observa que parte de él adopta la forma de valores de inversión de cartera emitidos por el gobierno por un importe superior a los atrasos que está acumulando en su deuda. Eso no se debe a que el gobierno esté emitiendo bonos. Si el gobierno hubiera emitido un solo bono, lo sabríamos (y quienquiera que lo hubiese comprado sería objeto de burlas en todo el mundo).
Pero si se lee la letra pequeña del Manual de Estadísticas de la Balanza de Pagos del FMI, se comprueba que lo que caracteriza a la inversión de cartera es el hecho de que los valores deben ser negociables. Y esto es precisamente lo que Venezuela le daba a los importadores: pagarés negociables a cambio de cuentas por cobrar por petróleo, que daban a los importadores derecho a recibir el pago por el petróleo que Venezuela había vendido.
Encontramos una afirmación muy directa de esto en otra diapositiva de la presentación de PDVSA de 2022, donde el consejo de administración afirma, al analizar los casos de "cesión de facturas" correspondientes a envíos solicitados por el Ejecutivo nacional, que estas se utilizaban para saldar deudas con proveedores de la República.
Ese es nuestro misterioso prestamista: los importadores a los que se les emitía deuda para que pudieran canjearla por envíos de petróleo. Así pues, cuando vemos que las cuentas de la balanza de pagos indican que el gobierno estaba acumulando cuentas por cobrar y emitiendo deuda, lo que realmente estamos viendo es la forma en que las estadísticas de la balanza de pagos tratan una práctica tan antigua como la humanidad: el trueque.
## Petróleo y prejuicios
El periodista estadounidense Sydney Harris escribió una vez que "creemos lo que queremos creer, lo que nos gusta creer, lo que se ajusta a nuestros prejuicios y alimenta nuestras pasiones".
Y sí, la idea de que los compinches de Maduro se llevaron 11.000 millones de dólares en envíos de petróleo encaja perfectamente con muchos estereotipos sobre su régimen. Pero la realidad suele ser más prosaica. Venezuela no tenía forma de pagar en efectivo las importaciones que necesitaba, así que pagó con petróleo. Y como PDVSA, la empresa petrolera estatal, es una entidad jurídicamente independiente del gobierno, no cobró directamente por los envíos, sino que los transfirió al gobierno en concepto de pago de sus obligaciones fiscales y de regalías.
Sí, el régimen de Maduro era muy corrupto; nadie lo duda. Pero hay una gran diferencia entre reconocer su corrupción y afirmar que personeros del régimen se embolsaron la mitad de las exportaciones petroleras del país. Esa imagen puede resultar útil para muchas narrativas políticas, pero no se ajusta a los hechos.
*Francisco Rodríguez es investigador senior del Center for Economic and Policy Research y profesor e investigador de la Escuela Korbel de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Denver. También es fundador de Oil for Venezuela, una organización sin ánimo de lucro dedicada a buscar soluciones a la crisis humanitaria de Venezuela, y colabora habitualmente con Foreign Affairs, Financial Times, The New York Times, Americas Quarterly, Foreign Policy y The Washington Post. Sus últimos libros son* The Collapse of Venezuela: Scorched Earth Politics and Economic Decline, 2012–2020 *y* The Elgar Companion to the Economies of Latin America and the Caribbean*, ambos publicados en 2025.*
### Reform’s cracks, Labour’s traps, and the progressive path forward
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/reforms-cracks-polls-labour-andy-burnham-progressive-path-forward/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T13:47:24.000Z
As recently as late July, Westminster was in flux. Nigel Farage’s Reform UK was still leading the polls over Labour, as it had been for 18 months, but the Conservatives were close behind, with the Liberal Democrats and Greens in the fray too. Five parties all with hopes of advancement was a rare event in UK politics.
Then came Andy Burnham. His takeover in Downing Street from the unpopular Keir Starmer has led to substantial change in the political landscape, particularly since it coincided with [a summer of scandal and an embarrassing by-election for Reform](https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-reform-survive-its-summer-of-scandal/).
In the polls, Labour has moved into a narrow lead, with Reform slipping to second or even third place. [A poll](https://www.moreincommon.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) conducted in late August by More in Common, a non-profit research agency, put Labour on 26%, the Tories on 23%, and Reform on 22%, while the Lib Dems and the Greens were squeezed down to 11% and 9% respectively.
The situation may look better for Labour, but the shift has not been huge. If the figures for Reform and its rebel offshoot, Rupert Lowe’s Restore Britain Party, are taken together, the far-right’s support matches that for Labour.
So, what now? Here, a closer look at Reform and Labour pays dividends. Take Reform first; the party faces multiple problems, many of them self-inflicted.
One is that while Farage has long been seen as the high-profile leader, and skilled at portraying Reform as a necessary party of protest, he is not good at suffering fools gladly – and also has a problem differentiating the fools from the wise. The result is plenty of undignified infighting. That is not a problem when Reform is riding high, but it matters when pressure mounts, especially with Restore Britain having several high-profile supporters, including tech entrepreneur Simon Galbraith, who [has donated £500,000 to the party](https://businesscloud.co.uk/news/tech-entrepreneur-donates-500k-to-far-right-restore-britain/?ref=opendemocracy.net), and billionaire X owner Elon Musk, who has repeatedly voiced support for Lowe.
Moreover, Farage’s depiction of himself as an “outsider” to the establishment simply does not fit with reality. Just yesterday, undercover footage emerged of him discussing [foreign political donations over champagne and oysters](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cr50ddzl97qo?ref=opendemocracy.net) – hardly the image of a champion of the underdog.
The party’s leader has a personal wealth in the low millions of pounds, and last year made around £1m from multiple jobs in addition to his parliamentary salary. He is also currently under parliamentary investigation over an undeclared £5m gift from Reform’s Thai-based billionaire donor, Christopher Harborne, made months before he became an MP.
Reform itself is part of an elite constellation, rather than representing a marginalised majority. Many of the party’s top brass have huge amounts of personal wealth, with deputy leader Richard Tice and spokesperson Zia Yusuf reportedly both being multimillionaires. The party is also heavily dependent on a few very wealthy individuals for its main support; you can’t easily make much of supporting ordinary people against an elitist political system when billionaires are the basis of your funding.
Yet while big donations may be a problem, especially eight-figure donations from people based abroad, they also provide a great deal of money to run high-profile election campaigns. Reform is [comfortably exceeding both Labour and the Tories in overall fundraising, month by month](https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/media-centre/political-parties-accept-just-under-ps171m-donations-q2-2026?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Labour’s main problem, meanwhile, is having to clear up the huge mess of 14 years of austerity under the Conservatives. Across the board, the results are stark: from long-term underfunding of prisons and the probation service, through persistent funding shortfalls in the NHS, and an [inadequate and largely privatised care service](https://www.theguardian.com/society/2026/sep/03/private-equity-england-childrens-care-providers-profit?ref=opendemocracy.net). Then add to those issues a national housing crisis, museums and libraries closing across the country and town centres emptying of shops, before we even get to the issue of water monopolies.
Labour may claim that all of this is not its fault and blame the Tories. But, provided Burnham does not trigger an early election, Labour will have been in power for at least four years by the time we go to the polls – that excuse, regardless of whether or not it is true, simply won’t wash in the absence of any change for the better.
So far, the messages coming from Burnham and his allies are better presented than under Starmer. There are open admissions of many of the problems faced, mostly on domestic issues, and hints of possible solutions, such as some devolution of political power and direct if modest responses to concerns like energy costs.
The message, though, becomes more problematic on international affairs, and it is here that Burnham will face substantial problems in the necessary task of renewing the Labour Party. It is easy to forget that Labour under Jeremy Corbyn grew to be the largest political party in Western Europe, pulling in plenty of money from tens of thousands of individuals rather than from a handful of very wealthy backers. Reversing the loss of some 250,000 members during Starmer’s leadership will not be easy, and will require confronting the Israeli assault on Gaza, climate breakdown and Labour’s continuing dalliance with neoliberal economics.
On Gaza, in the past three years at least 85,000 Palestinians have been killed or are presumed dead, with most of those missing buried under the rubble of destroyed buildings. Now, we have been told by Netanyahu’s defence minister, Israel Katz, that [Trump is being asked to back the new policy of simply driving the Palestinians out of Israel](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/sep/02/israel-seeking-trumps-support-for-plan-to-expel-palestinians-from-gaza?ref=opendemocracy.net). Katz this week told a press conference there was “no real solution for Gaza in the end without this migration” and the government was “organised and prepared to get them out by sea, by air, by every way possible”.
Burnham must do far more than condemn this, as well as the ongoing violence in Gaza and the occupied West Bank. He has to withdraw the UK’s military, economic and political support for Israel right across the board, but there is little sign of that – and failing to do so will cause considerable domestic support to Labour.
It may seem odd to many that two consecutive Labour leaderships have had so little appreciation of the British left’s mood on Gaza, even after scores of mass demonstrations and, more recently, thousands of people willing to go to jail in support of Palestine. But right from the origins of the State of Israel nearly eight decades ago, political Zionists have been aware of the need for parliamentary support in the UK if their version of Israel is to thrive. The Israel lobby in the US may be larger, but that in the UK is also significant, and a core part of its work has long been nurturing support within the upper echelons of Labour.
Then there is the climate issue. Here, [our summer of heatwaves and droughts](https://www.opendemocracy.net/england-is-burning-we-must-fix-our-fragile-food-system/) across Europe, [including most of England and Wales](https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-crisis-food-supermarket-cost-poverty-heatwave-drought-andy-burnham/), means that even the vaguest talk of approving new North Sea oil and gas projects makes no sense at all – particularly in light of the recent devastating Nepal flood disaster, and with the impact of the ‘Super El Niño’ system about to hit the world. Yet the fossil carbon lobby in Parliament and elsewhere is so powerful that the Labour leadership is reluctant to take it on, despite Ed Miliband’s best efforts.
Finally, there is the current economic model and the persistence of neoliberalism, which has been the system for more than four decades. One small but significant indicator that this is unlikely to change anytime soon is Labour’s continuing willingness to seek financial support from the rich and powerful. Burnham last week U-turned on support for capping political donations at £500,000 – a move that has not gone down well in progressive circles.
Instead, just suppose that over the next three months, Burnham and his team have a heavenly Damascene conversion. Imagine the UK embarks on a rapid period of radical decarbonisation aiming to comfortably exceed all current targets, while restoring the international development budget that would speed up the green transition across the Global South. Imagine the Israeli political leadership is finally held to account for multiple war crimes, with the UK proposing and implementing a wide range of economic sanctions. Imagine a revitalised Labour Party launches serious tax reforms that at last face up to the rottenness of the current economic system.
A pipedream perhaps, but we live in strange and urgent times.
More likely, though, over the next couple of years, change will come from the efforts of an informal yet coherent coalition of progressive elements in the Labour and Green parties and independent MPs, working to set the terms of the political debate. That is not so much a pipedream and is well worth working for.
### Does Africa have a far right? It’s complicated
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/does-africa-have-a-far-right-its-complicated/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T10:22:05.000Z
As the far right gains ground across Europe, the US and Latin America, its politics are increasingly recognisable and transcend borders. Leaders everywhere follow a familiar playbook, winning votes through nationalism, social conservatism, anti-immigrant sentiment and promises to restore some lost national past. But does this model work in Africa?
openDemocracy spoke with three experts on African politics – a journalist who has long investigated the influence of the US Christian right across the continent and two political researchers who focus on the far right. While all three acknowledge deep-rooted reactionary politics on the continent, they resist the idea of applying a blanket “far right” label.
The terminology itself presents a problem, says investigative reporter Lydia Namubiru, openDemocracy’s former Africa editor. “One finds that kind of politics within African contexts, but calling it ‘far right’ is a misnomer because those positions are often not that far from mainstream political thought and practice,” she explains.
In her home country of Uganda, for example, Parliament’s speaker championed a 2023 anti-homosexuality law that includes the death penalty for some offences. Similar dynamics can be seen in Nigeria, where former president Goodluck Jonathan signed a law against same-sex marriage ahead of the 2015 election, and South Africa, where Namubiru notes that “every major political party in the country has moved right on immigration, if it already wasn’t there”.
Jason Love, a PhD fellow at Denmark’s Roskilde University researching authoritarian populism and the global right in the Global South, agrees that applying Western frameworks to African politics can obscure more than it reveals. “Nationalism, anti-colonialism, religion, ethnicity, class and sovereignty have different historical meanings, which in many cases completely befuddle this binary spectrum,” he says. “Someone can be nationalist, socially conservative and authoritarian while simultaneously supporting state ownership, redistribution and anti-capitalist policies.”
But Nigerian political sociologist Sa’eed Husaini, a fellow at the Centre for Democracy and Development in Nigeria, warns against dismissing Western frameworks entirely. Avoiding global categories can create “a blind spot” that “removes Africa from global history” and leads observers to treat developments such as ethno-nationalism as peculiarly African rather than connected to wider processes including debt crises, austerity and structural adjustment.
So if there is no single African equivalent of the far right seen in much of the world, how do reactionary politics manifest across the continent? While local contexts produce varying combinations of xenophobia, religious conservatism, anti-LGBTQ politics and ethnic majoritarianism, Husaini notes that exclusionary movements struggle to dominate politics in many African countries.
Instead, the nations’ diversity often forces parties to form cross-ethnic or cross-religious coalitions to wield national power, creating governments such as those led by William Ruto in Kenya and Bola Tinubu in Nigeria, which are “much further right than the independence period, but perhaps not as far right as the 1970s and 80s military regimes”, Husaini explains. Such administrations often combine some ethno-religious pluralism with neoliberal economics, conservative cultural politics and pragmatic foreign policy that espouse anti-Western rhetoric while cooperating with Western powers.
For Namubiru, one common feature of these governments is what she calls “opportunistic political homophobia”: when “a political actor or government in crisis fans prevailing – but not politically focused – anti-LGBTIQ sentiments in an attempt to either distract the population from the crisis or make themself untouchable, lest their adversaries be accused of being backed by homosexuals”. Namubiru has seen versions of this dynamic play out in Uganda, Nigeria, Senegal, Mali and Burkina Faso, with embattled governments intensifying anti-LGBTQ policies or enforcement.
In South Africa, Namubiru says, where homophobia is less prevalent, politicians use the same playbook but with a different target: migrants. She points to recent xenophobic protests, explaining that factions of the ruling party “that have been cut off by Cyril Ramaphosa’s presidency are using the streets, in a populist manner, to renegotiate power”.
Love agrees that xenophobia and Afrophobia are particularly significant in South Africa, but warns against reading this through the lens of Europe’s anti-immigrant politics, noting that South African xenophobia has developed through nearly three decades of post-apartheid nation-building, inequality and political contestation, and is overwhelmingly directed at other Africans rather than white South Africans or migrants from Europe and North America. “This tells us the historical and contemporary intersection has come to affect how it manifests now,” Love says.
Husaini, meanwhile, believes African reactionary politics precede the current global far-right moment. He points to the “reactionary counter-revolution” that emerged in the 1970s and 80s in response to the more inclusionary, pan-African independence movements that peaked between the mid-1950s and 1970s, which were often socialist in nature and sought to “unite the continent against Western imperialism”.
“As we know, these aspirations were quickly curtailed as domestic and regional opposition – often backed by former colonial powers and relying on assassinations and coups, in the cases of Congo and Ghana – brought radically exclusionary, ethno-nationalist, and anti-leftist regimes to power,” Husaini explains.
“Regimes such as Congo’s Mobutu Sese Seko and Rwanda’s Juvénal Habyarimana are more frequently remembered as kleptocratic Western puppet regimes, and are, as such, treated as non-ideological rather than explicitly right-wing. This, I think, is a mistake,” he adds, arguing that such regimes rolled back earlier progressive ambitions through “what we would elsewhere recognise quite clearly as hallmarks of right-wing regimes”: ethnicising power, scapegoating minorities and privatising or personalising state resources.
Anti-Western doesn’t mean left-wing
Africa’s independence movements fused anti-colonialism with the very idea of the post-colonial nation. The result, Husaini says, is that “some form of anti-Western rhetoric is embraced by nearly all parties across the ideological spectrum” – enabling conservative and authoritarian governments to speak the language of anti-imperialism while pursuing exclusionary politics.
Husaini points to the work of Nigerien political scientist Rahmane Idrissa, who argues that outside observers can mistake the anti-imperialist rhetoric of military regimes in the Sahel for evidence of progressive politics, without paying enough attention to how those governments treat their own populations.
Namubiru makes the same point more starkly. African leaders who embrace the global neoliberal agenda established by the 1944 Bretton Woods conference – which created the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and pegged major currencies to the US dollar – “still self-identify as ‘anti-imperialist’, ‘anti-Western’ champions of native ‘sovereignty’ before domestic voters, even as they offshore the proceeds of their corruption to Western banks or send their descendants to settle in the UK, US or Canada”.
Newer political actors, including military governments and populist movements, often draw on the same vocabulary. “This rhetoric is brittle and contradictory but politically necessary in many African contexts,” Namubiru explains. Being anti-Western, economically interventionist or rhetorically anti-capitalist cannot by itself tell us where a political movement sits – which, Love says, is why Africa exposes the limits of a simple left-right spectrum.
A global right, but not simply a Western export
While the Western far-right movement may not translate directly into African politics, it “definitely has ambitions for global influence”, Namubiru says. Its proponents are “lending its organising expertise, funding and connections to actors \[in African nations\] who are amenable to their goal” – particularly around anti-LGBTQ and anti-gender politics.
However, Namubiru, Love and Husaini all caution against viewing African political actors as passive targets. “It would be wrong to describe African actors simply as passive recipients of American or European conservatism,” Love says. “Rather, they are an active shaper of what we can call ‘global right processes.’”
Indeed, African conservatives increasingly participate in international gatherings like the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), an annual event organised by the American Conservative Union, and build direct relationships with European and American conservative movements. These networks allow for the exchange of ideas about migration, gender and sovereignty, which can then be translated into local political languages and attached to local grievances. “This is why I would describe the relationship as transnational ideological exchange rather than simple Western exportation,” Love argues.
Unlike in the West, across much of Africa these networks operate not through formal far-right parties, but through evangelical and Pentecostal churches, online communities and other social movements, says Husaini. This may explain how recognisably far-right ideas circulate widely even when an African far right is difficult to identify electorally. The exception, Husaini argues, is South Africa, where there is a more direct bridge between parts of the American far right and white South African ethno-nationalist groups.
Love already sees signs of a more recognisable political right emerging – with contemporary far-right ideas gaining traction among parts of the growing urban male intelligentsia, social movements and online groups, even if their direct influence on national politics is limited outside South Africa. Yet he remains cautious about calling it a coherent far right, pointing out that an anti-immigrant movement in South Africa, an evangelical anti-LGBTQ campaign in Uganda and an ethno-nationalist movement in Nigeria should not automatically be lumped together simply because each shares characteristics with the European far right.
The real question, Love says, is what happens if these distinct strands begin to come together. “If these dividing lines start to converge in a more sustained manner and if formations become increasingly emboldened and widespread, we could see the rise of a unique African ‘far right’, which would play a far greater role in the conception of the global right.”
Has that moment arrived? For Husaini, the answer is cautious: “Not yet.”
### Reform UK has a new target in its sights: Disabled people
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/reform-uk-new-target-disabled-people-personal-independence-payment-social-housing/
Last updated: 2026-09-04T11:20:17.000Z
Reform’s political statements are short, blunt and make crystal clear who it does and doesn’t want in its gang. So far, refugees and other foreign nationals have borne the brunt of the party’s hostility and vitriol, but in recent weeks, it has also turned the spotlight of rejection on Disabled people.
Last month, Nigel Farage’s party announced that, should it take power at the next election, it will abolish Personal Independence Payment (PIP). The benefit is paid to Disabled people who experience barriers to living independently, and there are around four million recipients across England and Wales, 83% of whom are of working age.
Having a disability [adds an average of £1,095 a month to household bills](https://www.scope.org.uk/campaigns/disability-price-tag?ref=opendemocracy.net), according to research by Scope, a disability charity. PIP recognises and contributes to these extra costs (although, even at its highest rate of £778.40 a month, it often doesn’t cover them in full). It helps pay for charging an electric wheelchair or turning the heating up in a cost-of-living crisis; for pre-prepared food and specific diets; for the specialised transport needed to hold down a job; for the essential personal care that enables a person to get out of bed in the morning, and any other support that allows Disabled people to live independently in their communities.
The vast majority of Disabled people don't receive PIP; accessing the payment is widely recognised as an arduous, barrier-heavy process that often deters or denies the very people it is supposed to support. Rather than overhauling the system to reduce the unwieldy bureaucracy or fix the high error rates – two-thirds of PIP rejections are overturned at tribunal, with no new evidence presented in the vast majority of cases – Reform wants to scrap it altogether.
The party plans to provide payments only to an ill-defined group of Disabled people whom it deems most in need. The rest of us will be forced to go cap in hand to local authorities for support, much as Disabled people in the 19th century were required to depend on the charity of the parish. Rather than ‘saving taxpayer money’, as the party has claimed, such proposals will offload costs onto an already crumbling NHS and underfunded social care sector, while driving Disabled people towards institutionalised care.
The party’s attack on Disabled people hasn’t stopped there. Also last month, it said it would prioritise British-born working people under 35 for social housing, with additional preference given to married couples with children. The discriminatory divisiveness of this policy proposal is breathtaking. To base the allocation of scarce social housing on where a person was born, their employment status, age, or relationship status, rather than on their need, is unfair and unjust.
Entire sections of our society would effectively be excluded from social housing under the policy, including: older people, Disabled people of all ages who are unable to work due to impairments or health conditions, single people, and everyone born outside the UK, including those who have fled violence in their home countries.
These deeply divisive policy statements fail to provide the underlying analysis that led to the plans, or any vision for system change. The stats show that a large number of people on the social housing waiting list are Disabled people, so what is Reform’s rationale for turning their back on this real and sizeable need?
Disabled people already face significant societal disadvantages. Around half of those in poverty are disabled or have a Disabled person in the household. We experience physical and digital barriers to education and employment. Navigating the street can be challenging, and public transport is often a no-go zone. We are over-represented amongst homeless people, struggle to pay high rents in the private sector, often live in homes that are not accessible and are placed in inaccessible and inappropriate temporary accommodation for far too long.
So, how do the above Reform policy announcements address this kind of deep-rooted, long-standing discrimination? They don’t. The party has no plans to make society more inclusive and equal, no plans to make the social security system fairer and no plans to allocate social housing based on need. We’re just not part of its gang.
### Acuerdo de Meta en EEUU puede redefinir la seguridad infantil en todo el mundo
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/meta-seguridad-proteccion-infantil-regulacion-plataformas-acuerdo-eeuu/
Last updated: 2026-09-03T20:27:43.000Z
El acuerdo de Meta con 52 fiscales generales de estados y territorios estadounidenses y el Distrito de Columbia, que acusaron a Facebook e Instagram de daños a niñas, niños y adolescentes, tiene potencial para cambiar la forma en que autoridades del resto del mundo abordan la seguridad en línea.
El acuerdo, que se anunció la semana pasada, exige que Meta incluya límites predeterminados al uso diario, restricciones nocturnas y una verificación de edad más rigurosa. Meta, además, insta a TikTok y YouTube a adoptar medidas similares. El acuerdo aún está sujeto a aprobación judicial.
La empresa se exponía a tener que pagar 200.000 millones de dólares si perdía el juicio, pero solo tendrá que abonar un máximo 18.000 millones, de los cuales 12.700 millones serán pagaderos en 10 años, mientras el resto Meta los pagará si, de manera simultánea, YouTube y TikTok aceptan pagos equivalentes e iguales restricciones y mecanismos para verificar la edad de los usuarios.
Algunas de las medidas a las que se compromete Meta en Estados Unidos también son reclamadas por autoridades en otros lugares. En Europa, Reino Unido, Australia, Brasil y Singapur, las agencias reguladoras llevan años intentando que las plataformas sean más seguras para los menores, a menudo mediante leyes vigentes que exigen a las empresas evaluar los riesgos y proteger a los menores.
En este caso, los cambios prometidos son el resultado de un litigio y no de la escurridiza ley federal de seguridad en línea.
“Este acuerdo tiene implicaciones que van mucho más allá de Estados Unidos”, afirmó Owen Bennett, experto independiente en política tecnológica del Reino Unido. “Si yo fuera un regulador en Brasilia, Bruselas o Canberra, vería esto como una enorme oportunidad”, señaló Bennett. Según dijo, las medidas que los reguladores han intentado que Meta implemente por años probablemente ahora ocupen “buena parte de los pensamientos de Mark Zuckerberg”, fundador de Facebook y director ejecutivo de Meta .
Puesto que Meta es una empresa estadounidense, explicó, la presión de los tribunales y políticos de ese país tendrá un impacto diferente en la compañía que las normas impuestas por reguladores en el extranjero. “Este acuerdo concentrará la atención y la sensibilidad de los ejecutivos en la seguridad infantil de una manera que ningún conjunto de normas o regulación global ha logrado hasta ahora”.
En Europa, la Ley de Servicios Digitales (DSA) ya presiona a Meta en algunos de los mismos temas.
En abril, la Comisión Europea dictaminó de forma preliminar que Meta infringió la DSA por no identificar, evaluar ni mitigar adecuadamente los riesgos que supone para los menores de 13 años acceder a Instagram y Facebook. La Comisión señaló que Meta no impedía de manera eficaz que los menores de 13 años utilizaran sus plataformas.
En julio, la Comisión determinó preliminarmente que Meta había infringido la DSA por el diseño adictivo de Facebook e Instagram. Su investigación se centró en funciones como el desplazamiento infinito (*scroll*), la reproducción automática, las notificaciones inmediatas (*push*) y los sistemas de recomendación personalizados. La Comisión afirmó que Meta no había evaluado de forma adecuada los riesgos que suponen estas funciones para el bienestar físico y mental de los usuarios y que sus medidas de mitigación no son suficientemente eficaces.
El acuerdo alcanzado en Estados Unidos demuestra que las plataformas pueden cambiar sistemas que son dañinos, en lugar de solo restringir el acceso de niñas y niños a ellos, dijo Hannah Storey, responsable de derechos digitales de la infancia y la juventud en Amnistía Internacional.
“Durante años, Amnistía Internacional, la sociedad civil y las personas perjudicadas por las redes sociales han advertido que las principales plataformas se diseñaron para maximizar la participación y las ganancias, sin proteger adecuadamente los derechos de los niños. Este acuerdo es significativo no solo por su magnitud, sino porque demuestra que las plataformas pueden cambiar decisiones de diseño que perjudican a los niños cuando se les exige responsabilidad”, afirmó.
Storey señaló que las autoridades europeas ya cuentan con herramientas para hacer mover a las plataformas en la misma dirección. “En Europa, un litigio de esta magnitud podría no ser necesario. Los mecanismos regulatorios existentes, como la Ley de Servicios Digitales, ya exigen que las plataformas evalúen y aborden los riesgos para los niños, mientras que proyectos normativos como la Ley de Equidad Digital podrían impulsar un diseño más seguro”.
Estos instrumentos jurídicos pueden adquirir más importancia a medida que los gobiernos sopesan la posibilidad de restringir por completo el acceso de niñas y niños a las redes sociales en Europa y el resto del mundo.
“Este caso nos recuerda que debemos centrarnos en mejorar las plataformas en sí mismas. En lugar de excluir a los jóvenes de los espacios en línea, los responsables de formular políticas públicas deberían garantizar que las plataformas sean seguras por diseño”, afirmó Storey.
## Un nuevo punto de referencia
El acuerdo puede servir como punto de referencia y, a la vez, como desafío. Julia Smakman, del centro británico de investigación sobre tecnología Ada Lovelace Institute, señaló que el caso estadounidense podría fortalecer los argumentos de las agencias reguladoras europeas contra Meta, especialmente cuando las consecuencias financieras por incumplimiento son elevadas.
“Tanto las medidas regulatorias como los litigios pueden incentivar a las empresas a comportarse de manera más responsable, siempre que las consecuencias financieras sean lo suficientemente grandes. Tener un gran caso proveniente del mismísimo Estados Unidos puede ser útil para los reguladores en Europa que están explorando argumentos legales en casos similares”, afirmó.
Dado que el caso se resolvió mediante un acuerdo extrajudicial en lugar de una sentencia, no sienta un precedente legal. Aun así, Smakman cree que podría ofrecer una base útil, facilitando la adopción de medidas más estrictas o la ampliación de la protección a todos los usuarios, más allá de límites de edad.
Esa tensión ya se vislumbraba en las conclusiones de julio de la Comisión Europea. Por ejemplo, señaló Smakman, medidas promovidas por la Comisión que parecen ir más allá de las del acuerdo, como la desactivación predeterminada de la reproducción automática y el desplazamiento infinito.
## Superando los límites del cambio
El Reino Unido se enfrenta a un conjunto diferente de opciones. Ofcom, el organismo encargado de regular internet, ya está haciendo cumplir las obligaciones de seguridad infantil bajo la Ley de Seguridad en Línea (OSA), mientras que el gobierno británico ha anunciado planes para restringir el acceso a redes sociales a menores de 16 años a partir de la primavera de 2027.
Steve Wood, experto en privacidad y exsubcomisionado adjunto de información del Reino Unido, afirmó que el acuerdo refleja un cambio más amplio en la forma en que los gobiernos abordan a las empresas tecnológicas. “Ilustra un creciente consenso internacional sobre la necesidad de exigir responsabilidades a las empresas tecnológicas, y existe una importante coincidencia entre las medidas del acuerdo y los objetivos de la DSA y la OSA, así como las directrices y los códigos de buenas prácticas que las acompañan”.
Según Wood, para Europa, el acuerdo llega mientras los responsables políticos aún deliberan sobre hasta dónde llevar las restricciones al acceso infantil a redes sociales.
“En la Unión Europea, los responsables políticos tienen un margen mayor, ya que aún no han tomado una decisión formal sobre la prohibición de redes sociales para los niños, y la colaboración de la Comisión Europea con Meta sobre el cumplimiento de la DSA y los riesgos para los menores sigue en marcha, tras las conclusiones preliminares de incumplimiento que coinciden en gran medida con muchas de las alegaciones formuladas en el juicio contra Meta”, afirmó.
El Reino Unido tiene menos margen para reconsiderar su rumbo. El gobierno mantiene su compromiso con la prohibición de las redes sociales para menores, aunque Wood señaló que las medidas de Meta en Estados Unidos podrían tener relevancia a la larga para adolescentes mayores que quedan fuera de la prohibición británica y para plataformas más pequeñas que no están incluidas en ella.
Para los reguladores de todo el mundo, el acuerdo supone una prueba real de lo que Meta está dispuesta y es capaz de cambiar.
*\*Este artículo fue* [*publicado originalmente en Tech Policy Press*](https://www.techpolicy.press/what-metas-us-settlement-on-child-safety-means-for-europe/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*.*
### A leadership election without voters: The demise of Scottish Labour
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/scottish-labour-leadership-election-anas-sarwar-joe-fagan-michael-marra/
Last updated: 2026-09-02T11:18:17.000Z
In July 2024, Scottish Labour celebrated its best election result for over a decade. From the Central Belt to the Outer Hebrides, the country’s electoral map turned red once more. Leader Anas Sarwar hailed a “historic day”, while his colleagues predicted the resurrection of a party long since declared dead north of the border.
Less than two years later, Scottish Labour recorded its worst defeat in the history of the Scottish Parliament, scraping 19% of the vote. All talk of revival evaporated. The May 2026 result hammered home a damning trend: Scottish Labour’s Holyrood representation has shrunk at every election since 1999\. ‘Labour Scotland’ – the country where the party won every Westminster election between 1955 and 2010 – has disappeared with the rise of modern Scottish nationalism.
Now, the Scottish Labour Party itself faces the prospect of irreversible decline. First, though, it must find a new leader. Opting not to wait for the post-mortem, Sarwar last month resigned to take up a seat in the House of Lords, having emerged from the wreckage of a dismal election campaign as the trade minister in Andy Burnham’s new government. While the outgoing Glasgow MSP’s decision has been roundly ridiculed – he previously pledged to abolish the Lords – his elevation is indicative of far more than arrogant hypocrisy.
Ever since Mohammad Sarwar became the first millionaire to join Scottish Labour’s executive in 1994, his family has personified the party’s shift towards a post-political, professional elite. His son, Anas Sarwar, saw this project through to its natural conclusion in May, casting Scottish Labour in his own image to fight the election with a net favourability rating of [\-40](https://www.thenational.scot/news/26010547.anas-sarwar-dismisses-favourability-ratings-battle-bus-launch/?utm%5Fmedium=Social&utm%5Fsource=Facebook&fbclid=IwY2xjawTzreJwZG9mAWV4dG4DYWVtAjEwAGJyaWQRMFlZOVN2MFZDRTJ6Rk1tZ0FzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEev3O4RwfnjE8T8QpKijK7E9mXZn%5FMpYR%5FcOqnYn3jP0Ut7MmzeaULEDN%5F6Bc%5Faem%5FeEhcez4Vnyy2b4RlZHY3xQ#Echobox=1775829494). His party [achieved](https://yougov.com/en-gb/articles/54908-how-scotland-voted-in-the-2026-holyrood-election?ref=opendemocracy.net) its strongest result among university-educated professionals who own their own home and earn more than £70,000 per annum, while even the Conservatives performed better among low-income voters. If the traditional constituencies of Scottish Labour support were trade unionists, renters and post-industrial communities, none turned out to vote with any enthusiasm.
In 2010, the younger Sarwar had been selected to succeed his father in the Glasgow constituency he’d represented for almost 25 years, rising quickly to become Scottish Labour’s deputy leader 12 months later. His place in the Scottish political class embodies the challenge Labour faces in reconnecting with working Scots. An archetypal neoliberal, Sarwar’s ‘born to rule’ attitude is both befitting of his new workplace, and entirely characteristic of his political generation – many of whom continue to inhabit the upper echelons of the Scottish Labour Party, which the poet Hugh McDiarmid once reflected was “educated not in class struggle but in administrative patience”.
This is not new. Scottish Labour has been in a state of political decomposition for over a decade, and it was in this context that Sarwar devised an alternative coalition, which abandoned social democracy to court the wealthy. Billionaire bus and property tycoons Sandy and James Easdale [donated](https://www.heraldscotland.com/news/25773216.billionaire-brothers-easdales-hand-labour-six-figure-donation/?ref=opendemocracy.net) £300,000 to the party’s election war chest, for example. By cultivating such a narrow coalition, the leadership oversaw a dramatic downturn in membership, which slumped by a third to [around](https://www.thenational.scot/news/26459634.scottish-labour-membership-collapsed-third-5-years/?ref=opendemocracy.net) 11,000 over five years. Today, Scottish Labour is roughly the size of the Scottish Greens and smaller than Reform UK in Scotland, according to the latter party’s own figures.
This decline belies a more important reality. “Most political parties, particularly old ones, are fuelled by myths,” writes David Torrance in his new history of the [party](https://sslh.org.uk/2026/02/20/book-a-history-of-the-scottish-labour-party/?ref=opendemocracy.net), “but perhaps Scottish Labour has more than most.” Perhaps the greatest fallacy is that Labour was never entirely comfortable with devolution; the party that delivered Holyrood has never been at home in it.
The parliament’s early Labour governments lacked an agenda for radical change and opted to manage – rather than advance – the devolved settlement, constraining their offer to the electorate and reinforcing the party’s inflexible orientation on the national question, which has ultimately amounted only to a defence of the status quo. As the party’s collapse accelerated, intellectual inspiration was bequeathed to its nationalist successors. In February, Westminster’s Scotland secretary, Labour MP Douglas Alexander, argued that his party’s problem was simply that SNP voters were “immune to arguments”, ignoring the fact that Labour had not bothered to make one, instead assuming the electorate would eventually grow tired of its flirtation with nationalism.
Following his resignation, Sarwar reflected that being Scottish Labour leader was the “hardest job in British politics”. He wasn’t far wrong. His successor must not only revamp the party’s policy agenda but, more importantly, articulate who the party is for. Whether the latter task is even possible remains to be seen, requiring a fresh analysis of Scotland’s class composition that few in Holyrood would care for. Early indications do not bode well.
In next month’s leadership race, the party’s members now face a choice between Joe Fagan, who has already [ruled out a second independence referendum](https://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/politics/joe-fagan-rules-out-ever-37563304?ref=opendemocracy.net), and Michael Marra, who represents complete continuity, having written the May manifesto that voters comprehensively rejected. Neither candidate has, to put it mildly, set the heather alight. “Who cares who leads Labour?” one senior party source told [STV](https://news.stv.tv/politics/who-cares-who-leads-scottish-labour?ref=opendemocracy.net). It’s a good question. The leadership race might have occupied the Scottish press during ‘silly season’, but it has barely registered in the country at large.
Despite the support of two of Scottish Labour’s largest affiliated trade unions, progressive candidate Monica Lennon failed to amass the requisite parliamentary nominations to make the ballot paper in the leadership race. There is truth to her supporters’ claim of a stitch-up, but it dates back to the 2024 general election. As was the case across Britain, Scottish Labour’s Westminster selections were gerrymandered, and the Starmer Project spent big to send as many loyalists to Parliament as possible. Labour Together, for example, [ploughed](https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/labour-together-scandal-threatens-engulf-sarwar?ref=opendemocracy.net) more than £100,000 into Scottish Labour's general election campaign. The legacy of their efforts was enough to scupper Lennon’s candidacy and prevent any wider debate about the future of the party – or its constitutional stance.
In 1937, Labour leader Clement Attlee warned his comrades that the party was prone to “underrate the force of national sentiment”. Scottish Labour is yet to heed his advice nine decades later. It still boasts by far the largest crop of Scottish MPs, but you wouldn’t know it – and that looks unlikely to change regardless of whether Fagan or Marra succeeds Sarwar. Instead, the party appears certain to repeat past mistakes and take another step on the long road to extinction.
### Bank Weekend Holiday Special
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-290826/
Last updated: 2026-08-29T07:00:15.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- India’s Cockroach protests have shown the power of youth-led dissent, forcing a major concession from Modi’s authoritarian regime
- Nigel Farage’s Reform UK is quietly cosying up to City lobbyists and corporate giants to help write its future government manifesto
- How a convicted fraudster spun a Balkan web of offshore shell companies, illicit crypto-ATMs, and financial subterfuge to bankroll Reform UK’s elite
- Imprisoned Palestine Action activist warns her barrister’s prosecution sets chilling precedent intended to stop lawyers defending protesters
- Secret documents expose a covert Russian disinformation campaign in Bolivia
- How a UK-registered crude oil pipeline triggered a ruthless wave of military-backed land grabs in Uganda
- US Christians have a language problem – and it’s alienating the people needed to save democracy
- President Milei’s austerity is driving a mental health emergency in Argentina, pushing vulnerable citizens and a decimated public health system to breaking point
- A Ukrainian activist shares a survivor’s harrowing story of trauma and loss under Russian occupation
In India, where I’m from, much of the country marks the new year in mid-March, with August marking a moment of respite before gearing up for the September harvest and the start of the festive season. Since moving to the UK in the “swirling polar vortex” of 2022, I’ve come to believe that maybe my ancestors were on to something. Despite what the calendar says, August is the true midpoint of the year.
So it is on the last bank holiday of the summer, we are taking a moment at openDemocracy to reflect on everything we’ve done this year, and all we need to do in the months ahead. This week’s newsletter is a collection of long reads for your long weekend. These are stories from India, Ukraine, Uganda, Bolivia, the US, Argentina, Montenegro and, of course, the UK, which we published this year but you may not have had the chance to read as yet. So settle in and take your time with this week’s newsletter, and keep coming back to it over the course of the long weekend.
In autumn, the UK’s newest prime minister will have to explain how he’s going to pay for all his promises, the US president will find out just how popular his party is, Brazil will find out if it has moved on from its most recent brush with authoritarianism, Ukraine and Russia will dig in for another freezing winter of conflict. As the days grow shorter, we will learn just how intense this year’s El Niño effect will be, what (if anything) AI will do next, if the regime in Cuba will persist, if we can stop thinking about the Strait of Hormuz.
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 new monthly donors by the end of 2026\. We've welcomed 120 so far – but we still have a long way to go
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
But we can get into all that from Tuesday; this weekend find the time to rest, reflect and recuperate. Kick back and pour yourself another coffee, have that long breakfast, read the book we recommend, or maybe just take a nap.
A big thank you to the new members who signed up last week. Thanks to you, we are well on track to hit our target of 500 new members by December. If you aren’t yet a regular donor, do consider becoming one.
Have a great weekend
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
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[Cockroaches, Modi and the death of fearIndia’s youthful cockroach protests have defanged the ruling regime’s primary tools of governance: fear, alienation and divisionopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/india-modi-cockroach-neet-protests/)
[Business focuses attention on Nigel Farage’s Reform UK ahead of 2029 electionHow Nigel Farage’s ‘anti-establishment’ party began a love affair with lobbyists and industry leadersopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/reform-nigel-farage-business-lobbying-be-in-cabinet-policies-deregulation-finance/)
[Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in MontenegroWhy are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in the Balkans?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)
[I was sentenced as a terrorist. Now my barrister is on trial for defending meMy lawyer faces jail over a speech to jurors – a first in English history – as state seeks to silence Palestine solidarityopenDemocracyCharlotte Head](https://www.opendemocracy.net/palestine-action-filton-24-charlotte-head-rajiv-menon-kc-contempt-of-court-judge-johnson/)
[How the Kremlin tried to pick a winner in Bolivia’s fractured leftExclusive: New dossier exposes how Russian operatives sought to ensure their ally won Bolivia’s presidential electionopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/russia-bolivia-south-america-putin-evo-morales-wagner-prigozhin-covert-operations-propaganda-disinformation-foreign-interference/)
[‘We were left with nothing’: Inside Uganda’s brutal oil rushWomen tell of being violently evicted from burning homes amid land grabs linked to new East African Crude Oil PipelineopenDemocracyAnonymous author](https://www.opendemocracy.net/east-african-crude-oil-pipeline-uganda-brutality-evictions-hoima-land-grabs/)
[American Christians need to stop being so precious about their religionBeing more concerned about Christianity’s “witness” than victims of Christian nationalism is Christian privilegeopenDemocracyChrissy Stroop](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/us-christian-nationalism-witness-chrissy-stroop/)
[In Milei’s Argentina, austerity economics manifests as a mental health crisisDrastic cuts to mental health budget and benefits are worsening Argentina’s already fragile emotional well-beingopenDemocracyAngelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/javier-milei-mental-health-crisis-argentina-austerity-economics-cuts/)
[‘They shot all but her’: One woman’s story of war in UkraineOne day, she led a normal life. The next, she was in a basement with six other families. Such stories are the reality of war – we must tell themopenDemocracyVera Ukrainskaya](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ukraine-russia-war-true-story-women-reality/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### What would you like to see more of from openDemocracy this year?
| [Vote and see results →](https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-290826/?jump=poll) |
| -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
---
[](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
This is the **first episode of openDemocracy’s new narrative non-fiction audio series, *How to Find Queer Elders*,** an **alternative history of queerness** **on the continent** at a time when over 13 African countries are passing increasingly harsh anti-LGBTIQ laws. It is a touchstone for queer people around the world to know that there is hope and they are not alone. The first episode is published in collaboration with Radio Workshop.
[Listen now](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
---
## Reader Comments
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
> "Political violence – is on the rise in democracies".... because citizens know that they have no agency to effect change. Voting makes no difference, diff faces, identical policies, no change. In the case of Mourdaunt, the threats are a function of that reality. She remains a member of a far right political party whose policies since 2010 have led to the avoidable deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. Some contrition would be in order. There is none. As for the death threats etc, these only give her a platform to whine (as a victim), they & the other stuff should not me made - because they are counter productive and divert attention away from the evils committed by the Tories (and the on-going nonsense by tory-lite - Labour).
**MikeParr | Re:** [**How we twist political violence to self-defence**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/leor-zmigrod-political-violence-self-defence/)
---
March On Washington | Archive Photos/Getty Images
## This week in history
**The March on Washington • 28 August 1963**
On 28 August 1963, 250,000 people marched on Washington DC for "jobs and freedom." Martin Luther King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech. The march was the largest political demonstration in American history to that point. Less remembered is that it was organised by Bayard Rustin, a gay Black socialist who had been marginalised within the movement and that its central demand was for economic equality alongside civil rights.
[Labour history shows us where workers “took back control” without building wallsCurrent debates on automation, precarity, identity and internationalism would do well to better observe the lessons of labour history.openDemocracySteven Parfitt](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-history-shows-us-where-workers-took-back-control-without-building-walls/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Betrayal, Luke Harding**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781783353378?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Opening with a gripping story of how two North Korean prisoners of war were captured in Kursk, Guardian journalist Luke Harding’s latest book plunges the reader into the heart of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and how Trump’s regime has betrayed its allies.
Few UK journalists know Ukraine as well as Harding. His reporting has taken him to the trenches, where he talks to soldiers in command centres operating drones, to frontline cities where vulnerable families face daily bombardment from Russian missiles, even to the Mariinskyi palace to interview Zelenskiy.
But the war – and the book – goes beyond Ukraine’s borders. Harding asks smart questions about Trump’s fascination with Putin, taking the reader to the ghastly Alaska summit and reflecting on MAGA’s own imperial ambitions over Greenland. There is justified anger here: Harding writes how Putin and Trump share a “pattern of folly and imperial hubris \[...\] arrogance and assumption.” He explores what Russia’s alliances with China, Iran and North Korea mean for those nations, and how this age of conquest puts the world on a tipping point between violence and imperialism, versus human rights and democracy.
Crucially, Harding never loses sight of the human stories at the heart of this conflict: the mum trying to keep her daughter warm in 2025’s freezing winter, the soldier mourning a comrade, the elderly man displaced from his home. *Betrayal* is one of the most important books published this year, and I urge you to read it.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### De los rusos a Cerimedo, la desinformación reina en Bolivia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/de-los-rusos-a-cerimedo-la-desinformacion-reina-en-bolivia/
Last updated: 2026-08-28T19:22:39.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- La caída de un operador de la extrema derecha en Bolivia
- Documentos secretos sacan a la luz una campaña encubierta rusa en Bolivia
- Análisis: Desinformación rusa expuso la fragilidad estructural de los medios
La estrepitosa caída del operador de las extremas derechas latinoamericanas, **Fernando Cerimedo**, promete dejar un tendal. Fue detenido en Bolivia el 18 de agosto cuando intentaba dejar el país, después de que su novia, **Nadia Beller**, sufrió un atentado y lo acusó de haber **contratado a los sicarios** que le dispararon.
De momento, el argentino enfrenta investigaciones por **tentativa de femicidio** contra Beller, por **enriquecimiento ilícito** y por **delitos de narcotráfico**.
También se lo investigó en Brasil, por difundir en su medio, La Derecha Diario, denuncias falsas sobre las elecciones de 2022\. La fiscalía no pudo probar que él sabía que estaba desparramando una mentira, pero sí lo indagó sobre su papel en una trama más amplia: el **intento de golpe de Estado** contra el actual presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva en 2023, un caso que terminó con graves condenas, empezando por el expresidente **Jair Bolsonaro**.
Bolsonaro fue cliente de Cerimedo, que se dedica a las campañas digitales y la promoción de narrativas en redes sociales, con una notoria inclinación por la desinformación. También fueron sus clientes otros dos presidentes: el argentino **Javier Milei** y el hondureño **Nasry Asfura**. Todos son admiradores obsecuentes de **Donald Trump**.
Pero ahora quiero volver a Bolivia, donde Cerimedo asesoró la campaña electoral del actual presidente **Rodrigo Paz**.
Pero la cosa no terminó ahí. Su novia, Beller, asegura que Cerimedo tenía hasta ahora una oficina en el palacio de gobierno, al lado del despacho del presidente Paz, y que las reuniones entre los dos duraban muchas horas todos los sábados. Otras fuentes van más lejos y describen a Cerimedo participando en reuniones de gabinete, con gran poder de decisión, pero sin cargo oficial ni claridad sobre cuánto y cómo se le pagaba.
Cerimedo es un agente de la mentira que puso su pie en Bolivia, un país – uno más – en el que las operaciones de **desinformación** e **interferencia política** son el pan de cada día.
En febrero de este año publiqué una investigación sobre cómo una red de operadores rusos se desplegó en Bolivia para apuntalar al debilitado gobierno de Luis Arce, “amigo de la Federación Rusa”, en 2024\.
Las tácticas incluyeron redactar los discursos de Arce, crear una unidad de comunicación de respuesta rápida dentro del gobierno, llevar a cabo **operaciones de bandera falsa** dirigidas al expresidente Evo Morales (considerado entonces el principal enemigo político de Arce, aunque los dos eran del mismo partido), e **influir en las elecciones judiciales y nacionales** de 2025.
**Diagrama de la estructura de comunicación sugerida por los rusos al anterior gobierno de Bolivia*
El plan de los rusos no resultó. Arce siguió siendo un presidente débil y ni siquiera pudo aspirar a la reelección. Fue preso apenas dejó la presidencia. Quien ganó las elecciones fue Paz, con ayuda del estratega Cerimedo, ahora caído en desgracia.
Pero en unos pocos meses – y a pesar del intenso asesoramiento que al parecer siguió ejerciendo Cerimedo – Rodrigo Paz se convirtió en un presidente muy impopular.
Los problemas de Bolivia son muchos y complejos. Pero las estrategias electorales basadas en la manipulación, la interferencia, la desinformación y las mentiras solamente agravan las cosas; contaminan el espacio público, denigran a personas e instituciones y profundizan la desconfianza de la gente en la democracia. Y eso sí lo hacen bien, porque es, justamente, lo que buscan.
[Sucesores del Grupo Wagner ensayaron una misión imposible en BoliviaDocumentos filtrados exponen el funcionamiento de una misión de propaganda rusa que buscó apuntalar al gobierno de Luis Arce en BoliviaopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/bolivia-rusia-luis-arce-evo-morales-vladimir-putin-propaganda-injerencia-wagner-prigozhin/)
[Argentina: Desinformación rusa expuso la fragilidad estructural de los mediosLa desinformación nunca es inofensiva. La que inocularon operadores rusos en decenas de medios argentinos reveló un flanco que sigue abiertoopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-desinformacion-medios-vulnerabilidad-wagner-propaganda-influencia-politica-periodismo-milei/)
Una gracias enormes a nuestros nuevos lectores y suscriptores.
Hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### What does Meta’s US settlement on child safety mean for Europe?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-does-metas-us-settlement-on-child-safety-mean-for-europe/
Last updated: 2026-08-27T14:49:21.000Z
Meta’s settlement with 52 attorneys general from US states, territories, and the District of Columbia over allegations that Facebook and Instagram harmed children is likely to shift how regulators approach online safety in Europe, too.
The agreement announced Wednesday requires Meta to make sweeping changes to how teenagers use its platforms in the US, including default limits on daily use, overnight restrictions and stronger age assurance. Meta is also calling on TikTok and YouTube to adopt similar measures. The settlement is still subject to court approval.
Some of the measures Meta agreed to in the US are also being pursued by regulators elsewhere. In Europe, the UK, Australia, Brazil and Singapore regulators have spent years on initiatives to make platforms safer for children, often under existing laws that require companies to assess risks and protect young people.
In this case, the promised changes are a result of litigation rather than an elusive federal online safety law.
“This settlement has implications far beyond the US,” said Owen Bennett, an independent tech policy expert in the UK. “If I were a regulator sitting in Brasilia, Brussels, or Canberra, I would see this as a huge opportunity,” Bennett said. The measures regulators have spent years trying to secure from Meta, he said, are now likely occupying “a meaningful share of Mark Zuckerberg’s headspace.”
Since Meta is a US company, he said, pressure from US courts and politicians will resonate differently inside the company than rules imposed by regulators overseas. “This settlement will focus executives’ hearts and minds on child safety in a way no global rulebook or regulator has yet been able to do.”
### **Enforcement in Europe within reach?**
Europe is already pressing Meta on some of the same issues through the Digital Services Act (DSA).
In April, the European Commission preliminarily found Meta in breach of the DSA for failing to adequately identify, assess, and mitigate the risks of children under 13 accessing Instagram and Facebook. The Commission said Meta's existing approach did not sufficiently prevent under-13s from using the platforms.
Then in July, the Commission preliminarily found Meta in breach of the DSA over the addictive design of Facebook and Instagram. Its investigation focused on features including infinite scroll, autoplay, push notifications, and personalised recommender systems. The Commission said Meta had not adequately assessed the risks those features posed to users' physical and mental wellbeing and that its existing mitigation measures were not effective enough.
The US settlement is significant because it shows that platforms can change the systems that contribute to harm, rather than simply restricting children’s access to them, said Hannah Storey, the head of children and young people's digital rights at Amnesty International.
“For years, Amnesty International, civil society and people harmed by social media have warned that major social media platforms have been designed to maximise engagement and profit, while failing to adequately protect children’s rights. This settlement is significant not just because of its scale, but because it demonstrates that social media platforms can change the design choices that drive harm to children when they are held accountable,” she said.
Storey said European regulators already have tools that could push platforms in the same direction. “In the EU, litigation at this scale may not be necessary. Existing regulatory mechanisms such as the Digital Services Act already require platforms to assess and address risks to children, while upcoming initiatives like the Digital Fairness Act could go further in driving safer platform design.”
These legal instruments could become increasingly important as governments weigh whether to restrict children’s access to social media altogether in Europe and beyond.
“This case is a reminder that the focus should be on fixing the platforms themselves. Rather than excluding young people from online spaces, policymakers should ensure platforms are safe by design,” said Storey.
### **A new reference point**
The settlement may serve European regulators as both a reference point and a challenge. Julia Smakman of the Ada Lovelace Institute said the US case could strengthen European regulators’ arguments against Meta, particularly when the potential financial consequences of noncompliance are large.
“Both regulatory action and litigation can create incentives for companies to behave more responsibly, as long as the potential financial consequences are big enough. Having a big case coming from the US itself is likely to be helpful for regulators in Europe who are exploring similar legal arguments in enforcement cases,” she said.
Since the case ended in a settlement, rather than a court ruling, it does not establish a legal precedent. Still, Smakman suggested the agreement could give European regulators a useful baseline, while making it easier for European regulators to take more stringent measures or extend protections beyond children to all users.
That tension was already visible in the European Commission’s July findings. Smakman pointed to measures advocated by the Commission that appear to go beyond those of the settlement, including disabling features such as autoplay and infinite scroll by default.
### **Pushing the limits of change**
The UK is facing a different set of choices. Ofcom, the watchdog charged with regulating the internet, is already enforcing the child-safety duties under the Online Safety Act, while the British government has announced plans to restrict social media access for under-16s from spring 2027.
Steve Wood, a privacy expert and former UK deputy information commissioner, said the settlement reflects a broader shift in how governments are approaching technology companies. “It illustrates a growing international consensus on the need to hold technology companies to account, and there is significant overlap between the measures in the settlement and the aims of the DSA and OSA, as well as the accompanying guidance and codes of practice.”
For Europe, Wood said, the settlement arrives while policymakers are still considering how far to go with restrictions on children’s access to social media.
“In the EU, policymakers have some greater space to consider the settlement as they have not yet made a formal decision about a social media ban for children, and the European Commission’s engagement with Meta over DSA compliance and risks to children remains ongoing, following preliminary findings of non-compliance which closely match many of the claims made in the Meta trial,” he said.
The UK has less room to reconsider its direction. The government remains committed to a social media ban for children, though Wood said Meta’s US measures could still eventually have relevance for older teenagers who fall outside the UK ban and for smaller platforms that are not covered by it.
For regulators everywhere, the settlement provides a real-world test of what Meta is willing and able to change.
- ***This piece was*** [***originally published on Tech Policy Press***](https://www.techpolicy.press/what-metas-us-settlement-on-child-safety-means-for-europe/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
### Can Reform survive its summer of scandal?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-reform-survive-its-summer-of-scandal/
Last updated: 2026-08-27T10:57:05.000Z
A Montenegro-based company founded by George Cottrell has [closed](https://irms.tax.gov.me/public/search-register/business-entities/65567?ref=opendemocracy.net) after weeks of intense scrutiny over the convicted fraudster’s financial dealings and close relationship with Reform UK leader Nigel Farage.
The closure was first reported in the [Observer](https://observer.co.uk/news/politics/article/posh-george-cottrells-overseas-business-closes-as-reform-donation-investigation-continues?ref=opendemocracy.net) newspaper and represents the latest episode in a summer of scandal gripping the Reform party and its backers.
Back in July, [openDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/) travelled to Montenegro to investigate the lives of Cottrell and other Reform key allies and donors in the glamorous coastal resort of Tivat, where they have business interests.
At the same time, a number of news reports raised serious questions about Cottrell and Farage, starting with reports in The [Sunday Times](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/revealed-nigel-farage-secretly-funded-by-convicted-criminal-j0brtrlnk?ref=opendemocracy.net) that the Clacton MP failed to disclose in-kind support from the 32-year-old former UKIP fundraiser. The support dated to before Farage had decided to stand as an MP, though parliamentary rules say incoming MPs must declare registerable benefits and gifts received in the 12 months before their election that could reasonably be thought to influence their political work.
As calls mounted for a parliamentary probe into Cottrell’s gifts, Farage stood down as an MP in order to trigger a by-election, saying: “The people of Clacton should be the judges of my actions.” The move paused an existing investigation into another alleged undeclared £5m “gift” from mega-donor Christopher Harborne.
Denying any wrongdoing, the Reform leader sought to frame the by-election as the “people vs the establishment”, though the other national parties opted not to engage in a race that they branded a publicity stunt. Farage was re-elected earlier this month.
With the party’s embattled leader reinstated – for the moment, at least – and its conference just around the corner, openDemocracy asks: what do we now know about Cottrell and his relationship with Reform? And what will happen next?
**Private Family Office**
Cottrell, a minor aristocrat known as ‘Posh George’, set up the Private Family Office in 2020, using the alias “George Co” on the registration documents. His move to Montenegro came a few years after he spent eight months in a US prison for wire fraud. Cottrell has also travelled on a [George Co passport](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/black-chronicle/660833/cotrel-flew-to-london-under-the-name-co?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Having claimed that he [could not afford lawyers](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/aug/01/tangled-financial-web-reform-uk-nigel-farage?ref=opendemocracy.net) after his 2016 arrest in a US airport, Cottrell’s fortunes appeared to turn around by the time he landed in Porto Montenegro, Tivat. He reportedly moved into a luxury apartment ultimately owned by a [business associate](https://birn.me/istrazivanja/crna-gora-ne-istrazuje-poslove-dzordza-kotrela/?ref=opendemocracy.net), gambled in high-stakes casinos, drove a Lamborghini, and started a relationship with the country’s leading beauty queen, Andjela Vukadinovic.
[Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in MontenegroWhy are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in the Balkans?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)
It’s hard to see how such wealth was generated from the Private Family Office. The company, which Cottrell’s lawyers instructed us was set up for administrative purposes and did not trade, [recorded revenue totalling](https://www.companywall.me/firma/private-family-office/MMxNczZ0?ref=opendemocracy.net) just under €26,000 over the past three years while accumulating losses of nearly €75,000\. Despite the losses, it has liabilities of more than €470,000\.
The company has been central to a growing scandal over Cottrell’s finances and his relationship with Reform UK and Farage.
In May 2024, Private Family Office opened an account on Oneify, a platform that moves cryptocurrency across borders. Within a fortnight, the platform was used as a conduit for political donations to Reform, with an initial £1m deposited into Britain Means Business, a UK company owned by Richard Tice, then the party’s leader and now its deputy, according to reports in the [Sunday Times](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/george-cottrell-reform-nigel-farage-donation-transactions-mb655ppw5?ref=opendemocracy.net). Tice reportedly [transferred half the sum to Reform](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/08/more-reform-uk-transactions-worth-millions-reported-to-national-agency?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Tice said the money came from Cottrell’s mother, Fiona, a retired stylist and former girlfriend of King Charles. Reports in the [Guardian](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/29/george-cottrell-transferred-2m-mother-beforer-reform-uk-donations?ref=opendemocracy.net) later alleged that Fiona had received £2m from her son via a cryptocurrency exchange in the days before she made her donations.
The [Guardian](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/29/george-cottrell-transferred-2m-mother-beforer-reform-uk-donations?ref=opendemocracy.net) went on to report that the banks involved submitted “suspicious activity reports” to the National Crime Agency because of concerns over the source of Fiona’s funds. Loans from Cottrell to Tice also prompted suspicious activity reports. The Metropolitan Police launched an investigation in February 2025 into at least two of Fiona’s donations, on [suspicion of evading donations restrictions](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/police-investigate-reform-donations-by-mother-of-fraudster-who-bankrolled-farage-3kd826j7h?ref=opendemocracy.net), with two people interviewed under caution.
Fiona Cottrell has repeatedly declined to answer questions put to her by the Guardian and Sunday Times.
When the Oneify transfer took place in May 2024, Fiona – whose late husband left an estate worth £1.5m when he died in 2023 – had never previously made a political donation. She has since given £750,000 to Reform, as well as the £1m to Britain Means Business.
[Nigel Farage denies link to crypto conspiracist John MappinNew investigation into Scientologist and QAnon enthusiast John Mappin raises fresh questions about Farage’s alliesopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/nigel-farage-denies-link-to-crypto-conspiracist-john-mappin/)
Lawyers at Carter Ruck, directed by Cottrell, told openDemocracy: “To the extent that you refer to transactions reported by The Sunday Times, our client will not comment on or engage in questions about matters which, whether true or false – for avoidance of doubt, nothing we say here should be treated as an acknowledgement of the accuracy or otherwise of such information – constitute obviously private and confidential information.”
**Crypto and gambling**
It’s not only Cottrell’s Private Family Office that has closed.
Tether.bet, a Montenegro-based gambling company that encouraged players to place high-stakes bets using cryptocurrencies, shut down earlier this month. Cottrell’s lawyers confirmed to us that he was a customer of Tether.bet and “friends with its owner”, though they denied he had any further involvement in the platform.
Tether.bet uses the Tether cryptocoin part-owned by Christopher Harborne, whose £5m “gift” to Farage prompted the investigation by the Parliamentary Standards Commission. The crypto betting platform was launched in 2020, shortly after Cottrell and Harborne dined with Farage in London.
Like Cottrell, Harborne has located at least one of his business interests in Tivat; his Longevity Biotech Solutions company is registered to a shabby backstreet office that [openDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/) visited in July. The company is effectively a dormant shell, recording €38,000 losses in the past three years. Its total revenue in the same time period was €15\.
Harborne’s business shares its Tivat address with at least 150 other firms, including effective shell companies owned by Reform’s communications guru Gawain Towler and Mehrtash
A’Zami, who was Reform’s treasurer in spring 2024 when party grandees struck an alleged “secret deal” to bring Farage back to frontline politics.
The deal, reported in the [Sunday Times](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/nigel-farage-reform-leader-deal-george-cottrell-5gfrcrmb0?ref=opendemocracy.net), would see Reform repay or write off more than £1m in loans it had received from Tice’s company once Farage became party leader. The discussions were reportedly supervised by Cottrell. [openDemocracy ](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)previously reported that Cottrell was hired by A’Zami’s consulting firm as a teenager.
When Cottrell sipped champagne with Nigel Farage at a “polo in the port” event in Tivat in 2019, he had already enjoyed a long association with the man he called “daddy”. Farage has stood by his “son”, but the constant stream of revelations has had an impact.
The summer of scandals has left its mark on Reform’s leader. His popularity is slipping, and the party is starting to lag in the polls. He may yet face a second by-election before the year is out; the parliamentary investigation into his donations was re-opened after his re-election in Clacton and could trigger a vote if the commissioner rules against him.
In recent weeks, Farage has struggled to maintain poise under pressure: [snapping at journalists](https://news.sky.com/video/reforms-nigel-farages-heated-reaction-to-sky-news-question-on-his-finances-as-pressure-grows-13561088?ref=opendemocracy.net), [avoiding the limelight](http://facebook.com/reel/1045750981557439/), and [losing control of the narrative](https://www.lbc.co.uk/article/rachel-reeves-confirms-she-will-accept-farages-resignation-as-she-insists-he-can-5HjddMF%5F2/?ref=opendemocracy.net). Farage’s success has long been attributed to his populist, man-of-the-people act. But voters are increasingly fed up – and his mask is starting to crack.
Reform did not respond to requests for comment.
### Trump Jr.’s UK Drones, Burnham-Rayner’s Donors
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-220826/
Last updated: 2026-08-22T10:03:05.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- A Trump-linked US arms firm is snapping up former UK military commanders and MoD insiders to help secure a massive £220m autonomous drone contract
- Andy Burnham’s successful campaign was bankrolled by Labour's mega-donors, corporate lobbyists, and a scandal-ridden think tank
- Angela Rayner accepted thousands in cash from a corporate advisory firm profiting off war-zone reconstruction
- Why right-wing think tanks and fossil fuel lobbies are actively paralysing the radical action needed to survive a deadly era of climate breakdown
- How extreme weather and a profit-driven supply chain are pushing the UK's fragile food system to the breaking point
- In case you missed it: How a QAnon-believing Scientologist and ‘personal friend’ of Farage hyped an “anti-woke” cryptocurrency that investors later alleged was a scam
“You will write the cover next week; it shall be scoopy and punchy and relevant!” I told openDemocracy’s investigative reporter Ethan Shone, attempting an editorial diktat.
Ethan delivered not one, not two, but three stories that fit the bill.
First up, exclusive FOI disclosures reveal the explosive growth of the US military drone company Anduril –as it is poised to cash in on the UK’s push to increase defence spending. The company counts Peter Thiel and Donald Trump Jr among its investors, at a time when Donald Trump Sr’s model seems to be: start wars, force allies to spend on defence, land mega-contracts for friends and family. Good work if you can get it.
Continuing with war and contracts, Ethan’s second story looks at Signum Advisory. The advisory firm was recently helping its clients land deals in post-Maduro Venezuela, while courting senior MPs in the UK’s Labour Party. For now, Angela Rayner is the only Labour figure to have taken a donation from Signum, but the firm is courting many others.
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
And while we are talking about donations, Ethan’s final story this week tracks how some of Starmer’s biggest financial backers moved to support Andy Burnham in the run-up to him entering No 10\. Labour may be fickle, but capital plays the long game.
Also in this edition, we continue our series on the UK and the climate crisis. “Why are we sleepwalking towards disaster in this way when it simply does not make sense?” asks Paul Rogers in his weekly column. “Food is a climate issue, and a democratic one” notes Lucy Antal, founder of Queen of Greens Mobile Greengrocer, which supplies fresh produce to communities in Liverpool.
In case you missed it last week, senior investigative reporter Sian Norris published a joint investigation with The Times which raises important new questions about Nigel Farage’s controversial allies – and his judgement.
You may remember I recently told you about our campaign to add 500 new regular donors to openDemocracy by the end of the year. The good news is, we have welcomed 120 new members – but we still have a long way to go. Help us hit our goal by becoming a regular supporter if you aren’t one already.
Have a great weekend,
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[Anduril: Trump-linked US defence firm eyes UK military contractsDrone maker Anduril is backed by Peter Thiel, counts Donald Trump Jr. as an investor, and is one of four firms selected for the MoD’s new “wingman” projectopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/anduril-trump-linked-us-defence-firm-eyes-uk-military-contracts/)
[Labour’s biggest donors backed Burnham for PM, disclosures revealScandal-ridden think tank Labour Together and its donors swung behind Burnham after Makerfield by-electionopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/labours-biggest-donors-backed-burnham-for-pm-disclosures-reveal/)
[Angela Rayner takes cash from war-profiteering advisory firmSignum Global Advisories helps its clients land deals in war-ravaged regions like Ukraine, Syria, and the UK’s Labour party.openDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/angela-rayner-takes-cash-from-war-profiteering-advisory-firm-courting-labour/)
[Climate Breakdown is here: Why won’t governments act?Adapting to an over-heated planet means very little unless it is accompanied by addressing the root causes of climate breakdown.openDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-breakdown-is-here-why-wont-governments-act/)
[When the climate crisis reaches the supermarket shelfRising heat and failing harvests reveal a fragile food system. It is time to treat food security as a democratic issueopenDemocracyLucy Antal](https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-crisis-food-supermarket-cost-poverty-heatwave-drought-andy-burnham/)
[Nigel Farage denies link to crypto conspiracist John MappinNew investigation into Scientologist and QAnon enthusiast John Mappin raises fresh questions about Farage’s alliesopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/nigel-farage-denies-link-to-crypto-conspiracist-john-mappin/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### The Met Office says this year's El Nino event will be the strongest in a century. Do you feel your country is prepared for its impact?
| [Vote and see results →](https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-220826/?jump=poll) |
| -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
---
[](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
**THIS IS THE FIRST EPISODE OF OPENDEMOCRACY'S NEW NARRATIVE NON-FICTION AUDIO SERIES, "HOW TO FIND QUEER ELDERS",** an alternative history of queerness on the continent at a time when over 13 African countries (including Ghana) are passing increasingly harsh anti-LGBTQI laws. It is a touchstone for queer people around the world to know that there is hope and they are not alone. The first episode is published in collaboration with Radio Workshop.
[Listen now](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
---
## Reader Comments
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
> Farmers have some very difficult decisions to make and urgently need government to be a partner they can believe in and trust. This is far from where we are.
>
> Similarly, many farmers are not likely to be able to make the changes needed to their management of land and need to consider how to transfer land to those who can. This is not because they are bad farmers, but rather because they are old, or otherwise have limited capacity for change. Investment in inappropriate production systems needs to be written off, to open the way to more adapted practices.
>
> The government appears very slow to realise the seriousness of the problem and even when DEFRA officials do have a grasp on the situation, they have so little support from the Treasury to develop meaningful long term strategies.
>
> Simply allowing farm gate food prices to rise will exasperate food poverty and unless matched with planning and investment, will not deliver the food needed. This is a very complex problem that requires real leadership to give confidence to all involved. Farm planning at water catchment level involves the kind of collaboration that is cultural anathema to most farmers. We need another agricultural revolution.
**Franklin | Re:**[**England is burning: We must fix our fragile food system**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/england-is-burning-we-must-fix-our-fragile-food-system/)
---
Treasurer of the Grunwick strike committee Mrs Jayaben Desai | Graham Wood/Evening Standard/Getty Images
## This week in history
**The Grunwick Strike • 23 August 1976**
South Asian women workers at the Grunwick film processing plant in North London walked out in August 1976, demanding trade union recognition. Their strike brought mass pickets of 20,000 miners, steelworkers and postal workers to Willesden. It was the first time immigrant workers were seen as part of the British working class.
From our archive comes a retrospective that places the Grunwick strikers in the context of British immigration history, trade union politics, and the ongoing struggle for migrant workers' rights.
[Grunwick 40 years on: lessons from the Asian women strikersThe women who led the Grunwick dispute challenged not just the stereotypes of Asian women within British society, but also within an overwhelmingly white, male trade union movement.openDemocracySujata Aurora](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/grunwick-40-years-on-lessons-from-asian-women-strikers/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Betrayal, Luke Harding**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781783353378?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Opening with a gripping story of how two North Korean prisoners of war were captured in Kursk, Guardian journalist Luke Harding’s latest book plunges the reader into the heart of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and how Trump’s regime has betrayed its allies.
Few UK journalists know Ukraine as well as Harding. His reporting has taken him to the trenches, where he talks to soldiers in command centres operating drones, to frontline cities where vulnerable families face daily bombardment from Russian missiles, even to the Mariinskyi palace to interview Zelenskiy.
But the war – and the book – goes beyond Ukraine’s borders. Harding asks smart questions about Trump’s fascination with Putin, taking the reader to the ghastly Alaska summit and reflecting on MAGA’s own imperial ambitions over Greenland. There is justified anger here: Harding writes how Putin and Trump share a “pattern of folly and imperial hubris \[...\] arrogance and assumption.” He explores what Russia’s alliances with China, Iran and North Korea mean for those nations, and how this age of conquest puts the world on a tipping point between violence and imperialism, versus human rights and democracy.
Crucially, Harding never loses sight of the human stories at the heart of this conflict: the mum trying to keep her daughter warm in 2025’s freezing winter, the soldier mourning a comrade, the elderly man displaced from his home. *Betrayal* is one of the most important books published this year, and I urge you to read it.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Anduril: Trump-linked US defence firm eyes UK military contracts
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/anduril-trump-linked-us-defence-firm-eyes-uk-military-contracts/
Last updated: 2026-08-24T10:55:16.000Z
When the UK’s defence secretary visited the Pentagon in March last year, the ministry [announced](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/advanced-attack-drones-for-ukraine-in-new-deal-struck-by-uk-government-and-anduril-uk?ref=opendemocracy.net) a £30m ‘drones for Ukraine’ deal fulfilled by “Anglo-American defence tech company”, Anduril Industries UK.
Yet a government briefing note obtained by openDemocracy noted that the so-called “Anglo-American” Anduril employed only about 40 staff in the UK at the time, and that the company was “reluctant to commit to investment in the UK without MoD contracts”.
In effect, Anduril UK was the sales and support office of its US parent company, which was founded by a key ally of US President Donald Trump, and counts Trump’s son, Donald Jr, as an investor through the “anti-woke” investment firm 1789 Capital.
Any future investment by Anduril, the note prepared in May 2025 for then-investment minister Poppy Gustafsson said, would require not just contracts, but co-investment from the government.
That was then.
Twelve months later, Anduril UK has been on a hiring spree that includes the former head of the UK Space Command, Major General Paul Tedman CBE. openDemocracy understands that the company now employs over 150 personnel in the UK, of whom at least 50 are former defence personnel with significant knowledge of the MoD's inner workings. The company is one of four defence-tech firms handed £2.5m to prototype so-called “Wingman” drones to assist military helicopters in combat operations. The winning prototype will land an initial contract worth around £200m.
The rapid expansion of Anduril’s UK footprint reveals how a clutch of US defence-tech firms backed by Trump's family and close supporters are looking to profit from the US president’s insistent pressure on the UK government to increase its defence spending. As Trump’s erratic foreign policy has raised military tensions across the world, these firms — which include [controversial spy-tech firm Palantir](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/palantir-ministry-defence-hire-four-officials-2025-record-defence-contract-240-million/) — are poised to benefit.
Anduril Industries was launched in California in 2017 with backing from Peter Thiel, the billionaire Trump donor who also founded Palantir, which has recently swept up millions’ worthof UK public contracts including with the NHS, various police forces and the MoD.
Luckey, Anduril’s founder, was one of the few tech figures to publicly back Trump ahead of his first presidential term and is a prominent fundraiser for the Republican Party. Alongside Palantir, Anduril has rapidly become one of the US government’s most significant new defence technology contractors, supplying drones, border towers and software. The names of both firms are drawn from J.R.R. Tolkien's Lord of the Rings trilogy.
## **Anduril (in the) UK**
Anduril has made steady inroads into the UK. Apart from the drones for Ukraine, the firm has supplied software and autonomous sentry towers to the UK Border Force, and similar towers are also deployed to protect UK military bases, including RAF Akrotiri, which has played a role in supporting US operations in Gaza.
Anduril is also a key supplier to Project ASGARD, the MoD’s initiative to “double the lethality” of the British Army through the use of AI and other tech, primarily by speeding up target identification and decision-making.
Anduril provides ASGARD – part of the wider £1bn Digital Targeting Web programme – with command and control software called Lattice, which uses AI to consolidate and sort information from different sources in real-time.
The latest 'wingman' contract, involves producing autonomous drones to fight alongside the British Army's Apache Helicopters, or, in as the MoD put it, to [“increase lethality”](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/british-based-firms-lead-the-way-for-apache-helicopter-support-drones?ref=opendemocracy.net); a frequent refrain of US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.
Anduril was one of four “British-based industry partners” selected for the penultimate stage of the MoD programme this May. Each was handed £2.5m of taxpayer money to develop its proposal. The Defence Investment Plan (DIP) costs the programme at £220m, and states that the successful firm will supply “up to 24 autonomous drones by 2030”.
A briefing note prepared for ministers ahead of a meeting last year reveals that Anduril has been receiving support from the government to establish a UK manufacturing facility, which the firm has said it will only do if it is guaranteed government contracts, and gets a ‘co-investment’ to sweeten the deal. openDemocracy understands that the firm is in the final stages of selecting a site for this facility.
An MOD spokesperson told openDemocracy: "We are working closely with industry, including Anduril UK, to develop Project NYX. This work is being carried out by teams based in the UK, in partnership with companies from across the UK's defence industrial base.
"As this is part of an ongoing procurement process, we cannot comment on commercial terms, co-investment arrangements, or the relationship between industry proposals and the wider process.
## 'MoD insider, frontline Army officer, and scale-up executive'
In June this year, the outgoing Starmer government announced a £15bn funding boost for the military with the Defence Investment Plan, of a total £298bn commitment over four years. Andy Burnham’s government has signalled defence will also be one of its priorities.
The DIP followed the Strategic Defence Review that was published in June 2025, and set out the blueprint and priorities for increased defence spending. The SDR sought to mimic US defence procurement, with an increased emphasis on venture capital-backed defence tech. It also established an advisory board made up of venture capital and private equity firms, the Defence Investors’ Advisory Group, to “advise the Government on investment priorities”.
The £220m earmarked for the MoD’s ‘wingman’ programme' (formally known as Project NYX) – is a small part of a much larger war-chest specifically set aside for autonomous defence tech; more than £5bn over four years.
In anticipation of this windfall, Anduril has rapidly scaled up its UK operation in the last 18 months, going from 40 UK staff to around 150, including a raft of recent ex-Army hires with direct experience of the Apache programme, and MoD civil servants with deep knowledge of procurement processes.
“With 15+ years across government, defence, and high-growth technology, I sit at the intersection that most operators can’t: MoD insider, frontline Army officer, and scale-up executive,” a recent hire to Anduril’s UK Connected Warfare Department, Tommy Edgar, wrote on LinkedIn.
“I've designed incubator-accelerators that put emerging technology into live operations. I've led a £110m classified intelligence exploitation service. I've run £multi-billion portfolios and built the governance architecture that makes fast-moving programmes repeatable.”
Another hire, Tom Anstey had worked across the MoD, the Foreign Office, Joint Helicopter Command and the British Army, including a stint leading an Apache helicopter squadron, before joining Anduril earlier this year. Anstey joined Anduril directly from the MoD, where he was a policy coordinator “within the directorate responsible for strategic-level financial planning”, according to his LinkedIn profile.
David Arthurton joined Anduril from the MoD this time last year. He led the ministry’s work on strategy and military digitisation, and now works as managing director of Anduril’s European Combat Air division. Before posting to the MoD, Arthurton had a long front-line operational career, finally serving as Combat Air Force commander.
Other recent hires bring more direct experience working with Apache helicopters and in MoD procurement. Anduril also recently hired a former MoD and national security adviser who served as a major in the Army Reserves as its chief in-house lobbyist.
Khem Rogaly, co-director of the Transition Security Project, a research centre investigating the US and UK military complexes, told openDemocracy that the UK “opened its arms to companies peddling autonomous weapons and supposedly cutting-edge military technologies”.
“These companies and their investors have identified that military budgets are an opportunity to profit, taking positions on government councils and hiring Ministry of Defence staff. The revolving door is the tried and tested method of the military industrial complex.”
“Anduril should not be mistaken for a ‘UK-based company’," Rogaly said. "It is a Pentagon contractor backed by American venture capital that will provide little to the UK economy in return for public money.”
openDemocracy has reached out to Anduril for comment.
### ¿Salir de la nube?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/salir-de-la-nube/
Last updated: 2026-08-21T15:35:01.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Nube, IA y monopolios intelectuales: ¿quiénes son los verdaderos dueños del poder digital?
- El costo humano de los centros de datos de la IA en Brasil
- Cuando la política de la IA se cocina en desayunos secretos entre funcionarios de alto rango y gigantes tecnológicos
Mientras te escribo, no puedo dejar de pensar que todo mi trabajo periodístico está, desde hace años, alojado en la **nube**, lo mismo que muchas fuentes documentales, aplicaciones que me ayudan a rastrear información, *escrapear* datos, sacar cuentas, encontrar fuentes humanas, contactarlas y hasta entrevistarlas.
Sin embargo, no había reflexionado sobre el alcance real de quienes manejan las nubes hasta que llegaron a mí dos libros de laprofesora argentina **Cecilia Rikap**, que investiga la economía de la innovación. “La nube es el espacio de la **fábrica de las tecnologías digitales**, pero es también el mercado donde las distintas piezas de tecnología digital se intercambian”, me dijo en la entrevista que publicamos esta semana.
En las grandes nubes, que poseen y administran sobre todo tres gigantes, **Amazon, Google y Microsoft**, está montado un sistema mediante el cual estas empresas acceden al conocimiento y a los avances que otras empresas, universidades, gobiernos, individuos y organizaciones de todo tipo desarrollan allí.
La apropiación, y monetización, de ese conocimiento se realiza por varias vías, no solo la propiedad de una patente o un copyright. Y en ese proceso, las **dueñas de la nube** pueden **ver** lo que ocurre – la **vanguardia del conocimiento científico**, las tendencias y los cambios, los crecimientos o caídas de mercados – y **direccionarlo** de acuerdo a sus intereses.
Ningún sector escapa a esta mecánica. Ni siquiera otras grandes corporaciones que también **dependen de la infraestructura digital** de la nube. La **visión panóptica** de estos gigantes les permite moldear el rumbo de la **innovación** – el dios inapelable de nuestra era – y, por tanto, de la economía global.
Los gobiernos – en América Latina, África, Europa y en grandes partes de Asia – no cortan ni pinchan. Excepto Estados Unidos, que fue crucial para dictar las reglas de este juego, pero que ahora ve cómo se le va de las manos.
Rikap desarrolla el concepto de **monopolios intelectuales.** Y nos propone reflexionar sobre cómo estos monopolios nos imponen sus narrativas sobre el rumbo actual de la innovación: **inevitable**, **necesario** e **imparable**. ¿Podremos todavía pensar fuera de la nube?
[Nube, IA y monopolios intelectuales:¿quiénes son los verdaderos dueños del poder digital?Economista Cecilia Rikap: ‘Los monopolios intelectuales no nos dominan solo porque controlan algoritmos y datos; controlan también las narrativas que debilitan la capacidad de imaginar alternativas’openDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/nube-ia-monopolios-intelectuales-cecilia-rikap-google-amazon-microsoft-dependencia-digital/)
El epítome de este fenómeno es la inteligencia artificial. El **boom de la IA** requiere enormes capacidades de procesamiento en servidores que **devoran electricidad y agua** en las factorías del siglo XXI: los **centros de datos**, que se multiplican como hongos en todo el mundo.
Hay que construirlos **cada vez más rápido**. En Brasil, el principal mercado de centros de datos de América Latina, una investigación de **Agência Pública** que republicamos, revela que para **reducir los tiempos de construcción a la mitad**, los trabajadores deben cumplir **jornadas extenuantes**, e ilegales, y aceptar **exposición a descargas eléctricas**, falta de equipos de protección y ausencia de entrenamiento para manejar **maquinaria peligrosa**.
[El costo humano de los centros de datos de la IA en BrasilLos trabajadores denuncian jornadas extenuantes, accidentes y problemas de salud. Las empresas dicen que cumplen con la ley. El gobierno las alienta con beneficios y exenciones fiscalesopenDemocracyNaira Hofmeister](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-data-centers-scala-trabajo-jornadas-ia-explotacion-laboral-amazon-oracle/)
Las narrativas de la IA machacan con que **la regulación supone un freno para la innovación**. Y las corporaciones, con sus ejércitos de consultoras de inteligencia, lobistas y equipos legales, invierten mucho esfuerzo en intentar que los gobiernos no la regulen – o la regulen lo menos posible.
En un artículo basado en pedidos de información pública, nuestro reportero de investigación **Ethan Shone** revela cómo una firma británica de inteligencia corporativa – creada por exmiembros del **servicio de espionaje** – logra para sus clientes **acceso privilegiado y secreto** a funcionarios que deben dictar la **política pública de seguridad de la IA**. Entre esos clientes están **Microsoft** y el Ellison Institute of Technology, de **Larry Ellison**, el fundador de Oracle y una de las personas más influyentes en la política trumpista estadounidense.
[Revelan reuniones secretas entre funcionarios de IA y tecnológicas en Reino UnidoExclusivo: Reuniones no declaradas entre altos funcionarios de IA y gigantes como Microsoft en el Reino UnidoopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/la-puerta-giratoria-de-la-ia-britanica-funcionarios-big-tech-y-una-consultora-opaca/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Angela Rayner takes cash from war-profiteering advisory firm
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/angela-rayner-takes-cash-from-war-profiteering-advisory-firm-courting-labour/
Last updated: 2026-08-21T13:55:10.000Z
Charles Myers was on a ski lift in Aspen when the calls started coming in. Hours earlier, the US had conducted an unprecedented attack on Venezuela, beheading the government by kidnapping President Nicholas Maduro. Myers had been planning for such an event.
Myers' firm Signum Global Advisors helps its investor clients get in on the ground floor of capital-intensive reconstruction — often in the aftermath of armed conflict. The previous year he’d arranged trips to Syria and Ukraine, but Venezuela was to be the most popular yet.
He appeared on television a couple of days later to plug a trip he was already organising to Caracas. Aspen’s snowglobe vistas were visible over his shoulder as he video-called into CNBC.
“Some of the easy money has already been made,” [he said](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t81JRFjnyeo&ref=opendemocracy.net) with a hint of regret, “but this is a major infrastructure play. I think it could be as big as $500bn over the next 10 years”.
“Venezuela is sitting on the biggest oil reserves in the world,” he reminded the host, “this is a massive opportunity.”
Asked whether it troubled him to be selling access to a country destabilised by a likely breach of international law, Myers told [BusinessInside](https://www.businessinsider.com/foreign-investment-oil-tourism-venezuela-charles-myers-finance-expert-2026-1?ref=opendemocracy.net)r it wasn't his firm's place to take "a moral position".
Myers organised a cabal of 55 investors who descended on Caracas, complete with armoured cars and bodyguards for a two-day conference offering exclusive access to senior figures from the government, officialdom and the private sector. The group even got a meeting with the interim president at Miraflores, the presidential palace.
Signum bills itself as a ‘policy and strategy firm’ whose executives enjoy "unique exposure to decision-making at the most senior levels" — including, in its own words, lawmakers in "Washington, Westminster, Brussels, and elsewhere."
Apart from warzones, Signum will now seek to leverage its developing ties to Andy Burnham’s Labour government, and as it turns out, Angela Rayner.
Last month, Signum donated £20,000 to Rayner. Back in March she’d taken £10,000 for a speaking engagement with Signum as a part of a run of similar gigs with City firms, and [donated the Signum cash to charity](https://members.parliament.uk/member/4356/registeredinterests?ref=opendemocracy.net). Rayner also featured in the firm’s ‘Westminster Day’ in March alongside other senior politicians.
So far she is the only Labour recipient of cash from Signum, but she is not the only Labour MP the firm has courted. This year Signum has hosted a number of Labour MPs at client-facing events, and was due to host an investor call with the new Prime Minister which was [cancelled at the last minute over scheduling issues.](https://www.ft.com/content/0c2d9e3f-4207-4b39-b3e8-7425e93af5dc?syn-25a6b1a6=1&ref=opendemocracy.net)
openDemocracy asked Rayner’s office whether she believes Signum’s values align with those of the Labour Party, but received no response. Signum Global Advisors declined to comment.
## New Government, New Priorities, New Lobbying
In the wild west of lobbying and political advisory work, self-promotion is key. Firms need to be seen to have the level of access – and commensurate insight – their prospective clients will pay so much for. This is particularly the case when a new administration is formed.
“A new UK government, a new cabinet, and new policy priorities. It can be hard to keep up - it can be hard to understand!” wrote one of Signum’s UK-based partners on LinkedIn recently.
“Thankfully, Signum Global Advisors have already been engaging with many of these policymakers and allowing our clients the opportunity to question them directly.… with many already lined up to join us for future events.”
Attached to the post were a series of photos, each of the staffer posing next to a different Labour MP in boardroom settings or at speaking events. The first is of Angela Rayner, then a series of other senior ministers – Jonathan Renyolds, Lucy Rigby, Angela Eagle and Dan Tomlinson – as well as a few influential backbenchers.
For a long time considered a potential challenger to Starmer, Rayner’s return to frontline politics was long anticipated; and though she is not as close to Burnham’s team as many assume on account of her Manchester roots, she is still a highly influential Labour figure, and the Secretary of State for Housing – a post of significant interest to major developers and investors.
Rayner isn’t the only Labour MP in Signum’s orbit. Yuan Yang, a Labour MP on the Treasury select committee, was hosted to discuss the fiscal situation facing the Treasury and what an incoming Burnham government might prioritise. Polly Billington, MP for East Thanet, came to talk through Labour's "pride in place" agenda and coastal deprivation. Former City lobbyist-turned MP Callum Anderson discussed mobilising domestic capital to support retail investment.
Signum has been running "Westminster Days" and private roundtables in London for over a year, each one drawing a widening circle of MPs, ministers, peers and party officials into the same rooms as its paying clients. The firm's next instalment, announced this month, is billed as an "invitation-only event held under the Chatham House Rule" — meaning attendees are free to use what they hear, but never to say who said it. Access to the room itself is by invitation only.
Reform UK has had a seat at the table too. Richard Tice, the party's deputy leader, spoke at an exclusive Westminster event last September, while Robert Jenrick appeared alongside Rayner back in March. Signum's head of EU/UK research separately hosted Laila Cunningham, Reform's candidate for London mayor, for a roundtable on political fragmentation and the party's "competitiveness" agenda on immigration and the labour market.
Westminster’s lax lobbying and transparency rules mean the public has no right to know the companies on whose behalf Signum is effectively buying access when it donates cash to senior MPs and hosts them for lavish receptions.
Signum is not registered as a consultant lobbyist with the statutory watchdog. As a political advisory firm, Signum’s activities likely do not meet the statutory threshold for consultant lobbying, so the firm would not be obliged to publish a list of clients, even when it introduces those clients to government ministers.
And because the UK's statutory lobbying register only captures direct lobbying of ministers and permanent secretaries — not shadow ministers, backbenchers, or opposition parties — its extensive engagement with Reform, along with much of its Labour outreach that falls short of ministerial level, would not need to be declared anywhere at all, even if it did meet the threshold.
## Your Trusted Travel Partner
Business continues apace for Signum.
The firm recently brought investors to [Greenlan](https://www.linkedin.com/posts/signum-global-advisors%5Fgreenland-copenhagen-geopolitical-activity-7491066026751660034-QGhX/?ref=opendemocracy.net)d, and another Venezuela trip is planned for November, as the country “enters a pivotal period of political and economic transition,”[according to Signum.](https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7493568335285129218/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
“We’re taking clients to Caracas for exclusive access to senior government officials and private-sector leaders to explore the country’s recovery following the recent earthquakes and the implications for investors.”
Returning from the last Venezuela trip, one Signum staffer mused in an online post that Cuba, the latest country Trump has set his sights on, could be the firm’s next destination. Myers had told interviewers that Greenland, too, could be on the cards.
For Signum’s clients, companies like Canaima Capital, the demand is clearly there.
“We specialise in investing in frontier markets, providing institutional and professional investors with access to markets that are rejoining the Western financial world after years of isolation or are part of US expansionist foreign policy,” the firm wrote on social media upon returning from the March trip.
“The countries that we target are Venezuela, Cuba, Greenland, and potentially Iran.”
### Climate Breakdown is here: Why won’t governments act?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-breakdown-is-here-why-wont-governments-act/
Last updated: 2026-08-21T13:12:04.000Z
Will the succession of heatwaves across Europe and the UK compel governments of all complexions to take climate breakdown more seriously? While much of the news and public conversation this summer has focused on the tragic deaths of people caught in wildfires, floods, and storms, less attention has been paid to how heat waves kill people directly.
When the temperature rises to the point where the body can no longer cool itself, this is termed “[uncompensable heat stress”](https://www.theguardian.com/society/2026/aug/17/extreme-heat-more-dangerous-for-people-60-and-over-than-previously-thought?ref=opendemocracy.net), or UHS, and has long been known to have a disproportionate risk for the over sixties: The older you are, the less you can sweat; your heart works harder and your blood vessels are less able to widen, all adding to the risk of heat stress and early death. In an ageing and warming world, people older than sixty will increase in numbers to [2.1 billion by 2050](https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanplh/article/PIIS2542-5196%2826%2900067-7/fulltext.?ref=opendemocracy.net) and are more likely to succumb to UHS.
Last year, one of the hottest ever on record in Britain, analysis from the UK Health Security Agency put excess deaths due to heat-related factors at 1,504\. As of June this year, most of the country had already experienced four heatwaves, causing 2,877 excess deaths. Since then, there have been more heat waves with early indications of another in September, meaning a huge increase in heat-related deaths as compared to the previous year.
This rapid escalation in heat-related deaths is worth considering in a context where previous forecasts on the rate of climate change have proved to be too optimistic: Heavily populated [Europe appears to be heating up much faster](https://climate.copernicus.eu/esotc/2025/why-europe-warming-so-quickly?ref=opendemocracy.net) than the average, and research on the ability of forests to soak up greenhouse gases and help prevent climate breakdown has turned out to be [less than expected](https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2026/jun/13/trees-store-less-carbon-than-thought-study?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Meanwhile, the naturally occurring[ El Niño/La Niña climate cycle](https://interactive.carbonbrief.org/el-nino-explainer/index.html?utm%5Fsource=cbnewsletter&utm%5Fmedium=email&utm%5Fterm=2026-08-18&utm%5Fcampaign=Just+published+Explainer+How+the+super+El+Ni%C3%B1o+will+reshape+the+world+s+weather) is entering a “heating phase”, which is likely to further increase global heating and disruptive weather in the coming months. On Friday, the Met Office warned that this year’s El Nino is likely to be the most intense in recent memory. “We should be clear that this is an unprecedented event,” Prof Adam Scaife, head of long-range forecasting at the UK Met Office, [told the BBC](https://www.bbc.co.uk/weather/articles/c3ekg93vjz9o?ref=opendemocracy.net). “I have never seen an El Niño signal this intense in our forecasts.”
## Sleep-walking towards disaster
Why are we sleepwalking towards disaster in this way when it simply does not make sense? Of the many reasons, three stand out; each requiring concerted governmental effort and leadership.
First, what needs to be done is a mammoth task. Not only will we have to radically decarbonise our economies, but we will need major changes in behaviour including a much less meat-based diet, far less use of air travel and far greater use of electricity generated from renewable resources, and a far more circular economy.
Second, the current economic system where neoliberal economics in its various forms is simply not fit for purpose. Crucially, when it comes to climate breakdown the need to act a decade or more ahead of impact is incompatible with free market ideology that believes that the market works best when it has the minimum of regulation. The kind of economic planning and management that the risk of climate breakdown requires is anathema to the very idea of a free market.
Moreover, this is in addition to the runaway wealth that the current free market system favours. So endemic to the system is the accumulation of wealth and political power in the hands of an elite few, that any attempt at an environmentally sustainable economy “for the many, not the few” will be strongly resisted by the few.
Finally, there are the well-resourced right-wing think tanks and lobbies determined to maintain the status quo. [The Atlas Foundation](https://www.atlasnetwork.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) alone “provides training, networking, and grants for libertarian, free-market and conservative groups around the world” working with nearly 800 groups in over a hundred countries.
Especially culpable in this regard, are the activities of the fossil carbon lobbies. Some of these, including [Exxon, researched the risk of climate breakdown](https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.abk0063?ref=opendemocracy.net) fifty years or more ago, uncovered the dangers of doing nothing, and then carried on as before. Greenpeace was even able to develop [a decades long obfuscation timeline](https://www.greenpeace.org/usa/climate/exxons-climate-denial-history-a-timeline/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
## Adaptation is not enough
There is already support in the UK and many other countries for adapting to a warmer world, including much better funded emergency services, improved housing and better ventilation, but a core problem remains.
Adaption currently envisaged means very little unless it is accompanied by addressing the root causes of climate breakdown, especially the burning of fossil carbon in the form of coal, oil or gas. All that adaptation does is give us a few extra years before we are overwhelmed by even higher temperatures and wilder weather, and that goes on, and on, with far more of the world becoming uninhabitable.
The heat excesses of the past year will have killed many tens of thousands of people across the world, especially among the poorest. It is vital to shift the political mood enough to truly accelerate the necessary changes. There is a small chance that further devastation caused by El Nino might focus minds on the reality of climate breakdown, but the likes of Trump and most of the global oligarchy will do all they can to prevent that.
### La puerta giratoria de la IA británica: funcionarios, big tech y una consultora opaca
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/la-puerta-giratoria-de-la-ia-britanica-funcionarios-big-tech-y-una-consultora-opaca/
Last updated: 2026-08-21T08:01:04.000Z
Una empresa británica de inteligencia corporativa cortejó a uno de los funcionarios más influyentes del mundo en políticas de seguridad de la IA y consiguió que su selecta clientela tuviera su asesoramiento en exclusiva.
Se trata de Ollie Ilott, presidente del nuevo grupo de trabajo sobre Inteligencia Artificial del primer ministro británico, Andy Burnham, quien ofreció una charla informativa privada y secreta a algunas big techs que son clientas de la empresa de consultoría vinculada al principal asesor empresarial del gobierno, revela openDemocracy.
Ilott fue el orador principal en un desayuno de trabajo organizado por la firma Hakluyt & Company en abril del año pasado, cuando dirigía el Instituto de Seguridad de la Inteligencia Artificial del Reino Unido, una prestigiosa agencia de investigación estatal que opera en la vanguardia de un sector sumamente competitivo y de gran sensibilidad comercial.
El gobierno británico no declaró que dicha reunión tuvo lugar y asegura que no conserva ningún registro de ella, lo que deja al público sin saber qué se informó de la política pública en materia de IA a los asistentes, entre los que se encontraban gigantes tecnológicos como Microsoft y el Ellison Institute of Technology, propiedad del empresario Larry Ellison, una de las 10 personas más ricas del mundo, fundador de Oracle y uno de los principales financiadores de Trump y del Partido Republicano.
openDemocracypudo enterarse sobre el desayuno de trabajo y acceder a su lista de invitados mediante solicitudes de acceso a la información pública.
Meses después de ese encuentro, Ilottt regresó a las oficinas de Hakluyt para reunirse con su brazo inversor, fundado por el expresidente ejecutivo de la firma, Varun Chandra, quien se incorporó al gobierno británico como asesor comercial en julio de 2024\. Chandra – también enviado comercial del Reino Unido para Estados Unidos y uno de los pocos funcionarios de alto nivel del gobierno del ex primer ministro Keir Starmer que conservó su cuando Burnham llegó al poder – mantiene una participación en Hakluyt.
S bien los conocimientos de Ilottt ya eran invalorables para los clientes de Hakluyt, esta semana fue ascendido a la máxima jerarquía oficial en política de IA dentro del gobierno de Burnham, lo que lo convierte en un contacto aún más codiciado.
Fundada en 1995 por exagentes del MI6 (el servicio de inteligencia exterior británico), Hakluyt & Company ha operado durante décadas en el más absoluto secretismo desde su lujosa mansión en el barrio londinense de Mayfair y un número creciente de oficinas en todo el mundo. Gracias a sus inigualables conexiones con altos funcionarios públicos como Ilottt, la firma proporciona a sus clientes – algunas de las mayores empresas del mundo – información de inteligencia de alta calidad a un precio elevado y asesora a ejecutivos para tomar decisiones de enorme impacto financiero, que a menudo involucran elementos políticos, como fusiones y adquisiciones, marcos regulatorios o la expansión a nuevos mercados.
Hakluyt opera en un vacío legal: al ser una empresa de inteligencia corporativa y asesoría estratégica, y no una firma de *lobby* registrada, no está obligada a declarar su lista de clientes. La firma sostiene que no realiza cabildeo político ni colabora con partidos políticos, a pesar de que su personal se reúne regularmente con altos funcionarios públicos y de que algunos informes indican que [trabajó con el Partido Laborista antes de las últimas elecciones generales](https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-09-19/labour-recruits-mi6-linked-consultants-to-help-woo-business?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Ahora, los documentos que obtuvo openDemocracy ofrecen una visión poco habitual de cómo la empresa cortejó a una estrella ascendente de la función pública y consiguió, para su clientela de elite, un acceso especial y no declarado a uno de los funcionarios más influyentes del mundo en materia de políticas de seguridad de la IA.
## ‘Una conversación fantástica’
La relación de Ilottt con Hakluyt parece haber comenzado en octubre de 2024, cuando Olly Robbins, una figura clave en la administración pública británica y entonces socio de la empresa, lo invitó a "desayunar o cenar con algunos clientes importantes", invitación que Ilottt dijo que aceptaba "con mucho gusto".
Robbins se había incorporado a Hakluyt el año anterior, tras haber ocupado altos cargos en el estado, entre ellos el de asesor adjunto de seguridad nacional del Reino Unido y el de jefe negociador del Brexit.
Si bien no hay indicios de irregularidades por parte de Robbins, la interacción revela cómo las firmas de asesoría y cabildeo se aprovechan de la "puerta giratoria" que les permite contratar a expertos que ocuparon cargos públicos y aportan contactos gubernamentales y conocimientos operativos.
[Palantir, la Defensa británica y la puerta giratoria del poderPalantir contrató a cuatro funcionarios del Ministerio de Defensa británico. Luego obtuvo el mayor contrato de su historia con esa carteraopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/defensa-reino-unido-palantir-tecnologia-vigilancia-espionaje-digital-ice-redadas-eeuu/)
Como escribe Hakluyt en su página web: "Pocos modelos de negocio dependen tanto de las relaciones humanas como el nuestro: esto, sobre todo, es lo que nos hace diferentes".
La plantilla de Hakluyt cuenta hoy con varias decenas de antiguos altos funcionarios públicos – desde exsecretarios del gabinete hasta jefes de inteligencia y asesores del primer ministro –. En el reducido ecosistema de la política británica, el prestigio y la influencia de figuras como estas son incalculables.
Antes de que se concretara la reunión, Robbins dejó Hakluyt para reincorporarse a la función pública al frente del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores en enero de 2025\. Fue destituido meses después tras una polémica de gran repercusión mediática por su presunta participación en el nombramiento de Peter Mandelson, amigo del explotador sexual Jeffrey Epstein, como embajador en Estados Unidos.
A principios de 2025, otro ejecutivo de Hakluyt retomó la conversación por correo electrónico con Ilottt.
"Disculpas por la demora en responder", escribió el empleado de la firma. "Como seguro habrás visto, Olly ha sido nombrado nuevo \[tachado\], lo cual es una gran noticia y nos alegra mucho por él".
A partir de entonces, coordinaron los preparativos para que Ilottt asistiera al desayuno de trabajo en la sede de Hakluyt en Mayfair a las 8:30 de la mañana del 10 de abril; el código de vestimenta era "ropa de negocios".
Una lista de asistentes parcialmente censurada, que fue enviada a Ilottt con antelación y entregada a openDemocracy en virtud de la Ley de Libertad de Información, ofrece una mirada excepcional sobre la clientela que Hakluyt suele guardar con celo.
El documento revela que, además de Microsoft y el Instituto Ellison, entre los invitados figuraban la telecom BT, el fondo soberano de inversión de los Emiratos Árabes Unidos, Mubadala, las firmas de capital privado de Silicon Valley Warburg Pincus e Insight Partners, y un ejecutivo que representaba tanto a la plataforma de tecnología educativa Kahoot como a la plataforma de computación en la nube para el sector energético Kraken.
También estaba en la lista un representante de Calypso AI, una desarrolladora de software de seguridad en la que Hakluyt invirtió a través de su fondo en 2023\. Calypso AI fue adquirida por el gigante tecnológico estadounidense F5 en septiembre del año pasado.
En respuesta al pedido de información pública de openDemocracy, el Departamento de Ciencia, Innovación y Tecnología declaró: “No disponemos de actas, materiales de presentación ni notas del debate. Asimismo, podemos confirmar que Oliver Ilottt intervino durante el evento, pero no existen notas de su discurso".
El departamento se negó a revelar qué empresas habían sido invitadas a la reunión, pero tuvo que acceder a entregar la lista después de que solicitáramos una revisión interna de su decisión.
Luego del desayuno de trabajo, la consultora se ofreció a enviar un obsequio a Ilottt como muestra de agradecimiento, según la correspondencia obtenida por openDemocracy.
"Muchas gracias de nuevo por tu tiempo hoy y por compartir todas tus reflexiones y opiniones de forma tan generosa. Fue una conversación fantástica y todos nuestros invitados nos han dicho lo mucho que disfrutaron escuchándote, ¡así que gracias!", le escribió un empleado de Hakluyt a Ilottt. “¿Podrías facilitarme tu dirección? Así te podemos enviar un pequeño detalle de agradecimiento”.
openDemocracy entiende que Ilottt no aceptó el regalo.
La empresa Hakluyt fue consultada sobre cuál era ese regalo, pero se negó a revelarlo. Un portavoz de la firma dijo a openDemocracy: “Es habitual que funcionarios gubernamentales y empresas se reúnan para tratar asuntos de interés mutuo, como ocurrió en este caso”.
## ‘Una reunión informal’
En septiembre, cinco meses después del desayuno de trabajo, Ilottt se reunió de nuevo con Hakluyt. Para entonces, había sido ascendido a director general interino de IA en el Departamento de Ciencia, Innovación y Tecnología (DSIT, por sus siglas en inglés), cargo en el que quedó efectivo.
Aunque el gobierno sí declaró este segundo encuentro – catalogándolo como una reunión entre “partes interesadas" – , no publicó ni registró detalle alguno, como asistentes, orden del día, actas u otras notas.
“Se trató de una reunión informal entre Oliver Ilottt y Hakluyt en la sede de Hakluyt Capital Limited en Londres, y no se elaboró ningún documento ni orden del día en relación con la misma”, respondió el DSIT a una solicitud de información pública de openDemocracy.
En los días posteriores a esta reunión, un miembro del personal de Hakluyt envió un correo electrónico poniendo a Ilottt en contacto con un organizador del Diálogo de Seguridad Reagan-Jackson, una conferencia anual organizada por la Sociedad Ronald Reagan, con sede en Estados Unidos, y la Sociedad Henry Jackson (HJS) del Reino Unido.
Si bien el DSIT censuró gran parte de los correos electrónicos, incluyendo la identidad de los remitentes, es probable que el organizador fuera un miembro del personal de HJS, un centro de estudios sobre seguridad nacional que apoya firmemente la política exterior estadounidense en Oriente Medio. Su director ejecutivo abandonó el Partido Conservador el año pasado, y ahora es el principal asesor del partido de extrema derecha Reform UK en asuntos globales.
HJS no declara públicamente quiénes son sus financiadores, pero está registrada como entidad benéfica. Sus cuentas oficiales muestran que el año pasado recibió donaciones por 1,2 millones de libras (1,6 millones de dólares).
A pesar de las partes censuradas en los documentos, la respuesta de Ilottt arroja algo de luz sobre la naturaleza de los contactos.
“Hola, \[censurado\], muchas gracias por la presentación y por tus amables palabras”, escribió. “\[Censurado\], es un placer estar en contacto. Parece que están haciendo un trabajo muy interesante. Estaría encantado de ayudar en lo que pueda”.
“Durante los últimos dos años he dirigido el Instituto de Seguridad de la IA. Combinamos la experiencia del sector privado con el conocimiento del gobierno sobre los riesgos para la seguridad nacional, ofreciendo análisis sobre los posibles usos maliciosos de los sistemas de IA más potentes de la actualidad”.
“Como dice \[censurado\], recientemente he asumido la responsabilidad de cubrir tanto las oportunidades como los riesgos de la IA”, añadió Ilottt.
Su interlocutor respondió que deseaba “conocer más a fondo su trabajo con el Instituto de Seguridad de la IA y quedar en contacto para nuestros eventos en Londres”. Días después, volvió a escribirle para invitarlo a la cumbre de seguridad, que describió como “una reunión muy sustancial de funcionarios gubernamentales y legisladores del Reino Unido y Estados Unidos”.
El DSIT dijo a openDemocracy que Ilottt no asistió al evento.
Un portavoz del gobierno declaró a openDemocracy: “Los altos funcionarios del gobierno se reúnen habitualmente con los actores relevantes para su trabajo como parte de sus funciones habituales. Como siempre, estas reuniones se declaran a través de los canales habituales de transparencia”.
Sin embargo, el desayuno de abril de 2025 se divulgó solamente cuando openDemocracy presentó sus solicitudes de información, 11 meses después de que ocurriera, y la respuesta no mencionó la presencia de ninguno de los clientes de Hakluyt.
### Centros de datos para la IA: jornadas de 70 horas y riesgos laborales en Brasil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-data-centers-scala-trabajo-jornadas-ia-explotacion-laboral-amazon-oracle/
Last updated: 2026-08-28T19:51:02.000Z
*Esta es una versión traducida y editada del* [*reportaje publicado*](https://apublica.org/2026/08/corrida-por-data-centers-gera-denuncias-de-violacoes-trabalhistas-em-sao-paulo/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *originalmente por Agência Pública.*
Un "infierno". Eso era lo que Francisco Rodrigues, de 39 años, escuchaba decir a sus compañeros sobre el trabajo de construcción y montaje del mayor complejo de centros de datos de Brasil, gestionado por la empresa Scala Data Centers, en Barueri, un municipio cercano a São Paulo, la ciudad más poblada y el principal polo industrial y económico del país.
"Decían que querían irse de aquel infierno. Yo pude aguantarlo, pero hubo momentos en los que pensé en rendirme", cuenta el exmontador. Rodrigues tuvo que cumplir jornadas de 70 horas semanales durante un mes, lo que supera el límite legal de 44 horas, que pueden llegar a un máximo de 54 sumando horas extras.
Un centro de datos es un edificio o un conjunto de edificios, ocupado por computadoras que almacenan y procesan información, datos e imágenes disponibles en internet. Es también el lugar donde se procesan las respuestas de herramientas de inteligencia artificial (IA), como ChatGPT.
Con la creciente demanda de IA, los centros de datos se han convertido en una infraestructura esencial. Esto se debe a que un software de IA requiere mucha más potencia de procesamiento que una simple búsqueda en Google o el envío de un correo electrónico.
El complejo de Scala en Barueri ocupa una franja de unos 600 metros sobre la autopista Mário Covas, que circunvala la región metropolitana de São Paulo. Son nueve edificios, algunos de varios pisos, que atienden a "clientes de elite del sector", entre ellos Amazon y Oracle, según la información corporativa de la empresa.
**"Hubo momentos en los que pensé en rendirme", cuenta Francisco Rodrigues, que cumplía jornadas de 70 horas semanales | Tuane Fernandes*
Brasil es el [principal mercado](https://canalsolar.com.br/es/Centro-de-datos-de-Brasil-en-Am%C3%A9rica-Latina/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de centros de datos de América Latina. Y la expectativa del gobierno federal, que busca aprobar un[ proyecto](https://www25.senado.leg.br/web/atividade/materias/-/materia/172786?ref=opendemocracy.net) de ley que les concede exenciones fiscales, es atraer 2 billones de reales (unos 387 millones de dólares) en inversiones privadas a lo largo de 10 años, para la expansión del sector.
La promesa de creación masiva de empleo se ha convertido en un argumento de peso, no solo en Brasil, sino en todo el mundo.
Pero esta carrera está llevando a los trabajadores al agotamiento, según un análisis de 11 juicios ante tribunales laborales, entrevistas con trabajadores y sindicalistas y consultas realizadas al Ministerio Público del Trabajo (fiscalía del trabajo) por Agência Pública.
En respuesta a consultas para este artículo, Scala envió un comunicado en el que afirma que da prioridad a "la seguridad, la salud y el bienestar de las personas en todas sus operaciones". El texto completo puede leerse al final del reportaje.
**Fachada del edificio de Scala Data Centers | Tuane Fernandes*
### **"Le pedía a Dios que me despidieran"**
"Al principio, me levantaba contento para ir a trabajar, pero al cabo de un tiempo le pedía a Dios ya no tener que ir al centro de datos, que me despidieran", dijo un hombre de 44 años que trabajó como montador en las obras de Scala en Barueri y que pidió no revelar su nombre por miedo a represalias. Dejó el trabajo al cabo de un año con gastritis crónica. "Estaba al límite, aquello me estaba haciendo mucho daño", añadió, en referencia a la presión por la productividad, que incluía alargar las jornadas más allá de lo acordado y descuidar obligaciones de seguridad laboral para entregar las tareas más rápido.
Scala Data Centers es una de las empresas líderes en el mercado de América Latina: representa una cuarta parte de la [capacidad instalada](https://www.cgi.br/media/docs/publicacoes/6/pt-br/20251209175312/psi-a17-n4-data%5Fcenters%5Fno%5Fbrasil.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) en Brasil según su estado financiero, y cuenta también con instalaciones en Chile, México y Colombia.
El plan de expansión de Scala incluye una reserva de terrenos de 1.200 hectáreas ya adquiridas para la construcción de nuevas instalaciones. Solo la instalación que se prevé en Eldorado do Sul, puede alcanzar una capacidad total de 4.750 MW – seis veces más que todos los centros de datos instalados en Brasil hasta ahora.
Scala cuenta con una estrategia para crecer a un ritmo vertiginoso, [conocida como FastDeploy](https://scaladatacenters.com/en/scala-data-centers-launches-innovative-fastdeploy-solution-to-support-strategic-growth-of-hyperscale-customers-in-latin-american-new-markets/?ref=opendemocracy.net) ("implementación rápida"), que garantiza que los centros de datos se construyan en la mitad del tiempo habitual.
**Scala Data Centers ya representa una cuarta parte de la capacidad instalada en Brasil y tiene un plan de rápida expansión | Felipe Iruatã*
Scala recurre a empresas subcontratadas que pueden movilizarse y desmovilizarse según sus necesidades.
Los cinco trabajadores entrevistados para este reportaje trabajaban en esta condición de mano de obra subcontratada. La empresa también enfrenta demandas de empleados directos, con denuncias similares.
El reportaje analizó un total de 11 demandas. Casi todas reclaman horas extras trabajadas y no pagadas, complementos por peligrosidad y condiciones insalubres en el trabajo. Algunas mencionan además el desvío de funciones, falta de equipos de protección individual e incluso solicitan el pago de daños morales por el acoso sufrido.
De los 11 procesos, seis terminaron: en un caso, un trabajador logró llegar a un acuerdo, y cinco fueron desestimados – dos trabajadores decidieron recurrir la sentencia –, mientras los demás siguen tramitándose en la justicia laboral.
Además, la fiscalía del trabajo confirmó que hay tres investigaciones abiertas contra Scala Data Centers en Barueri. Las denuncias se refieren a jornadas laborales agotadoras, con horas por encima de lo permitido y sin descansos obligatorios; lugares de trabajo insalubres; negligencia en el uso de equipos de protección individual e incluso un accidente laboral que acabó con un empleado con quemaduras.
### **Vínculos internacionales**
Según su información corporativa, Scala tiene contratos con grandes empresas tecnológicas como Oracle y Amazon – esta última es parte demandada en uno de los procesos laborales revisados para este reportaje.
En ese caso, el trabajador reclama horas extras no pagadas, la acumulación de funciones y complementos por peligrosidad e insalubridad derivados del trabajo en altura y del uso de herramientas cortantes. Fue contratado formalmente por dos empresas subcontratistas, pero "durante toda la vigencia del contrato, siempre trabajó realizando actividades esenciales para el desarrollo económico de la tercera y la cuarta demandadas", es decir, Scala y Amazon, según la demanda escrita por los abogados del trabajador.
Por ello, "en su calidad de contratistas de los servicios, \[las empresas\] responden subsidiariamente por las reclamaciones laborales adeudadas al demandante", señalan los abogados.
El equipo de redacción se puso en contacto con Amazon, pero la empresa prefirió no hacer comentarios. Oracle no respondió a nuestros pedidos de entrevista.
Scala busca ampliar su cartera de clientes. En abril, anunció que estaba[ buscando](https://finance.yahoo.com/sectors/technology/articles/scala-data-centers-taps-us-122139720.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) nuevos contratos en EEUU y en China.
La empresa con sede en Brasil crece gracias al capital internacional. Fue fundada en 2020 por DigitalBridge, una gestora de fondos estadounidense creada por un amigo del presidente Donald Trump y recientemente adquirida por el capital japonés de[ SoftBank](https://www.estadao.com.br/einvestidor/cenarios-e-mercado/softbank-digitalbridge-compra-us4-bi-data-centers-telecom?ref=opendemocracy.net).
[Centros de datos de las gigantes tecnológicas desafían a América del SurLa estrategia de las gigantes digitales para la región consiste en extraer datos, conocimiento y recursos naturalesopenDemocracyCecilia Rikap](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-chile-uruguay-nube-centro-de-datos-google-amazon-microsoft-agua-energia/)
Otros[ financiadores de la empresa](https://scaladatacenters.com/sustentabilidade/governanca-corporativa/investidores/?ref=opendemocracy.net) son la Corporación Financiera Internacional (CFI), una filial del Banco Mundial, el fondo de inversión Coatue – con sedes en Estados Unidos, Hong Kong y Londres –, el fondo de pensiones canadiense IMCO, y el Grupo Olayan, una multinacional "con una cartera de inversiones global valorada en varios miles de millones".
En Brasil, el estatal Banco Nacional de Desarrollo (BNDES) le concedió un préstamo de 300 millones de reales (58 millones de dólares), mientras que el Banco do Brasil aprobó una financiación de 21,6 millones de dólares para impulsar la fabricación de módulos prefabricados para centros de datos. Los bancos Bradesco, Itaú, Santander y UBS han participado en las emisiones y títulos de deuda de la empresa.
Solicitamos comentarios a todas las entidades financieras, pero solo la IFC, el BNDES, UBS y Santander respondieron, haciendo hincapié en sus políticas de protección de la salud y la seguridad de los trabajadores. Las declaraciones pueden consultarse al final de este texto.
Gracias a los vínculos con las grandes tecnológicas, los centros de datos se publicitan como proyectos innovadores y con capacidad de creación masiva de empleo. En Eldorado do Sul, municipio del estado sureño Rio Grande do Sul en el que Scala pretende construir una "ciudad de la IA", la[ ](https://scaladatacenters.com/com-investimento-inicial-de-r-3-bilhoes-governo-do-rs-e-scala-data-centers-assinam-acordo-para-o-maior-projeto-de-infraestrutura-digital-do-estado/?ref=opendemocracy.net)empresa [promete](https://scaladatacenters.com/com-investimento-inicial-de-r-3-bilhoes-governo-do-rs-e-scala-data-centers-assinam-acordo-para-o-maior-projeto-de-infraestrutura-digital-do-estado/?ref=opendemocracy.net) crear 3.000 empleos directos e indirectos en la primera fase de la construcción.
"Es la oportunidad de convertir Rio Grande do Sul en el nuevo Silicon Valley de Brasil",[ celebró](https://reporterbrasil.org.br/2025/04/cidade-data-centers-rs-energia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) el secretario de Desarrollo Económico de Rio Grande do Sul, Ernani Polo.
Un[ informe](https://apublica.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/SubData-%5F-Relatorio-Final-Corrida-por-Data-Centers-gera-denuncias-de-violacoes-trabalhistas-em-Sao-Paulo.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la subcomisión de centros de datos de la Asamblea Legislativa de Rio Grande do Sul estima que "la implantación \[del centro de datos\] puede generar volumen, pero tiende a ser temporal; por eso, no debe entenderse como un componente de una política de empleo".
El trabajador Rodrigues dijo: “Los centros de datos afirman que generan muchos puestos de trabajo, pero solo hasta que finaliza la construcción. Una vez terminada la construcción, creo que se eliminan el 90% de los puestos".
### **Incidente en un servicio no autorizado**
Los centros de datos son entornos ultraseguros a los que es muy difícil acceder. Una vez en funcionamiento, existe un riguroso protocolo de seguridad que incluye formación para abrir y cerrar puertas en pocos segundos y una máquina para triturar teléfonos móviles en caso de que alguien eluda los sistemas de seguridad y entre con uno de ellos a las salas de los servidores.
**En esta cartilla se informa a los trabajadores subcontratados que los móviles están prohibidos dentro de los centros de datos | Felipe Iruatã*
El relato lo hicieron trabajadores entrevistados para este reportaje que participaron en las reparaciones de los centros de datos de Scala en Barueri. Estaban subcontratados por una empresa llamada Multiway, cuya página web [anuncia](https://multiwayinfra.com.br/?ref=opendemocracy.net): "Si piensas en un centro de datos, piensa en Multiway".
Uno de ellos es Anderson Soares, de 27 años, que sufrió una descarga eléctrica que lo dejó aturdido mientras realizaba tareas de mantenimiento en el falso techo de uno de los centros de datos de Scala en Barueri. Según Soares y sus compañeros, en ese momento él no había firmado la autorización de trabajo, que evalúa la seguridad de la operación.
**Anderson Soares muestra una foto de su lugar de trabajo; recibió una descarga eléctrica al subir al falso techo | Felipe Iruatã*
"Deberíamos haber esperado a que el técnico de seguridad nos diera permiso para subir, pero ese día el encargado le dijo a Soares: ‘Andá, es un momento y lo arreglás’”, dijo un exmontador que pidió permanecer en el anonimato.
Multiway, la empresa responsable del servicio, afirma que sus "obras cuentan con la supervisión de profesionales de seguridad laboral y que las actividades van precedidas de las evaluaciones de riesgo pertinentes”. El texto completo puede consultarse[ aquí.](https://apublica.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Outros-lados-Agencia-Publica-Corrida-por-Data-Centers-gera-denuncias-de-violacoes-trabalhistas-em-Sao-Paulo-.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Según los trabajadores, el centro de datos estaba casi en funcionamiento, había guardias en las puertas de acceso a las salas, pero las placas del revestimiento térmico se movían indebidamente por la presión de los flujos de aire caliente y frío que regulan la temperatura de estas inmensas estructuras tecnológicas, un problema que los montadores atribuyen al método de construcción "a toda máquina" adoptado por Scala. Según ellos, muchas veces la técnica prevista no funcionaba como se esperaba y había que volver a hacer el trabajo.
El día del accidente, Soares y su equipo fueron trasladados a toda prisa al centro de datos a punto de ser entregado, para volver a realizar el trabajo de fijación de las placas. "Ya habíamos terminado varias salas y fue en la última donde ocurrió", relató el trabajador.
"En esa sala, teníamos que gatear por el falso techo, no podíamos estar de pie. Me moví y toqué \[la máquina\], y entonces sentí cómo la electricidad me tiraba del brazo", añade, recordando el hormigueo en el cuerpo y las "estrellitas" en su visión tras la descarga.
No se presentó ninguna notificación de accidente laboral al Ministerio de Trabajo, obligatoria para las empresas. "Él desistió por miedo a que lo despidieran", dijo Rodrigues, información confirmada por Soares. Los trabajadores afirman también que fueron coaccionados para firmar el permiso de trabajo con fecha retroactiva al día del accidente, falsificando así el registro obligatorio.
### **Riesgo de vida sin compensación**
Casi todos los 11 procesos judiciales consultados incluyen el reclamo a las empresas implicadas en la construcción de centros de datos el pago de complementos por peligrosidad. Según la ley, el complemento por peligrosidad se debe a todos los trabajadores expuestos a instalaciones o equipos eléctricos que puedan suponer un riesgo, aunque no sean electricistas.
"¿Cuántas veces hemos vuelto a subir al falso techo del centro de datos para arreglar algo con las máquinas ya encendidas, con la electricidad circulando?", cuestionó Soares.
Los trabajadores que caminaron por esas estructuras electrificadas cuentan que sentían cómo les temblaban los pies al pisar los cables, tal era la potencia eléctrica del lugar. "Había zonas donde había 380 voltios, 480 voltios o incluso más", dijo Rodigues.
Una norma del Ministerio de Trabajo establece que las tensiones superiores a 50 voltios representan un riesgo significativo para el trabajador.
Pero Scala ni siquiera pagó el plus por trabajo peligroso a una persona contratada por la empresa como encargada de las instalaciones eléctricas en su planta de São João de Meriti, en Río de Janeiro. Tras un informe pericial que concluyó que el trabajador estaba expuesto a "agentes peligrosos tanto de naturaleza eléctrica como inflamable", Scala llegó a un acuerdo con el trabajador para pagarle una indemnización de 120.000 reales (23.200 dólares) en marzo de este año.
Entre los trabajadores subcontratados, varios denuncian la ausencia o el uso parcial de equipos de protección y que el entrenamiento obligatorio no se impartía de manera rigurosa. "Cortaba hierro a seis metros de altura, en un espacio confinado, con la máquina entre las piernas. Pero solo tenía guantes y gafas para protegerme", relató Rafael Suriano, de 34 años, antiguo montador subcontratado en los centros de datos de Scala en Barueri.
Según alegaron sus abogados en un proceso que fue desestimado por la justicia laboral, además de trabajar en altura, "a menudo en estructuras elevadas e inestables, sin la formación previa exigida por la normativa del Ministerio de Trabajo", no recibió equipo protector ni "formación o medidas que garantizaran la seguridad física y psicológica del trabajador en dichas actividades".
**Rafael Suriano alega que no recibió equipos de protección para el trabajo, pero su demanda fue desestimada por la justicia | Tuane Fernandes*
Algunos entrevistados denunciaron la improvisación con la que se instalaba la línea de vida, imprescindible para los trabajos en altura. Se trata de un sistema de cables que ancla al trabajador a un punto firme y estable, capaz de soportar el peso de una caída y evitar que el operario choque contra el suelo.
Según los testimonios recabados, en algunos casos las líneas de vida se sujetaban a máquinas que elevaban a los trabajadores hasta el techo, o a la propia estructura del falso techo que estaban construyendo.
Un montador, que no quiso dar su nombre, dijo: “No había línea de vida. Sujetábamos el arnés a la plataforma elevadora, pero esa máquina no puede circular por zonas inclinadas porque se vuelca. Si eso hubiera pasado, y se hubiera volcado, no había ningún sitio donde agarrarnos". En una ocasión, comentó, tres compañeros estaban sobre una plataforma y esta chocó contra otra máquina, balanceándose mucho. "Por la gracia de Dios no llegó a volcarse, porque si se hubiera volcado, habría matado a los tres chicos".
Multiway respondió que "no orienta ni autoriza la realización de actividades sin los equipos de protección exigidos para los riesgos identificados".
### **Pruebas cuestionadas**
En los procesos judiciales consultados por este reportaje, las empresas rebatieron las afirmaciones de los trabajadores, alegando que distribuían los equipos de protección correctamente y ofrecían la formación adecuada. En cinco casos, la justicia dio la razón a las empresas.
Sin embargo, los trabajadores entrevistados coinciden en que las pruebas presentadas por las empresas contratistas ante los tribunales no se corresponden con lo que ocurría en el lugar de trabajo. "Todo lo que dicen es mentira, es justo lo contrario de lo que afirman", dijo uno de los trabajadores. "Entras allí, te dan un papel para que firmes diciendo que has hecho un curso, pero no hubo ningún curso".
En algunos casos, los cursos se impartieron, pero después de que los trabajadores ya estaban realizando las actividades tratadas en la formación.
"Pasé bastante tiempo sin la capacitación para poder utilizar máquinas rotativas, como el martillo neumático o la lijadora, que es una de las herramientas más peligrosas, utilizada para cortar hierro. Al cabo de un tiempo me la dieron, pero utilicé las herramientas durante un tiempo sin tener permiso", explicó Rodrigues. Luego de la formación, se dio cuenta de los errores que cometía, como cortar el material de trabajo tirando del disco hacia su pecho, y no al revés.
Renato Gonçalves, de 37 años, relató que mientras manejaba el martillo neumático para instalar el revestimiento de un centro de datos, quedó parcialmente sordo. "En ese momento solo oí un ruido muy fuerte, un auténtico estruendo", dijo el trabajador, que no usaba correctamente el equipo de protección individual en el momento del accidente.
Había sido contratado por Multiway unos meses antes para trabajar en las obras de Scala en Barueri y su formación en seguridad no incluyó ni una sola hora de prácticas. Pocos meses después del inicio de su contrato, lo enviaron a trabajar durante 15 días en la construcción del centro de datos de la empresa Equinix en Río de Janeiro, donde sufrió el accidente.
Según sus abogados, la empresa que lo contrató "no emitió el parte de accidente laboral ni le ofreció apoyo" y, tras la presentación de los certificados médicos, lo despidió. El proceso se remitió a otro juzgado y no ha sido posible consultar su tramitación. La sordera, según el trabajador, es parcial y reversible, y está en lista de espera para someterse a una cirugía correctiva.
Multiway dijo que "imparte formación relacionada con el uso seguro de máquinas y equipos, incluso de conformidad con la NR-12 \[para el uso de máquinas rotativas\] cuando sea aplicable, además de los cursos de formación y las orientaciones previstas por el resto de normas de Seguridad y Salud en el Trabajo pertinentes a la actividad".
Equinix, por su parte, dijo que exige "contractualmente a sus socios y proveedores el cumplimiento riguroso de las normas" de seguridad en el trabajo. Las respuestas completas pueden consultarse[ aquí](https://apublica.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Outros-lados-Agencia-Publica-Corrida-por-Data-Centers-gera-denuncias-de-violacoes-trabalhistas-em-Sao-Paulo-.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
### **"Puntualidad británica"**
Los trabajadores también afirman que el sistema de control de asistencia no registraba realmente el número de horas trabajadas. "No fichábamos, todo se hacía ‘a ojo’. Todo por WhatsApp. Y hubo muchas horas extras que no nos pagaron", se quejó Soares, que llegó a tener jornadas que empezaban a las 7 de la mañana y no terminaban hasta las 4 de la madrugada del día siguiente. Tampoco disfrutaba del descanso mínimo obligatorio entre un día y otro de trabajo. "Hubo veces que salía de allí a las 2 de la madrugada y ya estaba de vuelta a las 9 para empezar el siguiente turno", aseguró.
Multiway afirma que "cuenta con un software de primera línea, específico para este registro \[de asistencia\]". Y que es el propio trabajador quien realiza el registro, "con la firma correspondiente".
**Los registros de asistencia muestran siempre los mismos horarios de entrada y salida, una puntualidad fuera de lo común | Felipe Iruatã*
La queja por el exceso de horas extras fue recurrente entre los trabajadores entrevistados y en los expedientes judiciales.
"Se comprueba que el demandante realizaba una media de 78 horas extras al mes, así como una media mensual de 13 horas de trabajo extraordinario en días festivos, las cuales no se le pagaron correctamente", dice la demanda de un hombre que trabajaba como auxiliar de vigilancia electrónica en Scala.
Incluso en los casos en los que los trabajadores perdieron en los tribunales, los jueces reconocieron algo raro en las pruebas presentadas por las empresas. "Las hojas de control de asistencia recopiladas por la demandada presentan marcas simétricas y con rasgos de uniformidad (horarios británicos)", señalaba la sentencia de uno de los procesos, refiriéndose a una puntualidad fuera de lo común.
### **'Mucha presión por resultados'**
El Sindicato de Metalúrgicos de Osasco y Región confirma el aumento de quejas sobre la elevada rotación de personal en las empresas prestadoras de servicios para centros de datos, con jornadas laborales mucho más largas de lo permitido, además de acoso moral. El presidente del sindicato, Gilberto Almazan, dijo además que hay problemas con las instalaciones de apoyo, como los baños y los comedores.
"Hay mucha presión por los resultados del trabajo. Se empieza a presionar al trabajador para que se quede hasta más tarde. Pero una cosa es hacerlo un día, dos días, una semana… Y otra muy distinta es que la empresa no tenga suficiente personal y obligue a todo el mundo a un turno de 10 horas al día", dijo Almazan.
"Pensaba que trabajar en un centro de datos me abriría puertas", dijo el exmontador Renato Gonçalves, que quedó parcialmente sordo. "Pero ocurrió lo contrario y hoy mi condición física me impide conseguir ciertos trabajos. Me entristece mucho".
---
### **Descargos**
*Agência Pública se puso en contacto con todas las empresas mencionadas en el texto. La IFC dijo que se toma "muy en serio las preocupaciones relativas a la salud y la seguridad de los trabajadores y examina cualquier denuncia presentada a través de su proceso de supervisión". Según la entidad financiadora, como condición para la inversión, se exigió a Scala que actualizara sus sistemas, incluyendo aspectos relacionados con las condiciones laborales de los trabajadores, además de mejorar el mecanismo de reclamaciones para proporcionar a los trabajadores un canal eficaz para presentar reclamaciones o quejas.*
*El BNDES respondió que no es inversor ni accionista de Scala Data Centers y que "la relación existente se deriva de dos operaciones de financiación (crédito)". Además, aseguró que comprueba la existencia de procesos laborales en curso antes de la firma de los contratos. "En el caso concreto de Scala, según los informes y las investigaciones procesales llevadas a cabo, no se ha reconocido ningún daño ni acoso moral en los procesos en los que se ha dictado sentencia".*
*UBS y Santander declararon que no hacen comentarios sobre operaciones y transacciones específicas de sus clientes. El texto completo de sus declaraciones puede*[ *consultarse aquí (en portugués).*](https://apublica.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/08/Outros-lados-Agencia-Publica-Corrida-por-Data-Centers-gera-denuncias-de-violacoes-trabalhistas-em-Sao-Paulo-.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net)
*A continuación, el texto completo de la respuesta de Scala Data Centers:*
*Para Scala Data Centers, la seguridad, la salud y el bienestar de las personas son prioridades absolutas en todas sus operaciones y exige el mismo nivel a sus proveedores y socios. La empresa adopta rigurosos procesos de gobernanza, cumplimiento normativo y gestión de Salud, Seguridad y Medio Ambiente (EHS), que sitúan la preservación de la vida y la salud de las personas en primer lugar y constituyen uno de los pilares fundamentales de la calidad de sus operaciones.*
*En cuanto a las preguntas sobre demandas laborales, Scala aclara que dichas demandas se tramitan de forma individual en el ámbito del Poder Judicial y que su mera existencia no implica, por sí sola, la existencia de irregularidades o el incumplimiento de la legislación.*
*En este momento, la empresa no mantiene ninguna negociación ni gestión en curso con la Fiscalía del Trabajo en relación con los hechos objeto de las preguntas planteadas por el medio de comunicación y, como siempre, proporcionará todas las aclaraciones que puedan solicitar las autoridades competentes.*
### When the climate crisis reaches the supermarket shelf
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-crisis-food-supermarket-cost-poverty-heatwave-drought-andy-burnham/
Last updated: 2026-08-20T11:18:24.000Z
Apocalyptic scenes are becoming difficult to ignore. Wildfires are tearing through much of Europe, including in the UK, where we have just recorded our hottest day of 2026 – the fifth-hottest ever. This is not simply a climate story. It is a food story, and therefore a story about power, inequality and democracy.
Across Europe, farmers are seeing yields shrink as drought and extreme heat put crops and water supplies under pressure. The climate crisis is exposing just how fragile the food system we have built has become.
## **A system built for profit, not resilience**
The Covid-19 pandemic should have been a warning. It exposed vulnerabilities in a food system dependent on complex, highly interconnected supply chains and a workforce vulnerable to borders, illness and labour shortages.
The UK’s food system prioritises speed, low inventories and economies of scale. We are heavily dependent on food grown elsewhere, importing £14.4bn of vegetables and fruit in 2024, including around half of our fresh vegetables. Food can travel thousands of miles, crossing borders by ship, plane and lorry before reaching our supermarket shelves.
Imports are not inherently a problem, and a diversity of supply can provide resilience. But dependence becomes dangerous when multiple suppliers are exposed to the same climate, geopolitical or infrastructure shocks.
The government is aware of this threat. Its most recent Food Security Report, published in December 2024, acknowledges that our “just in time” food system – with its minimal stock levels and reliance on uninterrupted transport – is extremely vulnerable. When climate shocks, geopolitical instability, rising energy and fertiliser costs, or labour shortages collide, our highly concentrated supply chains buckle – and our supermarket shelves empty.
Just in time is efficient, until it isn't.
## **More than just empty shelves**
Food security is not simply about whether there is enough food somewhere in the country. It is about whether people nationwide can reliably access sufficient, nutritious food that they can afford.
Almost 10% of people in the UK lived in a food-insecure household in the year ending March 2025\. Among those with relative low income – defined as households with less than 60% of median income – the figure was 19%. Nationwide, [more than nine million people are reliant on food banks](https://www.theguardian.com/society/2024/oct/09/britons-vulnerable-reliance-food-banks-research-finds?ref=opendemocracy.net). These figures matter because a food system can be technically well supplied while still failing people.
What happens when you live in a food desert, where fresh produce is hard to reach but takeaways, convenience stores and betting shops are everywhere? When the nearest supermarket is too far to walk to, and the local “express” store has a narrower and more expensive range?
The idea that people simply ‘choose’ unhealthy food ignores the environment in which those choices are made.
The World Health Organisation has found that energy-dense, nutrient-poor foods are widely available, heavily marketed and relatively cheap, while price promotions and product placement can push consumers towards unhealthy purchases. It now recommends stronger government intervention, including fiscal measures and mandatory restrictions on unhealthy food marketing to children.
We must stop asking why people don’t make better choices and start asking who designed the choices available to them.
## **Food is a climate issue – and a democratic one**
Food systems generate around a third of global greenhouse gas emissions and are major drivers of biodiversity loss. Agriculture and land use account for the largest share of food-related emissions.
Yet the people least responsible for designing this system often have the least power within it: farmers squeezed on price, food workers on insecure wages, families struggling to afford healthy food, and communities with little influence over what shops open on their high streets.
This is why food cannot be reduced to individual responsibility.
Nor can climate adaptation simply mean telling farmers to ‘grow differently’ while leaving them to absorb the financial risks of increasingly unpredictable weather. Farmers need water infrastructure, investment, appropriate storage, resilient seeds, fair prices and long-term policy certainty.
And consumers need more than a supermarket aisle full of individually packaged, heavily promoted products and the instruction to make ‘better choices’.
## **Local action can change the system**
There are already examples of what a different food system could look like.
Take the Queen of Greens, the mobile greengrocer operated by my organisation Alchemic Kitchen and partners in Liverpool and Knowsley. It takes affordable fresh fruit and vegetables directly into communities with poor access to fresh produce. In 2023, more than 250 families visited the bus each week; today it operates across more than 25 community locations.
This is more than a bus selling vegetables.
It demonstrates that if healthy food is physically accessible, affordable and sold in quantities people can work with, such as loose produce rather than sealed plastic bags that hold too much, people will buy it. It also shows how local authorities, communities, social enterprises, health services and housing providers can work together to reshape food access. The University of Liverpool is now evaluating the model as part of research into dietary inequality – the kind of experiment we should be scaling.
Local authorities could make healthy food businesses eligible for reduced business rates. Public spaces could be made available for community and farmers' markets. Food should be embedded into local climate, health, housing, transport and economic strategies rather than treated as somebody else's responsibility.
And national government should recognise food security as strategic infrastructure alongside energy, water and transport.
## **A question of power**
The climate crisis is not coming for our food system in some distant future. It is already here, in parched fields, failed harvests, rising prices, stressed water supplies and increasingly volatile global supply chains. We should not respond by blaming individuals for what they eat.
We should ask why a system capable of delivering asparagus from Peru and green beans from Kenya can struggle to ensure that families in Britain can afford a bag of locally grown vegetables. We should ask why farmers carry so much of the risk while so much power sits elsewhere in the food chain. And we should ask what kind of food system we want.
One built around maximum efficiency and maximum profit will remain vulnerable to climate breakdown. A resilient alternative food system would look different: more diverse, more local where appropriate, better paid, less wasteful, more seasonal and designed around health, dignity and ecological limits.
Food is not merely a commodity. It is a basic condition of a functioning society.
If we want food security in a warming world, we need to stop treating food as an individual consumer choice and start treating it as a democratic question – one in which communities, workers and farmers have a real say.
### Labour’s biggest donors backed Burnham for PM, disclosures reveal
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/labours-biggest-donors-backed-burnham-for-pm-disclosures-reveal/
Last updated: 2026-09-15T16:58:45.000Z
Andy Burnham’s campaign to replace Keir Starmer was backed with more than £340,000 in large donations, primarily from figures associated with Keir Starmer’s leadership, including the scandal-ridden think tank recently rebranded as ThinkLabour.
Much of the cash came from Lord Sainsbury, a New Labour minister who also funds Labour Together alongside a small number of high-net-worth mega donors, including Gary Lubner, a South African billionaire who also donated to Burnham’s campaign.
Donors including a City consulting giant paid for or provided staff to work for the campaign; Burnham’s successful bid to take control of Labour was supported by a number of corporate lobbyists, some of whom have followed the former Manchester Mayor into Downing Street.
An analysis of the new Prime Minister’s recent financial disclosures reveals that the Labour establishment, particularly its biggest financial backers, swung smoothly and decisively behind Burnham shortly after he won the Makerfield election. The disclosures lend weight to persistent rumours that party donors had been unhappy with the direction of Labour under Starmer for several months prior to his departure.
## Good Timing.’
On June 22 this year, the day that Keir Starmer announced his intention to stand down as Prime Minister, Burnham received donations-in-kind worth almost £140,00 from Lord Sainsbury, to cover the costs of “contractors working on \[Burnham’s\] campaign” and “working on policy and operations for \[Burnham’s\] office”. Lord Sainsbury also furnished the campaign with office space, and later topped up, providing a further £25,000 in late July.
The timing suggests Burnham’s camp had ‘lined up’ support from one of Keir Starmer’s main backers prior to the Prime Minister’s announcement.
Lord Sainsbury is Labour’s biggest ongoing donor, giving cash to the party itself and a number of campaign groups. He is one of the most significant backers of ThinkLabour, formerly Labour Together – he currently gives £125,000 to the organisation every quarter.
ThinkLabour provided “staff and IT equipment” to Burnham’s campaign for 19 days, valued at more than £22,000, while ‘big four’ consulting firm Ernst & Young (EY) sent a staffer to work in Burnham’s team in July, in an arrangement worth £16,500\.
EY was one of several consultancies that seconded staff to Labour during Starmer’s leadership to work on policy. Secondments from the private sector were a major feature of Starmer’s leadership, with dozens of people brought in from lobbying firms and consultancies to assist the party with policymaking and campaigning before the 2024 election.
Gary Lubner, a South African businessman and philanthropist who has also funded ThinkLabour, gave Burnham £25,000 towards costs including staffing and polling.
Burnham’s former nighttime economy advisor Sacha Lord also backed his bid, giving more than £35,000 to cover staffing and other costs.
Lord stepped down from his role as Burnham’s mayoral role in early 2025, after [an investigation by the Manchester Mill](https://manchestermill.co.uk/exclusive-documents-show-how-sacha/?ref=opendemocracy.net) revealed his involvement in a firm which failed to pay back Covid grants awarded by Arts Council England worth £400,000\.
At the time, he was defended by Burnham, who said Lord had been treated “very unfairly”, adding: “This was a grant application in that very unprecedented time.” Lord has strongly disputed all claims of wrongdoing and threatened legal action against the Mill before later withdrawing the threat.
The only trade union funding Burnham received came early in the process of his return to Westminster. Three unions donated to Burnham between February and April; the FBU gave £10,000 while the CWU and Unison each gave £5,000\.
## Labour Together and lobbying ties
After missing out on selection for the Gorton and Denton by-election, Burnham’s path to Downing Street was cleared when backbencher Josh Simons resigned as MP for Makerfield, in a move engineered by Burnham’s camp.
Simons was a rising star in Starmer’s Labour, appointed as a Cabinet Office minister less than a year after the 2024 election. He’d previously run Labour Together as it became one of the party's most influential organisations, providing vast amounts of cash and staffing support to favoured candidates ahead of the 2024 general election.
Labour Together rebranded to Think Labour earlier this year following a series of scandals; the group failed to declare donations worth more than £700,000, and Simons had personally been involved in hiring a lobbying firm to spy on journalists who had reported on the group’s finances, including Paul Holden. It was the latter revelation which had forced Simons to resign as a minister in 2025\.
Alison Phillips, a former journalist and later lobbyist with MHP Group, led Think Labour through its rebrand until she left to take up a role as Burnham’s deputy chief of staff, having worked on his leadership campaign team alongside another lobbyist, Hayden Munro, Burnham’s pick for No 10 political director.
Since 2024, Munro has been working at Arden Strategies, the Labour-specialist lobbying firm led by former Scottish Labour leader – and former Burnham cabinet colleague – Jim Murphy.
Luke Sullivan, a former Starmer advisor and lobbyist with City lobbying firm Headland, advised on the campaign and has since been brought into the Cabinet Office, serving as an adviser to Burnham and chief of staff to Anneliese Midgeley, the chief whip.
They will all work under James Purnell, the Blair-era minister who has been a close friend of Burnham’s since they served together in government. Purnell too has significant ties to lobbyland: from mid-2024 he led the illustrious advisory and lobbying firm Flint Global, with its blue chip client list and [unparalleled access to government across almost every department. ](https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-aides-lobby-firm-met-government-38-times-but-who-did-it-work-for/)
Burnham’s leadership campaign team was bolstered by several other corporate lobbyists. They include the chief executive of Lodestone Communications, Martha Dalton, director at Cavendish Consulting, Chris Lee and Hanbury Strategy’s Donjeta Miftari. Apart from Miftari, who has left Hanbury to become a Spad in Lucy Powell’s Department for Education, they have returned to their day jobs representing corporate clients.
Green Party leader Zack Polanski said: “People will often retort that this is all legal - and that’s true.
“But that’s the point - how can it be ok for a Prime Minister and their government to be so deeply compromised like this? Same band. Different lead singer.”
### 'Hay un montón de innovación que no debería suceder'
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/nube-ia-monopolios-intelectuales-cecilia-rikap-google-amazon-microsoft-dependencia-digital/
Last updated: 2026-08-19T08:00:22.000Z
Vivimos en la era de los ‘monopolios intelectuales’ que controlan infraestructuras – invisibles a nuestros ojos – en las que transcurren buena parte de nuestras vidas, consumos, productos, servicios y ocio. Son las nubes. Fuera de ellas no funcionarían gobiernos, empresas, hospitales, universidades ni aeropuertos.
¿Cómo llegamos a esto? ¿Era inevitable que el progreso científico nos trajera hasta aquí? La economista argentina Cecilia Rikap expone en dos libros recientes la forma en que estos monopolios intelectuales determinan también el rumbo de la innovación y las narrativas que lo sostienen.
[*The Rulers: Corporate Power in the Age of AI and the Cloud*](https://www.opendemocracy.net/clouds-ai-amazon-google-microsoft-bullshit-innovation-the-rulers-intellectual-monopolies-cecilia-rikap/)“explica cómo se relacionan entre sí los grandes actores que controlan el capitalismo global – el gobierno de Estados Unidos y cada una de las gigantes tecnológicas – y por qué algunas de las empresas más poderosas se subordinan a las gigantes de la nube para planificar, controlar y extraer más valor de sus propias esferas de control”, dice en esta entrevista Rikap, profesora asociada de economía y directora de investigación del Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose de la University College London.
El libro se basó en más de 100 entrevistas a investigadores en IA y gerentes de investigación de 55 grandes corporaciones, y se ampliará en su traducción al español con un nuevo actor en la escena: la Iglesia Católica, con la encíclica del papa León XIV *Magnifica Humanitas.*
En [*Teoría de la dependencia digital. Soberanía y desarrollo en el capitalismo del siglo XXI*](https://cajanegraeditora.com.ar/libros/teoria-de-la-dependencia-digital/?ref=opendemocracy.net), Rikap se dirige a gobiernos de América Latina y Europa para exponer “cómo esta función del capitalismo global reconfigura centros y periferias, genera un proceso de extractivismos gemelos: el de la naturaleza, hoy renovado con los centros de datos, y el del conocimiento, que reduce cualquier capacidad de proyecto de desarrollo autónomo”. La autora apunta a desmontar “el paradigma de la innovación”, analizando de manera crítica la carrera tecnológica a la que se lanzaron gobiernos, empresas e instituciones académicas. También propone alternativas para salir de esa dependencia digital.
El siguiente es un extracto de la entrevista con democraciaAbierta.
### **En *The Rulers* y *Teoría de la Dependencia Digital* desarrollas el concepto de monopolios intelectuales. ¿De qué se trata?**
Históricamente se piensa el monopolio intelectual como el monopolio de patentes o propiedad intelectual. Lo que hago es repensar el concepto a distintos niveles. Uno es en dinámica. Las empresas líderes transforman sistemáticamente distintas formas de conocimiento – datos, conocimiento científico, del propio proceso productivo, narrativas en la construcción de marcas – en sus activos. Capturan valor del resto de ecosistemas de otras organizaciones por apropiarse de conocimiento. El hecho de que se ubiquen en la frontera del conocimiento, las habilita para absorber y conectar el conocimiento que están haciendo otros y monetizarlo. Ese conocimiento no lo realizan ellas de forma exclusiva, sino que ocupan un lugar de control, más allá de la propiedad que tienen un montón de otras actrices económicas – empresas, universidades, organismos públicos de investigación – de las cuales absorben conocimiento, lo apropian y lo direccionan.
Es un proceso de manejo, coordinación, planificación de la ciencia y la tecnología, en el que van financiando y colaborando con distintos actores por proyectos específicos y después reagrupan y recombinan todo. Y eso es lo que monetizan.
No hace falta necesariamente tener la propiedad intelectual, porque podés mantener el conocimiento en secreto, como hacen las gigantes tecnológicas con sus bases de datos, y también porque la velocidad de la innovación hace que para los que no están en la frontera se vuelva imposible alcanzarlo. Yo uso la analogía del coyote y el correcaminos. Es imposible alcanzar un objetivo que se está moviendo a una velocidad mayor a la que vos te movés.
Esta dinámica no es exclusiva del sector de tecnología. Las farmacéuticas son otro ejemplo. Pero en la tecnología hay algunos monopolios intelectuales que son particularmente masivos porque el tipo de conocimiento del cual se apropian es necesario para la mayor diversidad de actores de la economía y la sociedad. Son Amazon, Microsoft y Google. Además de ejercer un monopolio intelectual sobre sus plataformas o servicios tradicionales, tienen el espacio económico y la infraestructura sobre la cual se orquesta todo el resto de los monopolios intelectuales.
### **¿La nube?**
La nube es el espacio de la fábrica de las tecnologías digitales, pero es también el mercado donde las distintas piezas de tecnología digital se intercambian. Y ese intercambio no se da mostrando cómo están escritos el código y los algoritmos. Se intercambian cajitas cerradas, que se usan y se consumen también adentro de la nube. Cualquier tecnología digital, incluso los modelos de IA de Meta o de empresas chinas como DeepSeek, se ofrece como servicio en las nubes de estas empresas. Y muchas empresas que son monopolios intelectuales ellas mismas, funcionan adentro de la nube. En el caso de Netflix, adentro de Amazon Web Services (AWS).
Estas gigantes generan una dependencia máxima, porque una diversidad de organizaciones, gobiernos, universidades van a la nube. Y con la IA, más atracción se genera para migrar a la nube.
Como corolario, estas empresas tienen una visión panóptica de la economía global. Cuando una organización almacena sus datos en la nube, el gigante de la nube ve la metadata. Y, de esa manera, puede mirar para dónde va la economía, qué zona geográfica está consumiendo más servicios, comparar con el pasado, ver qué negocios y qué industrias están funcionando mejor o peor. Eso le permite diseñar más servicios, eventualmente entrar en otros mercados, y establecer un control y una planificación de la economía a gran escala.
### **El movimiento del software libre y la investigación académica, ¿no podrían ejercer como contrapesos? ¿Cómo interactúan con los monopolios intelectuales?**
El software libre nace como una búsqueda de contrapeso al software propietario y a la expansión del *copyright*. Un antiguo socio de Microsoft decía que el software libre es un cáncer. Pero desde ese momento, los grandes poderes corporativos han aprendido y son muchísimo más sofisticados en las formas de control y apropiación de los ámbitos públicos de producción de conocimiento, como el software libre.
Ponen en software libre piezas de su propio software como una manera de generar estándares de facto para que toda la industria adopte su tecnología, y después ofrecen servicios complementarios y los ecosistemas, las plataformas donde ese software se puede después – conectado con los desarrollos específicos – monetizar.
El ejemplo de Android es harto conocido. Después de adquirir Android, Google decide ponerlo en software libre para promocionar su adopción por las empresas de celulares y por los desarrolladores de aplicaciones para Android, creando ese ecosistema de aplicaciones del cual Google siempre saca tajada. Es un ecosistema predatorio. Obviamente, Google necesita las aplicaciones para monetizar lo que de otro modo sería simplemente software libre. Pero la cantidad de desarrolladores que están haciendo aplicaciones, hace que Google no dependa de ninguno (la propia Google también desarrolla sus aplicaciones), mientras que los desarrolladores sí dependen de Google.
Un proceso análogo lo vemos en la nube. Ahí se producen todas las piezas de toda la arquitectura de software y hardware que está detrás de absolutamente todas las organizaciones, entonces hay todavía más desarrolladores, e incluso dentro de la nube se ofrecen parte de estos softwares libres como una manera de convencer de utilizar más la nube, porque no pagas por el código, pero pagas por la capacidad de procesar ese código.
En la academia, el otro ámbito de producción de conocimiento público, lo que sucede es un proceso de transformación que empuja a los y las investigadoras a colaborar con la empresa, a pensar que nuestra contribución a la sociedad se mide en función del valor económico que se extrae de nuestras investigaciones. La narrativa es “tenés que hacer conocimiento que tenga impacto económico, hacé tu *spin-off* \[empresa derivada\]”. En el proceso de creación de esas empresas ya está parte del proceso de favorecer a los monopolios intelectuales, porque estos necesitan otros actores que estén tomando el riesgo, haciendo inversiones, creando parte del conocimiento que después los monopolios ensamblan y redireccionan.
Cuando aparece el ADN recombinante \[una molécula de ADN creada en laboratorio en la década de 1970\], el gobierno de Estados Unidos decide no regularlo, y además se autoriza a los fondos de pensión a invertir en capital de riesgo en lo que a las universidades se las había empujado a desarrollar, empresas *spin-off* a partir de esos desarrollos científicos. Así se promueve la emergencia de *startups* de biotecnología y de otro campo del saber, las tecnologías de información y telecomunicaciones, financiadas con capital de riesgo de fondos de pensiones, lo que genera la periferia de actrices que después van a estar produciendo parte del conocimiento para el monopolio intelectual.
En esa periferia se siguen insertando empresas *startup* que van surgiendo y los propios investigadores, no solo de Estados Unidos y de Europa, sino de instituciones que se ubican en países como Argentina o Brasil.
La agenda de investigación académica de la IA está dictada por empresas como Microsoft y Google. Ellas publican artículos académicos y los presentan en conferencias junto con miles de investigadores de cientos de universidades. Al estar sistemáticamente investigando con esos investigadores, influyen sobre lo que están desarrollando y sobre lo que desarrollan los colaboradores de esos investigadores y los colaboradores de los colaboradores. Se sientan en los comités organizadores de estas conferencias diciendo quién gana un premio, quién puede presentar un paper, etcétera.
Así van generando una idea de cuáles son las preguntas relevantes y cuáles no dentro de cada campo del saber, en este caso, de la IA.
Hay un proceso de doble dependencia de los investigadores más conocidos en IA que mantienen su afiliación académica y además trabajan para una empresa. Es el caso de Yann LeCun, que fue investigador y profesor de la New York University e investigador jefe de Meta, hasta que se va de Meta y arma su *startup*, que después termina dependiendo del financiamiento de las mismas empresas.
Todos estos son mecanismos de control, más allá de la propiedad, en la búsqueda no solo de acumular, sino de dictar qué se va a investigar y cómo se va a pensar la investigación misma.
### **¿Qué peso tienen los gobiernos, incluso el de Estados Unidos, en este proceso?**
Estados Unidos, a la par que creó los monopolios intelectuales con las propias empresas, ve ahora amenazada su capacidad de dictar el capitalismo global. Y no solo por la emergencia de China, sino porque estas empresas funcionan como si fueran estados, antidemocráticos y no elegidos por nadie, gobernando sus plataformas y esferas enormes del capitalismo de formas completamente invisibles. Nos damos cuenta de cuánto se depende de la nube cuando se caen servidores y hay hospitales o aeropuertos que no funcionan.
El propio gobierno de Estados Unidos está en una coalición con estas gigantes tecnológicas, con un montón de rispideces porque al gobierno no le gusta depender de un cambio tecnológico que no controla. Durante la guerra fría, la DARPA (Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency) y el Pentágono, en conjunto con el Congreso y la presidencia, llevaron adelante la planificación de la ciencia y la tecnología para garantizar la supremacía geopolítica de Estados Unidos, y lograron incentivar a las empresas innovadoras a seguir trayectorias que favorecían a la industria militar para reforzar y concretar ese objetivo de supremacía.
Pero, terminada la guerra fría, esta vocación de planificación fue dejada de lado por el gobierno, y tomada por las gigantes tecnológicas, en particular Amazon, Microsoft y Google en todas las tecnologías digitales. Esto genera un problema interno, a la par que la existencia de estas empresas a nivel global es fundamental para seguir posicionando a Estados Unidos como la gran potencia geopolítica.
### **¿Qué pueden hacer los gobiernos y sociedades del resto del mundo?**
La opción china no es deseable. ¿Qué es lo que hizo China? Replicó el mismo modelo con algunas características propias, con un poco más de control del Estado, lo que no es una buena noticia para las mayorías, porque lo que resulta es un modelo de desarrollo tecnológico también antidemocrático, de captura y apropiación del conocimiento colectivo para el beneficio de las empresas chinas y del gobierno chino. Y no solo no es deseable, sino que no es viable, porque se inició antes de que las gigantes tecnológicas de Estados Unidos hubieran penetrado su economía. No hay manera de que América Latina, Europa, África y otras partes de Asia puedan seguir un desarrollo semejante, porque los gigantes tecnológicos ya están en todos lados.
Entonces, ¿dónde empezar? Los monopolios intelectuales no nos dominan solamente porque controlan los algoritmos y los datos; controlan también las narrativas que inhabilitan y debilitan la capacidad del propio Estado de imaginar alternativas.
Por ejemplo, la afirmación “la regulación no debe ahogar la innovación”. Esto se lo han dicho, durante el gobierno de Keir Starmer en el Reino Unido, a la oficina de defensa de la competencia (CMA), que se supone tiene que regular los abusos de poder de mercado. Esta preocupación de que la regulación no vaya en detrimento de la innovación va con otro discurso hermanado, que la innovación es la clave para el crecimiento económico y que el crecimiento económico es indispensable para el desarrollo, el progreso, el buen vivir.
Pero ni toda la innovación genera crecimiento económico, ni el crecimiento económico es desarrollo, ni necesariamente solo con políticas redistributivas el crecimiento se convierte en desarrollo.
Hay un montón de innovación que no debería suceder, que es peor para las condiciones de vida de las personas, desde la bomba atómica hasta los algoritmos utilizados en las redes sociales que generan adicción y problemas de salud mental, el uso de la IA como arma automática de guerra, o para controlar a los y las trabajadoras en los lugares de trabajo, o para reemplazar tareas creativas, o incluso para dictar hasta nuestra capacidad de pensar e imaginar futuros.
Sin embargo, los gobiernos siguen pensando de una forma muy cautiva de estas narrativas. Y en ese marco, es muy poco lo que se puede hacer. Incluso cuando nos damos cuenta de que es un problema que estas empresas se vuelvan tan dominantes, ellas agregan otro discurso más, que es la velocidad e inevitabilidad del cambio tecnológico. “La carrera de la IA va tan rápido. No puedo creerlo. Ni los propios desarrolladores científicos lo entendemos”. Bueno, escuchame, hay alguien que pisa el acelerador. Hay alguien que invierte, que decide que esto se siga haciendo. Si lo ves tan peligroso, ¿por qué seguís invirtiendo? Esto es demagogia pura.
### **¿En esa demagogia se pueden insertar los últimos anuncios de modelos de IA “escapando” y “atacando” sistemas de otras empresas?**
Exacto. Es parte del proceso innovativo fracasar y cometer errores. Pero transformar el error, que es humano porque hicieron mal el modelo, y decir que la IA era tan poderosa que terminó hackeando acá y allá, es convertir tu fracaso en el diseño del modelo en una estrategia de marketing, porque te posiciona de una manera que profundiza el FOMO \[en inglés, miedo a perderse algo\]. Si es tan peligroso, yo quiero tenerlo; no me quiero quedar sin esta arma. Fomentan la competencia entre los gobiernos mientras ellas controlan y planifican de forma autoritaria la mayor parte de la economía.
Es muy poco lo que se puede hacer si no nos damos cuenta de que no hay que subirse al carro de esta carrera por la IA generativa. No la queremos en un montón de ámbitos. Eso no significa que no queramos otros modelos de IA, pero hay que sentarse a discutir cuáles, con qué propósito y cuánto se puede desarrollar esta tecnología. Los gobiernos tienen que empoderarse primero para salir de ese velo de control narrativo en el que piensan que si no invierten miles de millones para tener su propia IA, entonces no están haciendo nada.
[Centros de datos de las gigantes tecnológicas desafían a América del SurLa estrategia de las gigantes digitales para la región consiste en extraer datos, conocimiento y recursos naturalesopenDemocracyCecilia Rikap](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-chile-uruguay-nube-centro-de-datos-google-amazon-microsoft-agua-energia/)
### **Decías “no queremos la IA generativa en un montón de ámbitos”. ¿Cuáles, por ejemplo?**
Hay que empezar por algo pequeño pero fundamental: separar por completo al sector público de estas empresas. Si los estados quieren regular a estas empresas, no pueden depender de ellas. Y empezar por un sector específico, con el fin de que mostremos que podemos tener un prototipo de ecosistema tecnológico alternativo al servicio de las necesidades de las personas y que se desarrolle dentro de límites planetarios.
La educación es una prioridad. La escuela debería prohibir el uso de IA generativa, porque reduce las capacidades de pensar. ¿A qué se va la escuela? Se va a aprender a pensar, a desarrollar la creatividad. Si todo eso ya viene reemplazado o “facilitado” por la IA generativa, ¿cuál es el presente y el futuro de la escuela? Pero, sobre todo, ¿cuál es el presente y el futuro de las generaciones que después van a tener que enfrentar estos mismos problemas? ¿Con qué imaginación, con qué capacidad de pensamiento?
### **¿Esta conversación se está dando en algún lugar?**
Esta conversación es algo que vengo teniendo con parte del grupo que piensa la política tecnológica para los parlamentarios de la socialdemocracia en el Parlamento Europeo. Surgió de nuestras conversaciones sobre una nube verdaderamente pública. Hay al menos en ellos un interés, y desde los bloques de la izquierda y de Los Verdes del Parlamento Europeo también hay interés en la escuela y en la huella ecológica de estas tecnologías. Y hay interés en América Latina también, en Brasil, en Uruguay, en la Intendencia de Montevideo, en Argentina, en la provincia de Buenos Aires.
Hay una búsqueda para identificar el posible cobro de impuestos de parte de congresistas españoles. Puedo dar fe de que están pensando en la problemática de los centros de datos, en una moratoria a la instalación de centros de datos, que me parece urgente y que tiene que ser una moratoria a la construcción de centros de datos privados para habilitar al sector público. Pero no alcanza con ese interés. Del interés a la realización veo todavía mucho camino por andar.
### **En *Teoría...* disputas la propuesta del presidente argentino Javier Milei de convertir su país en un polo de centros de datos e IA argumentando que Argentina tiene muchos “pibes programando”.**
Concebir un modelo de IA no lo hacen los desarrolladores de software ni los ingenieros de sistemas, sino científicos de la computación, de IA, matemáticos, físicos y gente que tiene doctorados, que se dedica a la concepción abstracta de modelos de estadística avanzada compleja. No es escribir líneas de código para una app o para resolver un sistema informático de una empresa. Son tipos de trabajo muy distintos. El desarrollador de software puede adoptar el modelo de IA y usarlo. Argentina tiene un montón de desarrolladores de software que pueden ser los que adopten la IA, pero también son los que en parte van a ser reemplazados por ella.
Si Argentina tiene capacidades para crear modelos de IA no están en la industria del software. Están en las universidades y en las mal llamadas ‘campeonas nacionales’ que desarrollan *machine learning* (tipos específicos de modelos de IA), como MercadoLibre o Globant.
Por otro lado, para que exista la IA hace falta otro tipo de trabajo todavía más precarizado, que muchas veces termina haciendo el desarrollador de software. Me refiero a la puesta a punto de las bases de datos para entrenar modelos. Se utilizan bases de datos que están clasificadas por personas con microtareas, trabajo a destajo, contratadas por empresas tercerizadas que también se llevan una tajada, precarizando mucho más a los y las trabajadoras.
Y hay otro trabajo, el *reinforcement learning* \[aprendizaje por refuerzo\], cuando el modelo está semientrenado y empieza a responder preguntas y la persona le dice si la respuesta está bien o está mal. Este trabajo es fundamental para mejorar, a partir de un proceso inductivo, la capacidad de respuesta de la IA. Eso también demanda trabajo precarizado.
Lo que tenemos detrás de la IA es un puñado reducido de personas, en relación a la fuerza de trabajo global, que son las que desarrollan los modelos, entienden cómo funcionan y tienen muy buenos salarios. Una mayoría, que cada vez se ensancha más, de trabajo precario para contribuir al entrenamiento del modelo, y un eslabón intermedio que son los desarrolladores de software. Algunos hoy se consolidan como los que mejor aplican y crean adaptaciones de la IA, pero en gran parte tienen riesgo de ser reemplazados por ella.
[La nueva fiebre del oro de la IA: las manos de los trabajadoresEn fábricas de Nueva Delhi, trabajadores de la vestimenta se resisten a entrenar a sus reemplazantes robóticos en las actividades más profundamente humanasopenDemocracyAnumeha Yadav](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trabajadores-textiles-de-india-se-niegan-a-entrenar-a-la-ia-con-sus-manos/)
[El abuso de Teleperformance a sus moderadores de contenidoPromesas falsas, explotación laboral y abuso: la historia de una moderadora de TikTok que murió lejos de casaopenDemocracyMukanzi Musanga](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/tiktok-teleperformance-explotacion-laboral-moderacion-contenidos-kenia-nigeria-muerte-trabajadores-migraciones-trata-laboral/)
### How we twist political violence to self-defence
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/leor-zmigrod-political-violence-self-defence/
Last updated: 2026-08-17T15:52:07.000Z
Have you ever told anyone, “I’m a remainer”? Or said “Oh, they’re a leaver” when discussing somebody else? Felt an instinctive response to seeing someone engrossed in the Daily Mail or sharing a story from openDemocracy? If you are reading this, then the odds are you have. Uncomfortably, as we touch on this latest episode of *Changed My Mind*, featuring political neuroscientist Leor Zmigrod, that means the likelihood of you condoning political violence rises. But you probably don’t see it that way.
Political violence – that is, violence committed to challenge, attain or retain political power – is on the rise in democracies. In the UK, politicians, [especially women and those of colour](https://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/sites/default/files/2024-11/Report%20on%20the%202024%20UK%20Parliamentary%20general%20election.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), report avoiding events for fears over harassment and safety amid [a stark rise in the number of alleged crimes](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c8ej47g6w3jo?ref=opendemocracy.net) against MPs and an increase in [spending to protect politicians](https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-68419987?ref=opendemocracy.net). The threats don’t stop when they leave office either: last month, former [Conservative cabinet minister Penny Moudant](https://www.youtube.com/shorts/SYNxV6-faV4?ref=opendemocracy.net) said there hasn’t been a day in the two years since she lost her parliamentary seat when there has not been a live police investigation or an ongoing court case relating to her safety.
There are many reasons for this rise in harassment. But our responses to it are shaped by our identities and the world around us.
## **The identity triggers**
Once you go from perceiving “I believe” to “I am”, it triggers a different, more intuitive set of brain responses. You favour people who agree with you, and disfavour those who don’t, even when you operate in completely unrelated fields.
As Leor says, when identity is something they treasure dogmatically, extreme leftists and extreme rightists end up having a really similar psychological profile.
0:00
/0:27
1×
And in the right environments, such as those of stress or uncertainty, Leor has found that dogmatists possess “the most cognitively rigid minds and are also the ones who are willing to support harming and hurting people who believe differently. People who seem to threaten their own group are more willing to engage in violence.”
The dogmatist individual is unlikely to view an endorsement of violence that way. Instead, the lens is one of self-defence, and there is a growing body of work that shows these rigid personalities are more likely to engage in self-harm, too, to protect a group, leader or ideology that they are fused with.
Identity can ebb and flow. Some identities can be strengthened during events such as the Olympics, especially if you are winning a lot of gold medals or defeating old enemies. Others are more enduring and potent; often because people really care about an issue, and have seen or experienced a deep injustice, such as racism or sexism.
## **But isn’t it just authoritarians?**
Historically, it was thought that authoritarians had a bigger disposition to support political violence, an idea shaped by researchers such as Else Frenkel-Brunswik.
Like many social psychologists of the 1940s and 50s, Frenkel-Brunswik had fled the Nazis and was desperate to understand how millions of people had condoned or turned a blind eye to genocide. Delving into childhood, she asked what traits predispose children to authoritarian regimes, concluding that those who tend towards right-wing authoritarianism were more cognitively rigid thinkers. They see the world in more binary black-and-white ways and struggle to adapt to nuance and shades of grey, she thought, believing this made them more likely to justify violence.
But there was a flaw in this work. It considered the cause to be authoritarianism. Not the rigidity and dogmatism of the brain, a concept that can be found in people who hold on to identities strongly. Wherever they are on the political spectrum. Political science and political psychology have uncovered many differences and similarities in how conservatives, liberals and others think in the decades since Frenkel-Brunswik’s research. But on support for political violence, it only told a partial story.
## **What can we do about it?**
The answer isn’t to stop campaigning for progress. But it does demand recognising that if you are a progressive activist, you may not be the right messenger. When political violence occurs, condemn it publicly. Enforce rules evenly, and protect the independence of those enforcers.
On a personal level, we can also practice making our brains more malleable. If they can become more dogmatic, they can become more flexible, too. That demands asking yourself about a time you changed your mind and why – a question at the root of the [podcast series](https://www.opendemocracy.net/author/the-depolarization-project/) we have produced with openDemocracy for the past seven years.
### Two Exclusives! Farage’s Crypto Connection + Burnham’s AI Adviser
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-150826/
Last updated: 2026-08-15T06:56:07.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- How a QAnon-believing Scientologist and ‘personal friend’ of Farage hyped an “anti-woke” cryptocurrency that investors later alleged was a scam
- UK government has ‘no record’ of discussions at AI chief’s secret briefing to elite intelligence firm’s Big Tech clients
- How global security obsession has led governments to manage threats with force and control, rather than tackling root causes
- England’s summer of record-breaking heatwaves and wildfires is pushing fragile food system to brink of collapse
- How a convicted fraudster spun a Balkan web of offshore shell companies, illicit crypto-ATMs, and financial subterfuge to bankroll Reform UK’s elite
- UK firefighters battling wildfires struggle to protect themselves from lethal heatstroke and cancer-causing toxins
“Send me to Montenegro, and the leads will follow,” Sian Norris, openDemocracy’s senior investigative reporter, insisted in an editorial meeting this summer. Turns out she was right.
Our cover this week is Sian’s joint-investigation with The Times into John Mappin, a figure who cuts a familiar silhouette in this age of Reform, crypto-currencies, conspiracy theories, fraudsters, old money and new wealth. Like Posh George, the Faragist Sian previously investigated on her Montenegro trip, Mappin is either extremely known or completely obscure — depending on the circles you move in.
For this story, Sian and investigative journalists at the Times analysed a tranche of leaked messages to uncover how a crypto-currency associated with Mappin and which he promoted online was accused by investors of scamming them out of thousands of dollars. The currency was called “Awoke” or “anti-woke” coin” (you can’t make this stuff up!).
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
Moving from scam to scandal, openDemocracy reporter Ethan Shone reports on the web of connections between Andy Burnham’s new AI advisor, Starmer’s top business advisor, big tech firms and Hakluyt — the secretive advisory firm set up by former MI-6 spooks.
“Documents obtained by openDemocracy offer a rare insight into how the firm courted a rapidly rising star in the civil service, and won special, undeclared access for its elite clientele to one of the most influential officials working on AI safety policy anywhere in the world,” Ethan writes.
This week we kick off a series on the UK and the climate crisis with two perspectives on the current heatwave.
“This is the coolest, most amenable summer we will experience for the rest of our lives. From here, things simply escalate; conditions get hotter and more extreme,” writes farmer Martin Lines, in a frankly terrifying article on what the UK’s farmers are dealing with.
Also read my colleague Indra Warnes’ archive piece on how the UK’s wildfires are putting the immediate and long-term health of firefighters at risk.
As we put this week’s edition together, I found myself marvelling at how a tiny newsroom like ours can break stories that the mainstream media hasn’t. One big reason is readers like you who give our journalists like Sian, Ethan and Indra the space and support to go after the stories that truly matter.
Thank you for supporting our journalism, and do consider becoming a regular supporter if you aren’t one already.
Have a great weekend.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[Nigel Farage denies link to crypto conspiracist John MappinNew investigation into Scientologist and QAnon enthusiast John Mappin raises fresh questions about Farage’s alliesopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/nigel-farage-denies-link-to-crypto-conspiracist-john-mappin/)
[Burnham’s AI head secretly briefed tech giants at No 10 adviser’s investment firmRevealed: Chair of new AI taskforce Ollie Ilott failed to declare Hakluyt meeting while at Science and Tech DepartmentopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnhams-ai-head-secretly-briefed-tech-giants-at-no-10-advisers-investment-firm/)
[From Gaza to Trump, the age of ‘Big Security’ is hereNew book examines rise of ‘liddism’, as global leaders seek to contain threats through force, surveillance and controlopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/israel-gaza-trump-age-of-security-rise-global-obsession-ruben-andersson-book/)
[England is burning: We must fix our fragile food systemWithout rapid action, we will struggle to put food on shelves as the climate becomes ever more inhospitableopenDemocracyMartin Lines](https://www.opendemocracy.net/england-is-burning-we-must-fix-our-fragile-food-system/)
[Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in MontenegroWhy are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in the Balkans?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)
[Revealed: Toll of wildfires on firefighters’ healthHaving been ‘decimated’ by cuts, fire services must risk personal safety as climate change worsens heatwavesopenDemocracyIndra Warnes](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/heatwave-wildfires-climate-change-firefighters-cancer-mental-health/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Have wildfires affected your community?
| [Vote and see results →](https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-150826/?jump=poll) |
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---
## Reader Comments
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
> *Islamic State, 9/11, the Taliban, the Iranian theocracy, the 2017 London Bridge and Westminster Bridge attacks, the 2005 bus and underground train bombings. Given the general public ignorance about Islam, fear and revulsion are predictable results. It is not Islam that fuels the phobia, it is the acts and attitudes it is deemed responsible for.*
>
> *Islam is not monolithic, it is composed of many strands, mostly benign, but the damage has been done and now all are suspect. The source of the malicious and destructive influences in Islam come from outside the UK, and there is little we can do about them. Internally, education, of the public and at schools, is the only long-term defence. Faith based schools of all religions should be closely regulated, and non-school extremist indoctrination suppressed.*
>
> *We are in the unfortunate position of having both aggressive Islam and aggressive nationalism, each feeding off feelings of mutual loathing, and both are infectious.*
**Bring\_Aft\_the\_Rum | Re:**[**What the rise in Islamophobia tells us about modern Britain**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-the-rise-in-islamophobia-tells-us-about-modern-britain)
---
East German construction workers building the Berlin Wall.
## This week in history
**Construction of the Berlin Wall • 13 August 1961**
Construction of the Berlin Wall began on 13 August 1961, physically dividing a city and becoming the most potent symbol of the Iron Curtain. Its fall on 9 November 1989 became equally symbolic.
From our archive, we have a piece about the 1989 elections in Poland that preceded the Wall's fall. Examining what workers' hopes were and what happened to them in the neoliberal transformation that followed.
[The Polish summer, 1989: a farewell saluteThe irony was clear. Inside Warsaw’s Stalin-era Pałac Kultury i Nauki (Palace of Culture), Europe’s Christian Democrat leaders were reverentially watching a film about Solidarity’s role in toppling communism - then. Outside the building, Solidarity trade-unionists were battling police in a demonstration against closures of theiropenDemocracyKrzysztof Bobinski](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-polish-summer-1989-a-farewell-salute/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**The Spoiled Heart, Sunjeev Sahota** ](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781529931594?ref=opendemocracy.net)
The Spoiled Heart is one of my favourite books from the last few years. In a way, the premise sounds a bit boring, even wonkish: a British Asian man is set to become the general secretary of his trade union when a challenger candidate emerges: a younger British Asian woman. But this extraordinary novel is much more than a story about union politics. It forces the reader to question their own prejudices, in a stunning and often challenging exploration of race, gender, and class. Sahota explores cancel culture and identity politics, a subject that could be so easily mishandled but which he uses to build a sometimes uncomfortable and always fascinating story. Heart-wrenching, funny, thought provoking: I have recommended this book to so many people, who have all loved it. Sahota’s readable while complex and troubling novel is truly a masterpiece for our age.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Nigel Farage denies link to crypto conspiracist John Mappin
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/nigel-farage-denies-link-to-crypto-conspiracist-john-mappin/
Last updated: 2026-08-15T05:51:02.000Z
A “personal friend” and former business partner of Nigel Farage was an influential figure in a conspiracy-based cryptocurrency group that was accused of scamming investors out of thousands of pounds.
John Mappin, a Scientologist and proponent of the QAnon hoax, [promoted](https://x.com/johnmappin/status/1861538416426373220?s=52&ref=opendemocracy.net) Awoke Coin multiple times on his social media channels, encouraging his followers to invest in the “anti-woke” digital currency.
Mappin, 61, is the owner of the Camelot Castle hotel in Cornwall where he has hosted the Reform leader on a number of occasions. The pair were also briefly [business partners](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/mar/29/nigel-farage-green-employer-qanon-john-mappin?ref=opendemocracy.net) in a Scientology-linked carbon offsetting company which Mappin introduced Farage to.
The hotelier is a supporter of the Russian government and corresponds with senior figures in President Putin’s regime, including Kirill Dmitriev who has been leading negotiations with the US over Ukraine.
Mappin, who was educated at Winchester and is a scion of the Mappin and Webb jewellery family, was in 2002 found to have [duped Benjamin Pell](https://www.theguardian.com/media/2002/mar/19/pressandpublishing?ref=opendemocracy.net) into handing over £77,500 to finance a bogus Hollywood blockbuster about his life.
A joint investigation by openDemocracy and The Times raises questions about Farage’s decision to associate with Mappin, amid ongoing questions about the politician’s controversial allies.
[Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in MontenegroWhy are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in the Balkans?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)
Leaked messages show that Mappin was an active participant in a Telegram group that launched Awoke Coin and coordinated its promotion, as well as in a wider group for investors, which at its peak had more than 2,000 members.
Mappin joined the groups shortly after the launch of Awoke in November 2024 and declared that his family were now holders of the coin. Investors welcomed his arrival, describing him as a “huge political figure” whose connections could benefit their movement.
As well as exchanging conspiracy theories members also discussed politics, at one point suggesting that they donate to Reform after Mappin posted about attending the party’s conference in September 2025\.
The group encouraged members to invest tranches of $2,500 into a cryptocurrency wallet linked to the coin. Times analysis of a cryptocurrency wallet using specialist software showed that a number of transactions in these amounts were paid into the wallet, which were later then transferred out of the wallet to unknown third parties, through services which can make it hard to follow the money trail.
In August 2025 the coin reached a market cap of almost $6 million (£4.45 million) but a month later collapsed to $25,000, leading to allegations from members that the project had been a “rug-pull” scam.
A rug-pull refers to when individuals hype a new digital token to attract investors, and then withdraw all the funds or sell off their own holdings.
“Many people in here lost thousands of dollars,” wrote one angry member in the group for investors. “Clearly we’ve been scammed,” wrote another. “This was a rug,” wrote a third.
Mappin had exited the Telegram group days before the collapse of the coin’s value.
In response to questions from The Times and openDemocracy, Mappin said that though he was a member of the Telegram group, he “had no role whatsoever in the management, decision-making, or operation of the project.”
He said his reason for joining the group was a “curiosity about this as a cultural phenomenon”, adding that he had “no involvement in any scheme designed to defraud investors. Nor did I profit from any such scheme as I was unaware of one.”
He said that “any attempt to link the timing of my departure to subsequent events is pure speculation and without foundation.”
For a man who runs a hotel for a living, Mappin is unusually well-connected in the world of international politics. In 2017 he [met](https://www.thepost.uk.com/news/camelot-castle-owner-meets-with-president-of-the-united-states-and-the-first-lady-532001?ref=opendemocracy.net) President Trump at a Republican National Committee fundraising event in Washington.
A year later he and his Kazakh wife Irina were involved in setting up [Turning Point UK](https://hopenothate.org.uk/2019/02/05/everything-need-know-launch-turning-point-uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a right-wing youth movement, which was also supported by Farage and the Duke of Marlborough.
In 2021, Mappin introduced Farage to Dutch Green Business (DGB), a carbon-offsetting company that he and Irina held a 30 per cent stake in. All of the key figures behind DGB were linked to Scientology.
Farage was granted [£1 million share options](https://www.ft.com/content/fa209e51-7738-4e2e-97fa-293d5832b012?syn-25a6b1a6=1&ref=opendemocracy.net) and became chair of the advisory board. However a few months later his advisory position was put on hold owing to a dispute between the board of directors and Mappin and his wife.
The pair have since attended multiple events together, including a 2022 dinner with Eva Vlaardingerbroek, a far right influencer banned from entering the UK due to her extremist views. In May 2025, both [attended](https://x.com/JohnMappin/status/1920964589841264770?s=20&ref=opendemocracy.net) a VE Day celebration at the Turf Club in London along with the Duke of Marlborough.
Mappin’s biography describes a visit that Farage made to Camelot Castle for lunch, as such: “The atmosphere was cordial but serious, the way old friends speak when business is never far from the surface.”
Mappin [hosted](https://www.desmog.com/2024/07/03/reform-uk-leader-nigel-farage-spreads-climate-denial-with-conspiracy-groups-in-clacton-on-sea/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a Reform rally at his castle in the run-up to the 2024 general election and also campaigned for Farage at his seat in Clacton.
More recently, Mappin has spoken of donating to Rupert Lowe’s Restore party, however he appears to still support Reform, praising Lowe’s suggestion earlier this month \[AUGUST\] that Reform and Restore could work together.
He wrote on X that “as someone that has been a supporter of Reform and Restore and has been a personal friend of both Nigel and Rupert for some years I was pleased to note this.”
A spokesman for Farage said: “Mr Mappin is not a close friend nor ally of Mr Farage. In fact, he left the party a long time ago and is now a member of another political party.
“To suggest anything else would be an outright lie. However, we have come to expect nothing less than lies from The Times.”
### Mappin and the Kremlin
Mappin has been a vocal supporter of Putin’s regime and in 2024 gave an interview to Russian state television in which he criticised the UK government for sending weapons to Ukraine.
In 2023 he and his wife attended an event at the Russian embassy where he was photographed with Maxim Elovik, the Russian military attache. Elovik was expelled from Britain the following year accused of being a spy.
He has exchanged messages over X with Dmitriev, Russia’s special envoy, and Alexander Dugin, an ultranationalist philosopher often referred to as “Putin’s brain”, whom he interviewed in 2024\.
According to his biography, Mappin suggested to Dmitriev that the Russian Orthodox Church bestow a blessing on Charlie Kirk following his assassination, which the envoy made happen.
In the 1980s Mappin worked for LHW Futures, a notorious hard-sell commodity brokerage firm, which was later investigated by the City of London Police Fraud Squad following a series of formal complaints from investors.
The company was subsequently banned from the London markets and was the subject of civil legal actions. Mappin said he left the company well before it ceased trading.
In the 1990s he moved to Los Angeles to pursue a career in acting and it was there that he was introduced to Scientology.
Californian company records show that he was also chief executive of two companies both of which were suspended by the franchise tax board. The board usually suspends a corporation for tax-related non-compliance. Mappin said he did not own or control either company at the time of any later FTB suspension and had no responsibility for it.
### Palantir se ahorra millones de libras en impuestos gracias a Tony Blair
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-se-ahorra-millones-de-libras-en-impuestos-gracias-a-tony-blair/
Last updated: 2026-08-14T19:01:28.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Tony Blair, el arquitecto de la elusión fiscal de Palantir en el Reino Unido
- Bienvenidos a la era de la ‘Gran Seguridad’ - O cómo tapar una olla a presión en lugar de bajar el fuego
El nombre del ex primer ministro británico **Tony Blair** (1997-2007) te puede sonar de algo, si sos de la generación Z, o de nada si sos más joven. Alguna vez estrella de la ‘tercera vía’ (último intento socialdemócrata de Europa, arruinado por su verdadero afán neoliberal), Blair tuvo el acierto de desilusionar muy pronto al electorado progresista cuando se alineó sin fisuras con EEUU (Bush) y sus guerras contra Iraq y Afganistán.
Después de años fuera de los títulos de prensa, Blair reapareció al frente de un instituto que lleva su nombre para sumarse, entusiasta, a los **proyectos inmobiliarios de lujo** que Trump quiere levantar sobre las ruinas que Benjamín Netanyahu dejó en **Gaza**.
Pero lo que nos cuenta esta semana nuestra reportera de investigación en tecnología **Jade-Ruyu Yan** expone otra faceta de Blair en sus años de gobernante y revela cómo una reforma impositiva que impulsó su gobierno permite ahora a la **gigante de los datos y la supervigilancia Palantir** embolsarse **cientos de millones de libras que debería pagar de impuesto corporativo**. Algo más que no sabíamos de Blair y su duradero legado político.
[El truco de Palantir detrás de su minúscula factura impositiva en Reino UnidoEl CEO de Palantir en Reino Unido dice que la compañía se vale de “un incentivo fiscal estándar” para reducir al mínimo lo que paga de impuesto corporativo. El Reino Unido es uno de los pocos países que lo permitenopenDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-vacio-fiscal-impuesto-corporativo-reino-unido-era-blair/)
Nuestro columnista **Paul Rogers** mira a Israel y más allá para revelar las trampas de la era de la ‘Gran Seguridad’, en la que “el objetivo es la protección del statu quo, invariablemente a expensas de los marginados”.
[De Gaza a Trump, bienvenidos a la era de la ‘Gran Seguridad’A medida que líderes mundiales reemplazan la resolución de conflictos con el uso de la fuerza, la vigilancia y el control de daños, un nuevo libro analiza el ascenso del ‘taponamiento’openDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gaza-trump-era-gran-seguridad-control-vigilancia-taponamiento-politico/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### De Gaza a Trump, bienvenidos a la era de la ‘Gran Seguridad’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gaza-trump-era-gran-seguridad-control-vigilancia-taponamiento-politico/
Last updated: 2026-08-14T18:12:43.000Z
No fue sorpresa para nadie que Benjamín Netanyahu rechazara al plan de paz para Gaza de Donald Trump, dado el clima actual entre los judíos israelíes. Cualquier resultado que no sea la eliminación total de Hamás se considerará un fracaso, que pondría en riesgo la supervivencia del primer ministro en las próximas elecciones.
Pero el problema no es solo Netanyahu, y sería ingenuo pensar que su salida conduciría necesariamente a un enfoque diferente de Israel respecto de Palestina.
Tomemos como ejemplo al principal aspirante a reemplazarlo: [Gadi Eisenkot](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/aug/10/media-gadi-eisenkot-anti-netanyahu?ref=opendemocracy.net), exjefe del Estado Mayor del Ejército israelí y líder del recién formado Partido Yashar. Es poco probable que adopte una postura muy distinta sobre la causa palestina, después de haber integrado el gabinete de guerra de Netanyahu en los primeros nueve meses de la guerra en Gaza, periodo en el que murieron 30.000 palestinos, la mayoría mujeres y niños.
La política israelí, como la de cualquier otra parte, está atrapada en un paradigma de seguridad en el que las amenazas se gestionan – en lugar de resolverse – mediante un despliegue cada vez mayor de fuerza, vigilancia y control. Este fenómeno está documentado en el libro [*Age of Security: The Rise of a Global Obsession*](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/age-of-security-the-rise-of-a-global-obsession-ruben-andersson/acac7e061ca9b10a?ean=9780008716370&affiliate=8711&ref=opendemocracy.net) (La era de la seguridad: El auge de una obsesión global) del antropólogo Ruben Andersson.
Andersson utiliza el concepto de 'taponamiento' (*liddism*) para comparar la negativa de los gobiernos a abordar las causas profundas de la inseguridad con el acto de poner la tapa sobre una olla a presión: “Un golpazo: una tapa pesada sobre el problema en lugar de bajar la temperatura”.
En este sentido, Israel vuelve a ofrecer un ejemplo claro. “Cámaras de vigilancia, radares, sensores y sistemas de armas a control remoto complementaban esta mole de 140.000 toneladas de hierro y acero, todo supervisado desde centros de control de última generación”, escribe Andersson sobre la cerca inteligente construida alrededor de Gaza para brindar “seguridad total” a Israel, a un costo de mil millones de dólares.
Inaugurada en diciembre de 2021, la cerca infundió en los israelíes una falsa sensación de seguridad que rayaba en la soberbia. Pero falló de manera estrepitosa menos de dos años después con el ataque de Hamás del 7 de octubre.
Estos cálculos erróneos no se limitan a Israel. Andersson recurre con brillantez a muchos otros ejemplos de todo el mundo para argumentar de forma convincente que hemos entrado en la era de la ‘Gran Seguridad’ (*Big Security*), en la que el objetivo principal es la protección del statu quo, invariablemente a expensas de los marginados.
La Gran Seguridad puede adoptar muchas formas. El control de la migración suele estar en primera línea, pero también se extiende a un régimen cada vez más autoritario y a una obsesión por la vigilancia. Se trata, además, de un fenómeno global; desde El Salvador hasta China, India, Pakistán, Indonesia y la amplia franja de estados afectados por el islamismo extremista a lo largo del cinturón del Sahel, en el sur del Sahara, Andersson demuestra que siempre habrá “amenazas” que los gobernantes pueden utilizar para justificar su imperiosa necesidad de control.
Otros ejemplos clave proceden de Rusia, donde Vladimir Putin ha reforzado el control centralizado; del Reino Unido, donde sucesivos gobiernos han intentado reprimir el apoyo a Palestina; y de Estados Unidos, donde justamente esta semana un [informe reveló](https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/aug/13/us-government-spied-anti-ice-protesters?ref=opendemocracy.net) que el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional de Trump espió a grupos de izquierda que se oponían a la operación neofascista del ICE (Servicio de Control de Inmigración y Aduanas) en Minnesota a principios de este año.
La Casa Blanca también es prueba de lo veloz que puede ser la transición hacia un Estado de seguridad. Sin buena preparación durante su primer mandato de 2017 a 2021, Trump aprovechó los cuatro desastrosos años de Joe Biden en el cargo para planificar al detalle su segunda oportunidad en 2025.
Un indicio temprano fue el uso de unidades de la Guardia Nacional bajo control federal para imponer un seudoorden en ciudades supuestamente violentas pero gobernadas por los demócratas, y otro fue la profunda antipatía hacia la sola idea del colapso climático provocado por el ser humano. Para los partidarios de Trump, esto era, en particular, una tontería peligrosa, y se hicieron todos los esfuerzos posibles para clausurar cualquier respuesta vinculada al ámbito federal.
Responder al colapso climático representa un grave problema para la Gran Seguridad, ya que exige una cooperación reflexiva en todos los niveles, desde el vecindario hasta el Estado e incluso a escala global. Una de las señales de esperanza en un mundo por lo demás inestable es que hoy sabemos que una rápida descarbonización de las economías es posible, hasta el punto de que es posible prevenir los extremos climáticos.
Pero en contra de esta idea se ubican los poderosos y bien financiados lobbies de los combustibles fósiles. Para ellos, la creciente preocupación pública por el colapso climático es un anatema que debe combatirse con vigor. Además, la Gran Seguridad es altamente rentable y se apoya en el solapamiento con los [complejos militares-industriales del mundo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/war-promoting-hydra/) y su vasta experiencia de cabildeo. Esto está en pleno auge, con reiterados y a menudo exitosos llamados a aumentar los presupuestos militares.
*Age of Security* presenta una visión descorazonadora del futuro, pero Andersson sostiene que existen muchas formas de responder con eficacia, especialmente oponiéndose a la Gran Seguridad en todos los niveles. Aun así, cualquiera que participe en los esfuerzos por controlar el comercio de armas sabe del poder de ese grupo de presión.
Una vez más, hay mucho por hacer y el tiempo es escaso.
*Paul Rogers, corresponsal de seguridad internacional de openDemocracy, es profesor emérito de estudios para la paz en el Departamento de Estudios sobre la Paz y las Relaciones Internacionales de la Bradford University, y miembro honorario del Joint Service Command and Staff College. Su cuenta en X es* [*@ProfPRogers*](https://twitter.com/ProfPRogers?ref=opendemocracy.net)*.*
### England is burning: We must fix our fragile food system
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/england-is-burning-we-must-fix-our-fragile-food-system/
Last updated: 2026-08-14T16:02:20.000Z
As we emerge from our fifth heatwave of the summer, thousands of hectares are charred by devastating wildfires, while much more of the country is parched, yellow and brown. The impact on farming has already grabbed the headlines, but we still need to realise just how serious the situation is – and how urgently action is needed.
It is impossible to underestimate just how tough the summer of 2026, with its record-breaking temperatures and droughts, has been for farmers. This is set to be the worst harvest on record, with arable farmers bringing in their crops weeks earlier than they would normally expect. Livestock farmers, meanwhile, have seen poor grass growth and small yields of hay and silage. It’s only midsummer, but some are already feeding their animals what should have been enough to get them through the winter.
All of this means food price rises are unavoidable in the short to medium term. In these conditions, we simply can’t grow enough to fill supermarket shelves, while large parts of Europe face the same problems, squeezing our imports. It is vital to find ways to ensure people on low incomes can access food as prices spike.
To its credit, Andy Burnham’s government is looking at short-term measures to alleviate some of the issues, such as a ban on disposable barbecues, which will undoubtedly lower the risks of wildfires. But we also need to look at the longer-term questions of how we grow food in this country. Without action, the future is a spiralling decline of worsening food production, failing farm businesses and eye-watering costs for consumers.
Fortunately, we already have many of the solutions we need. As an arable farmer working in Cambridgeshire, I’ve seen just how tough farming has become. But as CEO of the Nature Friendly Farming Network, I also see hope in the thousands of farmers striving to do things differently, finding solutions that will keep us producing food even as the climate crisis deepens.
Farming’s future largely depends on two things: healthy soil and water availability. The current drought across England and Wales has concentrated minds on the issue of water. There are difficult decisions and trade-offs ahead, as farmers and food production compete for water with demands ranging from datacentres to outdoor leisure facilities. There are also calls for short-term fixes, like new reservoirs. But we need to do far more.
We need to focus on holding more water in catchment areas for longer periods of time, including by supporting farmers to invest in their soil. The current conventional farming system – reliant on high levels of nitrogen fertiliser, fossil fuels and other chemicals – has depleted our soils, leaving them less resilient to the extreme weather we face and even worsening the problem.
But healthy soil, where inputs are reduced to allow organic matter to thrive, acts as a giant sponge beneath our landscape, retaining water when it does rain for use during long, dry spells. This would not just aid food production and farming, but would greatly benefit the wider environment and lower the risk of devastating wildfires. Much depends on rewetting large parts of our tinder-dry landscape.
This will only become more important. Scientists predict cycles of long droughts, followed by wetter winters with torrential downpours; it could not be clearer from this year that we are woefully unprepared to deal with this.
However, farmers cannot do all this alone. Contrary to what some people think, farmers are asset-rich but cash-poor, running businesses on razor-thin margins. Given the existential threat that climate change now poses to our food and therefore to national security, both the government and the private sector must act now.
The government must back up its supportive words on nature-friendly farming with action. The agri-environment schemes that reward farmers for delivering public goods need budgets commensurate with demand, starting with the next Sustainable Farming Incentive window in September. Alarmingly, ministers have floated taking environmental and social requirements out of public procurement. This would send a frankly disastrous signal that these things are not important, while leaving a terrible legacy for our young people and the next generations.
The supply chain, most notably large food businesses, needs nature-friendly farming for its long-term survival. While there are examples of good practice in funding the agricultural transition, far more investment is needed as a whole.
At an even larger scale, our reliance on a just-in-time food system, which was created in a different era, needs rethinking. Fossil fuel use must be rapidly scaled down and carbon emissions dramatically lowered. This, along with nature-friendly farming, could see us enter an admittedly uncertain future with hope that we can continue to produce nutritious, sustainable food in landscapes richer with biodiversity and nature than we see today.
If we do nothing, harvests will continue to shrink, food prices will rocket (hurting most those who can least afford it), and farm businesses will close.
This summer's dramatic images of yellow-brown fields and burnt-off grass, alongside farmers talking frankly about the existential risk their businesses face, should be a wake-up call. This is the coolest, most amenable summer we will experience for the rest of our lives. From here, things simply escalate; conditions get hotter and more extreme.
After this summer, no one can say they weren't aware of what's at stake. The only question now is whether we act quickly enough.
### From Gaza to Trump, the age of ‘Big Security’ is here
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/israel-gaza-trump-age-of-security-rise-global-obsession-ruben-andersson-book/
Last updated: 2026-08-14T15:54:32.000Z
Binyamin Netanyahu’s rejection of Donald Trump’s Gaza peace plan is hardly a surprise, given the current mood among Israeli Jews. Anything less than the full termination of Hamas will be seen as a failure of leadership, threatening the prime minister’s chances of survival at the upcoming election.
But the problem is not simply Netanyahu, and it would be naive to think that his departure would necessarily lead to a different Israeli approach to Palestine.
Take the leading contender to replace him: [Gadi Eisenkot](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/aug/10/media-gadi-eisenkot-anti-netanyahu?ref=opendemocracy.net), the former Israeli Army chief of staff and the leader of the newly formed Yashar Party. He is unlikely to take a radically different stance on the Palestinian cause, having been a member of Netanyahu’s war cabinet for the first nine months of the war on Gaza, when 30,000 Palestinians were killed, the majority of whom were women and children.
Israeli politics have, like politics everywhere, become trapped in a security paradigm in which threats are managed through ever more force, surveillance and control rather than resolved. This phenomenon is documented in [*Age of Security: The Rise of a Global Obsession*](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/age-of-security-the-rise-of-a-global-obsession-ruben-andersson/acac7e061ca9b10a?ean=9780008716370&affiliate=8711&ref=opendemocracy.net), a new book by anthropologist Ruben Andersson.
He uses the concept of “liddism” to compare governments’ refusal to tackle the root causes of insecurity to keeping a lid on a pressure cooker: “Clank, a heavy lid over the problem instead of turning down the temperature.”
Here, Israel again offers a prime example. “Surveillance cameras, radars, sensors and remote-controlled weapons systems complemented this hulk of 140,000 tonnes of iron and steel, all overseen from state-of the art control centres,” Andersson writes of the “smart fence” built around Gaza to provide ‘total security’ for Israel, at a cost of a billion dollars.
Inaugurated in December 2021, the fence lulled Israelis into a false sense of security verging on hubris, which failed grievously less than two years later with Hamas’s 7 October attack.
But such miscalculations are not limited to Israel. Andersson draws impressively on many other examples from across the world to argue persuasively that we have moved into the era of ‘Big Security’, where the name of the game is protection of the status quo, invariably at the expense of the marginalised.
Big Security can take many forms. Control of migration is often at the forefront, but it also extends to increasingly authoritarian rule and an obsession with surveillance. It is also a global phenomenon; from El Salvador to China, India, Pakistan, Indonesia and the broad swathe of Islamist-affected states across the Sahel belt of the southern Sahara, Andersson shows there will always be ‘threats’ available for leaders to seize upon to support the imperative of control.
Other key examples come from Russia, where Vladimir Putin’s has reinforced centralised control; the UK, where successive governments have sought to suppress support for Palestine; and the US, where just this week a report found that [Trump’s Department of Homeland Security spied extensively on left-wing groups opposing the neofascist ICE operation in Minnesota](https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/aug/13/us-government-spied-anti-ice-protesters?ref=opendemocracy.net) earlier this year.
Trump’s White House also shows how rapid the transition to the secure state can be. Having been ill-prepared during its first term from 2016 to 2020, the Trump administration used Joe Biden’s disastrous four years in office to plan in detail for its second chance in 2024\.
An early sign was the use of federally controlled National Guard units to bring a pseudo-order to supposedly violent but Democrat-run cities, and another was the deep antipathy to the very idea of human-induced climate breakdown. For Trump supporters, this, especially, was dangerous nonsense, and every effort was made to close down any federally related response.
In its own way, responding to climate breakdown is a serious problem for Big Security, as it requires thoughtful cooperation at every level from the neighbourhood to the state and even globally. One of the signs of hope in an otherwise unstable world is that we now know that rapid decarbonisation of economies is possible, so much so that extremes of climate can be forestalled.
Yet, against this are the well-funded and powerful fossil carbon lobbies. For them, the rising public concern over climate breakdown is anathema and must be faced down with vigour. Moreover, Big Security is highly profitable and builds on the close overlap with the [world’s military-industrial complexes and their vast experience of lobbying](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/war-promoting-hydra/). This is currently on a roll with repeated and often successful calls for bigger military budgets.
*Age of Security* presents a dismaying vision of things to come, but Andersson does argue that there are many ways to respond effectively, not least in opposing Big Security at every level. Even so, anyone involved in efforts to control the arms trade is all too aware of the power of that lobby.
Once again, there is much to do and time is short.
### Tony Blair creó la maniobra fiscal de la que se beneficia Palantir en el Reino Unido
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-vacio-fiscal-impuesto-corporativo-reino-unido-era-blair/
Last updated: 2026-08-14T15:42:36.000Z
En mayo de 2003, una comisión permanente de la Cámara de los Comunes se reunió para debatir un monumental proyecto de ley de hacienda. Eran los años del laborista Tony Blair al frente del gobierno británico.
En las icónicas cajas rojas que los parlamentarios británicos usan para cargar documentos, ese día había una disposición que permitiría, en las siguientes dos décadas, que las grandes tecnológicas se embolsaran miles de millones de libras en deducciones fiscales corporativas.
El gobierno de Blair quería permitir que las empresas que pagaran con acciones parte de las compensaciones a sus empleados, pudieran obtener una rebaja del impuesto corporativo equivalente a la diferencia entre el valor de mercado de las acciones y el precio original que el empleado pagó por ellas. La comisión aprobó la disposición, y lo mismo hizo después el pleno del Parlamento.
Esta semana, el CEO de Palantir en el Reino Unido y Europa, Louis Mosley, recordó ese debate para defender lo poco que paga de impuesto corporativo la empresa estadounidense de datos y supervigilancia. Se trata, dijo, "un incentivo fiscal estándar conforme a la ley".
Mosley se vio obligado a hablar de esto a raíz de un informe del Centre for International Corporate Tax Accountability and Research que [confirmó la revelación de openDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-reino-unido-impuestos-desgravacion-ganancias/): Palantir usa esa forma de compensación a sus empleados para reducir en millones de libras sus obligaciones tributarias corporativas en el Reino Unido.
[Enorme desgravación fiscal para Palantir en Reino UnidoEn 2024, Palantir pagó en Reino Unido apenas 8% del impuesto de sociedades, muy por debajo del 25% que le correspondía por obtener ganancias de 25,3 millones de libras esterlinasopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-reino-unido-impuestos-desgravacion-ganancias/)
La empresa pagó menos de un millón de libras (1,35 millones de dólares) en impuestos corporativos el año pasado – menos de lo que pagó en Corea, Japón, Francia y Alemania –, a pesar de que el Reino Unido es su segundo mercado más grande después de Estados Unidos.
La conversación pública sobre lo poco que paga Palantir en impuestos está en el corazón del debate sobre el capitalismo en el Reino Unido: después de 15 años de políticas de austeridad presupuestal, ¿quién debería pagar impuestos – y cuánto – para reparar nuestros servicios públicosy el tejido social que se desmorona?
Estas preguntas son particularmente acuciantes en el caso de Palantir, ya que gran parte de sus ganancias en este país provienen de contratos gubernamentales que pagan los contribuyentes de a pie.
Mosley y el abogado especialista en impuestos corporativos Dan Neidle argumentaron que, si bien en el papel puede parecer que Palantir está eludiendo el pago de impuestos, la Administración Tributaria del Reino Unido recupera el dinero a través de los impuestos a la renta que pagan los empleados de Palantir, muy bien remunerados.
"Contamos con un generoso paquete de beneficios para nuestros empleados británicos. Esas acciones han aumentado drásticamente de valor (gracias a nuestra rentabilidad). Por lo tanto, también ha aumentado la factura fiscal de esas acciones – pagada a tasas de impuesto sobre la renta, que son MÁS ALTAS que las del impuesto corporativo. La ley británica entonces compensa parte de eso con el impuesto corporativo, exactamente como el Parlamento pretendía", [escribió](https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7490738038843613185/?ref=opendemocracy.net) Mosley en LinkedIn, alegando que la empresa pagó 148 millones de dólares en impuestos en el Reino Unido.
"¿El resultado neto de este truco astuto? Más impuestos pagados por Palantir al Tesoro, no menos".
Las afirmaciones de Mosley no pueden verificarse de forma independiente ya que los informes de cuentas de 2025 de la empresa no están publicados en el Registro Mercantil.
"No veo esto como evasión fiscal, ni legal ni moralmente", [dijo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-reino-unido-impuestos-desgravacion-ganancias/) en junio a openDemocracy Neidle, fundador de la organización sin ánimo de lucro de asesoramiento fiscal Tax Policy Associates. "Los empleados de Palantir en el Reino Unido debían estar sujetos al impuesto sobre la renta y al seguro social de empleado/empleador. Así que en general probablemente resultó en que se pagó un impuesto adicional".
Una revisión de las enmiendas al sistema impositivo introducidas en 2003 por el entonces gobierno laborista y entrevistas con expertos fiscales de otros países revelan que el Reino Unido y Estados Unidos son casos atípicos por su enfoque generoso en materia de tributación corporativa, a pesar de la tasa de 25% de impuesto a las sociedades que se aplica en el Reino Unido.
La decisión de gravar a los empleados, mientras se otorgan deducciones a las corporaciones, es una clara elección política y regulatoria, según estos expertos, basada en la naturaleza de la actividad económica que incentiva un régimen tributario determinado; en este caso, el capital financiero y las grandes tecnológicas. En otras palabras, el mero hecho de que exista una disposición fiscal particular no significa que esté justificada, señalaron los expertos.
“Si bien este tipo de deducción tan grande puede estar técnicamente justificada en un sistema tributario, la cuestión es más bien: ¿Esto es justo?”, dijo Christoph Spengel, profesor de tributación internacional en la Universidad de Mannheim en Alemania, un país que no permite este tipo de deducciones tan amplias.
"¿Cuáles son las consecuencias visibles de que la riqueza se concentre en manos de solo unos pocos individuos? Porque eso es lo que esto significa", agregó.
Spengel no ve justificación para tal disposición, "porque en realidad no supone ningún costo" para la empresa: no sale del patrimonio de la empresa ni esta renuncia a ninguno de sus activos. Las obligaciones del impuesto sobre la renta de un empleado y otras obligaciones fiscales personales no deberían tener incidencia en si una empresa obtiene una deducción, en su opinión.
"Las empresas son actores clave en la economía, y es necesario contar con una herramienta para incentivarlas a actuar de forma positiva y evitar que hagan cosas que no nos gustan", dijo Reuven Avi-Yonah, profesor titular de derecho tributario en la Universidad de Michigan, cuya cátedra Irwin I. Cohn se centra en la tributación corporativa e internacional. “Y el impuesto de sociedades es un instrumento muy versátil para lograrlo”.
"Mucha gente está preocupada por dos cosas: la concentración de la riqueza en muy pocas manos y la inteligencia artificial", dijo Kimberly Clausing, titular de la cátedra Eric M. Zolt de Derecho Tributario y Política Pública en la Facultad de Derecho de la UCLA.
Clausing señaló que, si bien economistas y legisladores están considerando una amplia gama de soluciones innovadoras para este problema, "los mismos objetivos podrían alcanzarse mucho más fácilmente si tuviéramos la voluntad de usar nuestro impuesto corporativo correctamente".
Neidle, de Tax Policy Associates, no está de acuerdo.
"Si bien es verdad que el Reino Unido y Estados Unidos son casos atípicos desde un punto de vista formal, en realidad la gente logra lo mismo en la mayor parte del mundo. Eso es tan razonable como difícil de evitar, dado que un esquema de acciones es económicamente equivalente a un bono más una compra de acciones", dijo.
En opinión de Neidle, que una empresa otorgue a sus empleados una bonificación en efectivo por comprar acciones es "económicamente idéntico" a entregarles las acciones directamente.
"Por lo general, es una mala idea generar resultados fiscales diferentes a partir de casos económicos idénticos, y si se hace (como ha hecho Alemania), es muy fácil eludirlo", dijo. "El resultado es el mismo; simplemente es más complicado".
## La ruptura en la era Blair
A principios del nuevo milenio, las empresas de Estados Unidos – particularmente en el entonces pujante sector tecnológico – empezaron a compensar cada vez más a sus empleados con acciones en lugar de pagarles salarios más altos. Para las empresas, los beneficios eran triples: conservaban liquidez que podía invertirse en el negocio, retenían a los empleados hasta que sus acciones adquirieran valor, y ahorraban en impuestos.
El gobierno británico respondió imitando la estrategia estadounidense y modificó sus propias normas sobre el impuesto corporativo. Cuando se aprobó el cambio en 2003, el Tesoro británico [estimó](https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200203/cmhansrd/vo030915/text/30915w28.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=The%20estimate%20of%20exchequer%20costs,95%20million%20by%202007%E2%80%9308.) que, para el ejercicio 2007-08, perdería alrededor de 95 millones de libras (unos 128 millones de dólares) en impuestos no recaudados ese año.
Dos décadas después, como [informó openDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-reino-unido-impuestos-desgravacion-ganancias/), Palantir pudo utilizar legalmente esta disposición para obtener, solo en 2022, una deducción fiscal de unos 230 millones de libras (más de 310 millones de dólares) – cifra que la empresa no ha cuestionado.
"Esta es la principal razón por la que las megacorporaciones estadounidenses no pagan impuestos: todas pagan enormes cantidades de compensaciones con acciones y las deducen", dijo Avi-Yonah a openDemocracy. "Esto ha sido así desde siempre; no es una tendencia nueva. Lo que sí es nuevo es su increíble rentabilidad gracias a la inteligencia artificial".
## Impuestos y regulación
Si bien las leyes tributarias suelen presentarse como un conjunto pragmático de reglas y cifras, son subjetivas y resultado de debates políticos, lobby corporativo y coerción.
El impuesto a la renta de las empresas a principios de 1900 en Estados Unidos fue el resultado de dos luchas, [escribe](https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1309&context=ilj&ref=opendemocracy.net) Marjorie E. Kornhauser, profesora emérita de derecho en la Universidad de Tulane: "El intento de promulgar un impuesto a la renta y la lucha para regular a las corporaciones".
A medida que la naturaleza de las corporaciones cambiaba a lo largo de los siglos, también cambiaron los argumentos sobre cómo y por qué debían tributar.
Las corporaciones actuales tienen una estructura muy diferente a la de épocas anteriores. Investigaciones [realizadas en Estados Unidos](https://clsbluesky.law.columbia.edu/2019/09/05/stock-based-compensation-financial-analysts-and-equity-overvaluation/?ref=opendemocracy.net) sugieren que las empresas están sustituyendo cada vez más los salarios por pagos basados en acciones.
Además, las empresas de tecnología (incluida Palantir) recurren cada vez más a las acciones de doble clase (que establecen diferentes derechos a voto para los accionistas), lo que permite emitir grandes cantidades de acciones a los empleados sin que los socios fundadores se preocupen de perder el control de sus empresas. Estos son, por lo tanto, recompensados con un control sin precedentes de sus negocios y mayores derechos de voto que los accionistas comunes. Cuando Google [lanzó](https://www.law.nyu.edu/sites/default/files/The%20Rise%20of%20Dual-Class%20Stock%20IPOs%20-%2020211122.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) una estructura accionaria de doble clase en su salida a la bolsa en 2004, solo [alrededor del 1%](https://www.ecgi.global/sites/default/files/The%20perils%20of%20small-minority%20controllers%20Paper.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de las empresas estadounidenses que cotizaban en bolsa utilizaban ese modelo. Para 2018, ya llegaban [al 30%](https://www.law.nyu.edu/sites/default/files/The%20Rise%20of%20Dual-Class%20Stock%20IPOs%20-%2020211122.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Otro cambio estructural es la tendencia de las empresas de tecnología a obtener una [proporción cada vez mayor de sus ingresos a través de contratos públicos](https://www.tussell.com/tech-titans-report-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net), conforme los gobiernos buscan digitalizarse y modernizarse. Palantir, por ejemplo, obtiene la mayor parte de sus ingresos en Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido de contratos gubernamentales financiados con fondos públicos.
[Palantir y el riesgo de una vigilancia masiva con datos de saludLa empresa detrás de las deportaciones de Trump controla los datos de salud en Inglaterra y quiere expandirse en América LatinaopenDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-peter-thiel-registros-medicos-inglaterra-nhs-vigilancia-masiva-inmigrantes-persecucion-america-latina-milei/)
"En última instancia, son los contribuyentes quienes financian el dinero que recibe Palantir", dijo Avi-Yonah. El acuerdo actual es “un trato unilateral en el que simplemente se quedan con el dinero, no pagan nada de impuestos y no dan nada a cambio", salvo sus servicios, añadió.
openDemocracy se contactó con Palantir para obtener comentarios y actualizará el artículo cuando responda.
*\*Jade-Ruyu Yan es reportera de investigación de tecnología de openDemocracy. Tiene un interés particular en la influencia corporativa y ha colaborado con Computer Weekly, Project Brazen, The Chicago Tribune, The Chicago Sun-Times, Ad Age y otras publicaciones.*
### Burnham’s AI head secretly briefed tech giants at No 10 adviser’s investment firm
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnhams-ai-head-secretly-briefed-tech-giants-at-no-10-advisers-investment-firm/
Last updated: 2026-08-14T14:22:38.000Z
The chair of Andy Burnham’s new AI Taskforce gave a secret private briefing to the Big Tech clients of an advisory firm linked to No 10’s top business adviser, openDemocracy can reveal.
Ollie Ilott was the speaker at a breakfast roundtable hosted by Hakluyt & Company in April last year, when he was head of the UK’s AI Security Institute, a well-regarded research agency operating at the forefront of a highly competitive and commercially sensitive field.
The government failed to declare that the meeting took place and says it holds no records from it whatsoever, leaving the public with no way of knowing what attendees – including tech giants Microsoft and the Ellison Institute of Technology – were told about AI policy. openDemocracy learned about the roundtable and its guest list through disclosures made in response to Freedom of Information requests.
Months after the meeting, Ilott returned to the Hakluyt offices to meet with its investment arm, which was established by the company’s former managing partner Varun Chandra, who joined No 10 as business adviser in July 2024\. Chandra, who is also the UK’s US trade envoy and was one of few senior aides to keep his job when Burnham took office, retains an interest in Hakluyt.
While Ilott’s insights would already have been invaluable to Hakluyt’s clients, he was this week promoted to become the most senior official working on AI policy in Burnham’s government – making him an even more highly valued contact going forward.
Founded by MI6 operatives in 1995, Hakluyt & Company has for decades operated largely in secret from its opulent Mayfair townhouse and a growing number of outposts around the globe. Through its unrivalled connections to senior public officials like Ilott, it provides clients – some of the biggest companies in the world – with high-grade intelligence at great cost, advising executives on issues with huge financial implications, which often involve a political element, such as mergers and acquisitions, regulatory issues or expanding into a new geographical market.
Hakluyt exists in a regulatory blind spot; as a corporate intelligence and advisory firm, rather than a lobbyist, it is not required to declare its clients publicly. Hakluyt maintains that it does not carry out political lobbying or work with political parties, despite its staff regularly meeting with top civil servants and reports that it [worked with Labour before the last general election.](https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-09-19/labour-recruits-mi6-linked-consultants-to-help-woo-business?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Now, documents obtained by openDemocracy offer a rare insight into how the firm courted a rapidly rising star in the civil service, and won special, undeclared access for its elite clientele to one of the most influential officials working on AI safety policy anywhere in the world.
## **'A fantastic discussion'**
Ilott’s relationship with Hakluyt appears to have begun in October 2024, when Whitehall supremo Olly Robbins, then a partner at the company, invited him to have “breakfast or dinner with some senior clients” – an invitation that Ilott said he’d be “very happy” to accept.
Robbins had joined Hakluyt the year before, having previously held high-ranking positions across the civil service, including as the UK’s deputy national security adviser and the chief Brexit negotiator.
While there is no suggestion of wrongdoing by Robbins, the interaction reveals how elite advisory and lobbying firms leverage ‘revolving door’ hires from the civil service, who arrive with government contacts and operational knowledge.
As Hakluyt writes on its website: "Few other business models depend on human relationships as much as ours: this, above all, is what makes us different."
Hakluyt now counts a few dozen former elite public servants – from former cabinet secretaries to intelligence chiefs, and prime ministerial advisors – on its staff and advisory board. Within the relatively small world of Whitehall and Westminster politics, the prestige and influence of figures like this is hard to overstate.
Before the meeting could be finalised, Robbins left Hakluyt to return to the civil service, taking up a position as head of the Foreign Office in January 2025\. He was dismissed in a high-profile row earlier this year over his alleged role in the hiring of Peter Mandelson, a known friend of Jeffrey Epstein, as US ambassador.
At the start of 2025, another Hakluyt executive picked up the email thread with Ilott.
“Apologies for the delay in coming back to you,” the company’s staffer wrote. “As I’m sure you’ve seen, Olly has been appointed as the new \[redacted\] which is fantastic news, and we’re very happy for him!”
Arrangements were then made for Ilott to attend a breakfast roundtable event at Hakluyt’s Mayfair townhouse at 8:30am on 10 April – dress code: “business attire.
A partially redacted attendee list, which was sent to Ilott ahead of time and released to openDemocracy under the FOI Act, offers a rare insight into Hakluyt’s usually closely guarded client list.
It reveals that, as well as Microsoft and the Ellison Institute, those invited included BT, the UAE’s state-owned wealth fund Mubadala, Silicon Valley private equity firms Warburg Pincus and Insight Partners, and an executive representing both the edutech platform Kahoot and energy cloud platform Kraken.
A representative from Calypso AI, a security software developer that Hakluyt invested in through its fund in 2023, was also on the invite list. Calypso AI was acquired by US tech giant F5 in September last year.
In response to an FOI request from openDemocracy, the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology said: “We do not hold minutes, presentation materials or notes of the discussion. Additionally, we can confirm that Oliver Ilott undertook a speaking part during the event, however no speaking notes exist.”
The department initially refused to reveal which companies had been invited to the meeting, but eventually agreed to release the attendee list after we requested an internal review of its decision.
After the breakfast roundtable, the advisory firm offered to send Ilott a gift by way of a thank you, according to correspondence obtained by openDemocracy.
“Thank you so much again for your time today, and for sharing all your thoughts and views so generously. It was a fantastic discussion, and all our guests have said how much they enjoyed hearing from you, so thank you!” a Hakluyt staffer wrote to Ilott.
“Might I be able to get your address? Just so we can send a little something to say thank you.”
openDemocracy understands Ilott did not accept the gift.
Asked what they intended to send, Haklut declined to comment. A spokesperson told openDemocracy: “It is customary for government officials and businesses to meet to discuss mutually relevant issues, as happened in this instance.”
## **‘An informal meeting’**
In September, five months after the breakfast meeting, Ilott met with Hakluyt again. By then, he had been promoted to interim director general of AI at the Department of Science, Innovation, and Technology, a position that was later made permanent.
While the government did declare this meeting – listing it as “stakeholder engagement” – it did not publish or record any details such as attendees, agenda, minutes or other notes.
“It was an informal meeting between Oliver Ilott and Hakluyt at Hakluyt Capital Limited’s address in London, and there were no papers or agenda created in relation to the meeting,” DSIT told openDemocracy in response to an FOI request.
In the days after this meeting, a Hakluyt staffer sent an email connecting Ilott to an organiser of the Reagan-Jackson Security Dialogue, an annual conference co-hosted by the US-based Ronald Reagan Society and the Henry Jackson Society (HJS) in the UK.
While the emails have been heavily redacted by DSIT, including to remove the senders’ identities, it is likely the organiser was a staffer at HJS, a national security think tank that strongly supports US foreign policy in the Middle East. Its executive director is Reform’s chief adviser on global affairs, having defected from the Conservatives last year.
HJS does not declare its funders, but is a registered charity that files accounts with the Charity Commission. These show it received donations worth £1.2m last year.
Despite the redactions, Ilott’s response sheds some light on the nature of the communications.
“Hello, \[redacted\] thanks very much for the introduction and for the kind words,” he wrote. “\[Redacted\], it’s great to be introduced. Sounds like you’re doing really interesting work. I’d be keen to help if I can.
“For the last two years, I’ve been running the AI Security Institute. We combine private sector AI expertise with Government knowledge of national security risks, producing insights into the potential malicious uses of today’s most powerful AI systems.”
“As \[redacted says\] I’ve recently stepped up to cover the opportunities side of AI, as well as the risks,” Ilott added.
The respondent said they “look forward to getting deeper on your work with the AI Security Institute and to being in touch soon about our events in London”. They followed up days later, inviting Ilott to the security summit, which they described as “a deeply substantive gathering of government officials / legislators from the UK and USA”.
DSIT told openDemocracy that Ilott did not attend the event.
A government spokesperson told openDemocracy: “Senior government officials routinely meet with stakeholders relevant to their work as part of their regular duties. As is always the case, these meetings are declared through the usual transparency processes.”
In fact, the April 2025 roundtable event was declared only after openDemocracy’s FOI requests, 11 months after it took place, and the declaration does not mention the presence of any of Hakluyt’s clients.
### The Blair connection to Palantir’s tax dodge
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-080826/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T08:59:36.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- Experts warn that an obscure 2003 Blair-era tax loophole is fuelling an unprecedented transfer of taxpayer wealth to Big Tech
- Why a myth regarding a 12-week limit is being weaponised across Latin America to deny lifesaving abortion care to the most vulnerable
- An Argentine village sitting atop a multi-billion-dollar lithium fortune remains frozen without basic gas or electricity, exposing the corporate greed driving the global green energy transition
- How Netanyahu's doubling down risks completely alienating Western allies and plunging the country into unprecedented international isolation
- From the archive: An investigation revealing the scale of physical, emotional and sexual violence at an Army Foundation College was back in the news this week.
- In case you missed it: How tech-giant Palantir is exploiting a generous stock-option loophole to wipe out millions in UK corporate taxes
- A pioneering, political neuroscientist discovered how black-and-white tactics used by campaigners are literally rewiring their nervous systems
A month after openDemocracy broke the news about Palantir’s tiny corporate tax bill and their multi-million pound tax shield, the company’s UK CEO Louis Mosely has finally broken his silence. How? By describing his company’s corporate tax minimisation as “a standard tax incentive under UK law”.
But how did this “standard tax incentive” come to be? Read openDemocracy tech reporter Jade Ruyu-Yan’s latest dive into Palantir’s tax affairs to find out. We’ve also included her original investigation in this issue in case you missed it.
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
If you’ve followed the BBC’s investigation into sexual abuse at AFC Harrogate, do read Sian Norris’s months-long investigation from last year that detailed terrifying levels of bullying, abuse and violence, including dozens of complaints against college staff. Ultimately, as Sian says, “vulnerable young people are being let down by an institution that has a duty to protect them. Because these kids may be called soldiers. But they are children.”
Also in this issue: Lessons from Ceuta’s migration crisis, the dark side of Argentina’s Lithium boom, Islamophobia in the UK, and Israel’s worsening international isolationism.
We’ve been making steady progress to our goal of adding 500 new regular supporters by the end of the year. Regular donations help us plan for the future, embark on long-term investigations and dig into the stories that really matter. If you aren’t a supporter already, consider becoming one.
Have a great weekend.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[The big Blair-era loophole behind Palantir’s tiny tax billPalantir’s UK CEO Louis Mosley says the company uses “a standard tax incentive” to minimise corporate tax. But the UK is one of the few countries that allows for this.openDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-big-blair-era-loophole-behind-palantirs-tiny-tax-bill/)
[Lessons from Ceuta: State failures and local solidaritiesCities and communities cannot wait for Europe to resolve its endless arguments about migration, deterrence and responsibility sharing.openDemocracyDr Myriam Cherti](https://www.opendemocracy.net/lessons-from-ceuta-state-failures-and-local-solidarities/)
[Why abortion after 12 weeks is hard to access across Latin AmericaThere is no scientific reason for time limits on abortion – so why are they used to deny vulnerable people healthcare?openDemocracyAngelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/abortion-mexico-latin-america-12-week-time-limit-myth-science-law-autonomy/)
[Argentine town atop a lithium fortune lacks basic servicesFor two decades, Antofagasta de la Sierra’s residents have been promised the lithium boom will bring gas to their homesopenDemocracyDiego Sánchez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-lithium-mining-miliei-green-energy-rio-tinto-catamarca-natural-gas-water/)
[Netanyahu’s election campaign may worsen Israel’s international isolationFuture governments may pay the price of the prime minister’s decision to double down on hardline security to win votesopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/israel-election-binyamin-netanyahu-international-reputation-economic-sanctions/)
[Exclusive: How Palantir harvested millions in UK tax breaksIn 2024, Palantir’s effective tax rate was just 8%, far less than the usual 25%, despite £25.3m of pre-tax profitsopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/)
[British Army’s child recruits face abuse and bullying in AFC Harrogate training collegeAn 11-month investigation reveals culture of violence, criminality and sexual abuse at army training centre for teensopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/british-army-child-soldiers-abuse-violence-mental-health/)
[Why rigid thinking makes us vulnerable to extremismLeor Zmigrod discusses her research into the link between cognitive style and political extremism.openDemocracyThe Depolarization Project](https://www.opendemocracy.net/leor-zmigrod-on-why-rigid-thinking-makes-us-vulnerable-to-extremism/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Palantir UK's CEO has defended paying minimal corporation tax because Palantir's employees pay income tax. What do you think?
---
## Reader Comments
> “What kind of Society facts-tracks early release for domestic abusers?” asks Joan Smith (Guardian opinion 6/8/26). The answer is one led by a Government which has a greater commitment to a military alliance with America than it does to the welfare of its own citizens.
>
> We spend tens of billions on nuclear weapons (“historical records and memoirs from British statesmen show that a primary motivation for developing and maintaining the hydrogen bomb in the 1950s was to prove to Washington that Britain remained a ‘first-class power’ worthy of being treated as an equal partner in global strategy, rather than a junior ally” - from gemini AI).
>
> We have the Royal Navy sailing the world interdicting ships carrying Iranian oil or South American drug smugglers, aircraft carriers sailing the South China Sea. We have the RAF flying surveillance flights over Gaza and joining the US Navy in bombing Yemen.
>
> At the same time, we are told we cannot afford a humane and enlightened prison system where inmates, often vulnerable people, get help to turn their lives around and make their way in the world when they are released as well as space to humanely house those who do need to be locked away for long periods.
***Brendan O’Brien via email***
---
Aerial photographs showing Hiroshima before and after the atomic bombing | United States Army
## This week in history
**Hiroshima and Nagasaki • 6 and 9 August 1945**
The United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima on 6 August 1945 and on Nagasaki on 9 August. Around 110,000–210,000 people died, the majority civilians. The bombings remain deeply contested — whether militarily necessary, whether they constituted a war crime, and what they mean for international law and nuclear proliferation. They inaugurated the nuclear age and the permanent threat of annihilation that has haunted politics ever since.
From the archive this week we have a piece tracing the direct line from the streets of 1945 Japan to modern anti-nuclear campaigns, exploring how the *hibakusha* have partnered with humanitarian activists to demand a legally binding international ban on weapons of mass destruction.
[From Hiroshima to Trident: listening to the Hibakusha“Humanity and nuclear weapons cannot coexist indefinitely. How much longer can we allow the Nuclear Weapon States to continue threatening all life on earth?” - Setsuko Thurlow, a survivor of Hiroshima.openDemocracyRebecca Johnson](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/from-hiroshima-to-trident-listening-to-hibakusha/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Feminism for a World on Fire, Natasha Walter**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780349018829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
How does the feminist movement respond to the climate crisis, the rise of the far right and its associated misogyny, war and conflict? Feminist writer, climate campaigner and founder of the charity Women for Refugee Women Natasha Walter’s new book explores how these multiple crises are impacting women’s rights. She asks necessary questions, such as how does feminism respond to the climate crisis – and how do climate campaigners bring in feminism? Her book explores how climate, conflict and gender intersect, and is packed with powerful interviews that help to unpack why the world is, in fact, on fire.
But far from being depressing, Walter inspires us to respond, telling the stories of women who are meeting the challenges we face, and offering a loud call for change that shows how feminism can save the world.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Lecciones desde la India (o cómo las cucarachas pueden vencer al miedo)
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/lecciones-desde-la-india-o-como-las-cucarachas-pueden-vencer-al-miedo/
Last updated: 2026-08-07T17:24:15.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Reportaje: Qué hay detrás del movimiento ‘cucaracha’ que disolvió el miedo al régimen de Narendra Modi en la India
- Reino Unido: Activista de Palestine Action encarcelada denuncia que su abogado enfrenta un proceso penal por defenderla
- Netanyahu en campaña electoral es un lastre para el futuro de Israel
- **Bonus track -** Organismo contra la trata de Uruguay reconoce lo que investigamos en 2025: la explotación sexual en prostíbulos, whiskerías y casas de masajes
Es curioso cómo un mote despectivo o insultante que se emite desde el poder resulta a veces una palabra recuperada, poderosa y cargada de nuevos sentidos.
Eso pasó con **queer** (torcido, raro), que puede rastrearse en el inglés desde el siglo XVI, pero solo a fines del XIX adquirió un significado negativo para nombrar la homosexualidad masculina. Ya muy avanzado el siglo XX, *queer* fue reclamado por el activismo que lo convirtió en palabra colectiva, y orgullosa, del espectro de identidades LGBTIQA+.
Con la palabra **cucaracha** pasó algo diferente en Argentina. En su formato corto (*cuca*) y escrito con k (***kuka***) devino en insulto para nombrar a los votantes y seguidores de dos expresidentes peronistas, Néstor Kirchner y su esposa Cristina Fernández. Con esas dos sílabas se deshumanizó y casi bestializó a un sector importante de la sociedad argentina – y no está claro que ese sector se **haya reapropiado del término**.
En cambio, del otro lado del planeta, en la India, alguien desde el poder llamó *cucarachas* a los jóvenes desempleados. El humor negro acuñó en internet el **Partido Popular Cucaracha**. Y cuando estalló el descontento juvenil por el **fraude** de los exigentes exámenes de ingreso universitario, decenas de miles se **autonombraron *cucarachas***, salieron a las calles, acamparon durante semanas y forzaron la renuncia del ministro de Educación. Todo eso bajo un régimen autoritario que lleva 12 años de perseverante represión a toda disidencia.
Nuestro editor en jefe, **Aman Sethi**, había viajado a la India para visitar a su mamá y se encontró con esta inesperada rebelión juvenil. Su reportaje, lleno de las voces de los y las manifestantes, explica cómo las *cucarachas* abrieron una grieta en el muro del miedo erigido por el primer ministro Narendra Modi.
[India: Las cucarachas, Modi y la muerte del miedoLas manifestaciones juveniles de la India bajo el lema de las ‘cucarachas’ neutralizaron las principales herramientas de control del régimen: el miedo, la alienación y la divisiónopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/india-modi-cucarachas-protestas-jovenes/)
La forma en que la justicia de Inglaterra enjuició y condenó por **terrorismo** a activistas que ejecutaron una **acción directa** contra una empresa de armas israelí, involucrada en el genocidio de palestinos, deja mucho que desear. Pero el último escándalo del caso lo relata una de las condenadas, **Charlotte Head**. Por primera vez en la historia del Reino Unido, un abogado defensor (y jurista destacado) enfrenta una posible pena de cárcel por su alegato final ante el jurado.
[Me condenaron por terrorismo. Ahora mi abogado va a juicio por defendermeMi abogado enfrenta una pena de cárcel por su alegato final ante el jurado, mientras el Estado intenta silenciar la solidaridad con PalestinaopenDemocracyCharlotte Head](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/reino-unido-24-de-filton-terrorismo-palestine-action-abogado-desacato-genocidio-gaza/)
Esta semana, nuestro corresponsal de seguridad internacional, **Paul Rogers,** explica por qué la estrategia electoral de Benjamín Netanyahu puede volverse en contra de cualquier futuro gobierno de Israel, un Estado cada vez más aislado en el escenario internacional.
[Netanyahu en campaña electoral puede agravar el aislamiento de IsraelUn próximo gobierno podría pagar el precio de que el primer ministro insista en la línea dura en materia de seguridad para ganar votosopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/netanyahu-en-campana-electoral-puede-agravar-el-aislamiento-de-israel/)
En **Uruguay**, un país que gusta verse a sí mismo como especial e incluso mejor que sus vecinos, el Consejo Nacional de Prevención y Combate a la Trata y Explotación de Personas acaba de reconocer, por primera vez, "indicadores de trata con fines de explotación sexual" en **prostíbulos, whiskerías y casas de masajes**. democraciaAbierta investigó estos “indicadores” en 2025.
Nuestra reportera de América del Sur, **Angelina de los Santos**,expuso un caso terrible, el de la **whiskería Cocolandia**, en el que se cruzaron el **asesinato** nunca aclarado de una joven, la complicidad de la policía y nexos con un esquema para desbaratar el juicio al **principal senador oficialista**, acusado de múltiples delitos de **explotación sexual de menores**.
[Un club nocturno de Montevideo convertido en sitio de trata y explotación sexualCocolandia parecía un bar. Era un centro de trata manejado por un hombre que explotó a adolescentes durante añosopenDemocracyAngelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/uruguay-montevideo-trata-explotacion-sexual-adolescentes-bar-cocolandia/)
El periodismo que hacemos no podría sobrevivir sin tu apoyo. Si valorás nuestro contenido, compartilo e invita a otros a sumarse.
Gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Me condenaron por terrorismo. Ahora mi abogado va a juicio por defenderme
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/reino-unido-24-de-filton-terrorismo-palestine-action-abogado-desacato-genocidio-gaza/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T12:39:15.000Z
Inglaterra se enorgullece de su sistema judicial, supuestamente un modelo de equidad, neutralidad y justicia.
Luego de dos juicios y 18 meses presa, antes incluso de que se dictara sentencia, soy testigo de la falsedad de esta afirmación. El mes que viene marcará otro punto bajo: el abogado que dirigió mi defensa, Rajiv Menon, comparecerá ante los Tribunales Reales de Justicia acusado de desacato a la corte por unas declaraciones que realizó en su alegato final ante el jurado.
Si es declarado culpable, se enfrentará a una pena de hasta dos años de prisión.
Es la primera vez en la historia jurídica inglesa que se imputa a un abogado por defender a su cliente de esta manera. El estudio jurídico Garden Court Chambers, donde Menon ejerce como abogado penalista y de derechos humanos con el título de consejero del rey \[otorgado a abogados de gran prestigio y trayectoria\], se [declaró](https://gardencourtchambers.co.uk/garden-court-statement-rajiv-menon-kc/?ref=opendemocracy.net) “extremadamente preocupado por el efecto paralizador que tiene sobre el Colegio de Abogados el hecho de que el Estado intente criminalizar a los abogados por representar a sus clientes”.
La Asociación de Abogados Penalistas (CBA por sus siglas en inglés) advirtió que otros abogados tienen miedo de ejercer su profesión. “\[Están\] inseguros y tienen miedo de lo que pueden y no pueden decir; temen que, de alguna manera, puedan verse – al término de un juicio en el que representaron fielmente a su cliente – ante un cargo de desacato penal”, afirmó Riel Karmy-Jones, presidenta de la CBA. “Da la sensación de que se trata de la política en torno al objeto del juicio, en lugar de los principios fundamentales sobre cómo un abogado representa a su cliente”.
Esa ha sido, sin duda, mi experiencia.
En agosto de 2024, entré en la fábrica de armas israelí Elbit Systems en Filton, Bristol \[ciudad del sur de Inglaterra\], junto con otros activistas.[ Destruimos drones militares](https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/palestine-action-defendants-wanted-destroy-many-weapons-possible-court-told?ref=opendemocracy.net) fabricados por Elbit: cuadricópteros destinados a la exportación para su uso en el genocidio de Israel contra los palestinos de Gaza.
Cualquier nación que se descubra apoyando o siendo cómplice de quienes cometen un genocidio es cómplice y culpable, según el derecho internacional; existen precedentes legales que permiten cometer un delito para impedir que se produzca otro mayor, tal como hicimos en Filton. Sin embargo, luego de ser detenidos, nos mantuvieron incomunicados durante casi tres semanas bajo custodia de personal antiterrorista, lo que, según advirtió la ONU, podría equivaler a[ “desaparición forzada](https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=29507&ref=opendemocracy.net)”.
Nos llevaron ante un tribunal, acusados de daños a la propiedad, desórdenes violentos y robo con agravantes. Se trataba de delitos comunes, pero el juez Jeremy Johnson se arrogó el derecho a invocar una “conexión con el terrorismo” al momento de dictar sentencia. Se nos denegó la libertad bajo fianza y fuimos encarcelados en virtud de la Ley contra el Terrorismo.
Johnson impuso restricciones informativas para prohibir a los medios de comunicación mencionar que, si el jurado nos declaraba culpables, podría condenarnos como terroristas, lo que alargaría drásticamente nuestras penas de prisión y afectaría nuestro futuro. Tampoco se informó de este hecho a los miembros del jurado.
A pesar de las restricciones, la cobertura mediática de nuestro caso se disparó durante los 18 meses que pasé en prisión preventiva a la espera del juicio, con graves acusaciones contra mis coacusados y contra mí.
En junio de 2025, cinco meses antes de nuestro juicio, Yvette Cooper, entonces ministra del Interior, habló[ en la Cámara de los Comunes](https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2025-06-23/debates/25062337000014/PalestineActionProscription?ref=opendemocracy.net) sobre su decisión de ilegalizar a la organización Palestine Action. Reconoció expresamente que no podía hablar de nuestro caso “para evitar perjudicar futuros juicios penales”. Sin embargo, apenas unos instantes antes, se había referido a los “ataques contra \[...\] Elbit Systems UK en Bristol”, afirmando que Palestine Action había “cometido actos que causaron graves daños a la propiedad con el objetivo de promover su causa política e influir en el gobierno”.
Dos meses más tarde, Cooper fue aún más lejos. En un[ artículo en el diario Observer](https://observer.co.uk/news/opinion-and-ideas/article/palestine-actions-violent-criminality-is-not-lawful-protest?ref=opendemocracy.net) titulado “Palestine Action ‘no es una protesta legítima’”, hizo referencia a los cargos de nuestro caso, de los que afirmó que, “según la evaluación del Servicio Fiscal de la Corona, \[tenían\] una conexión con el terrorismo”. También acusó a Palestine Action de “intimidación, violencia, uso de armas y lesiones graves a personas”.
Dado que nuestro juicio aún no se había celebrado, parecía que estaban poniendo el carro delante del caballo, con el riesgo de predisponer a los miembros del jurado. Teniendo en cuenta el cargo de Cooper en el gobierno y el papel que desempeñó en los procedimientos para proscribir a Palestine Action, resulta inconcebible que no comprendiera las restricciones informativas que rodeaban nuestro juicio. Pero no hubo ninguna consecuencia para ella por lo que podía constituir una infracción de la ley de desacato al tribunal.
Para Rajiv Menon, el único abogado de la defensa con el título de consejero del rey, la historia es muy diferente.
Durante nuestros juicios, una pesada carga cayó sobre los hombros de Menon, ya que él y los demás abogados defensores se vieron obligados a hacer malabares para adaptarse a las restricciones cada vez mayores impuestas por el juez Johnson sobre lo que consideraba admisible como evidencia.
Además de que se nos prohibió informar al jurado sobre la decisión de Johnson de invocar una “conexión terrorista”, se nos prohibió hacer referencia a material que la acusación había incluido en sus propios expedientes probatorios. Las acciones de Elbit en apoyo del genocidio de Israel se consideraron irrelevantes.
En su alegato final, Menon recordó al jurado cuál era su función. Habló del caso de[ Penn y Mead](https://www.counselmagazine.co.uk/articles/the-courage-endurance-of-the-jury?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 1670, cuando un jurado fue encarcelado y multado por desacato al tribunal tras absolver a dos cuáqueros de un delito de reunión ilegal. Como dijo Menon, ese caso es la piedra angular del sistema jurídico británico tal y como lo conocemos: estableció el derecho de los jurados a tomar decisiones libremente y sin amenaza de represalias.
Menon también habló con emoción y pasión sobre mis antecedentes y cómo acabé involucrada en esta acción, destacando la importancia central de la causa palestina en mis motivaciones. Su alegato ha sido calificado como un[ discurso histórico](https://uklawweekly.substack.com/p/a-legal-speech-for-the-ages) tanto por los profesionales del derecho como por el público en general.
**Charlotte Head interviene en una manifestación en apoyo a Gaza en 2025 | Filton24 Defence Committee*
El 4 de febrero, luego de 36 horas de deliberaciones, el jurado nos declaró inocentes del delito de robo con agravantes. No pudo llegar a un veredicto sobre los demás cargos de daños y desórdenes violentos. Dos semanas después, fuimos puestos en libertad.
Por esas fechas, el[ Servicio de la Fiscalía de la Corona](https://x.com/CPSUK/status/2020067533353541825?ref=opendemocracy.net) anunció que solicitaría un nuevo juicio, y Johnson comunicó que remitiría el presunto desacato de Menon a la vía penal, un hecho del que solo se pudo informar la semana pasada.
Johnson alegó que Menon había cometido desacato al tribunal al hacer referencia a una placa conmemorativa del [caso Penn y Mead](https://www.counselmagazine.co.uk/articles/the-courage-endurance-of-the-jury?ref=opendemocracy.net), que destaca “el derecho de los jurados a emitir su veredicto de acuerdo con sus convicciones”. Esta placa no está oculta, se encuentra en la entrada del Old Bailey, la sede del juzgado central penal de Inglaterra y Gales donde se habría celebrado nuestro juicio de no ser por las limitaciones de espacio y de calendario. Los miembros del jurado habrían tenido que pasar delante de ella varias veces al día.
A Menon no se lo acusó de ser inexacto; es perseguido por poner en peligro lo que se ha convertido en un caso clave en la guerra del Estado británico contra Palestine Action.
La pregunta crucial es por qué. ¿Por qué se permitió que una ministra del Gobierno – nada menos que la ministra del Interior – menoscabara pública y repetidamente nuestro derecho a un juicio justo y saliera impune, mientras que un reconocido abogado de derechos humanos fue castigado por hacer su trabajo?
¿Consideró el gobierno que los acusados de Filton estaban a punto de ganar, lo que habría debilitado su decisión de proscribir a Palestine Action? ¿Quería lanzar una advertencia para crear un efecto paralizante entre los profesionales del derecho y los acusados en juicios posteriores? ¿O es que nuestro sistema judicial es simplemente un sistema de dos velocidades, en el que quienes ejercen el poder están por encima de la ley y al resto se nos puede castigar simplemente por ser molestos?
Durante el nuevo juicio a principios de este año, se impusieron nuevas restricciones al alcance de las evidencias. Se le dijo al jurado que, en aquella sala, el juez Johnson era la ley – y en una sala de tribunal, la ley equivale a Dios.
Fuimos declarados culpables de daños criminales. Nunca se nos había acusado de terrorismo, pero el juez Johnson nos condenó como terroristas el 12 de junio. Estoy cumpliendo una condena de seis años de prisión y, una vez que salga en libertad, me enfrentaré a otros 15 años de libertad vigilada; durante ese tiempo, tendré que presentarme periódicamente ante las autoridades, y por el resto de mi vida, tendré que registrar ante la policía cualquier nuevo dispositivo, cuenta bancaria, número de teléfono, dirección de correo electrónico, vehículo, relación sentimental y planes de viaje al extranjero.
El Reino Unido abolió hace mucho tiempo el derecho divino de los reyes; pero este sigue vivito y coleando en nuestro sistema judicial. A unos pocos privilegiados de las altas esferas se les permite forzar la ley hasta el límite para impulsar la agenda política del gobierno.
Esas mismas personas están intentando privar al pueblo británico del derecho a un jurado compuesto por sus iguales, culpando a los juicios con jurado del atraso del sistema judicial. El problema no son los jurados; son nuestros tribunales que se ven acosados por la presión del gobierno, los servicios de inteligencia y la policía.
El Ministerio del Interior ha interferido una y otra vez en nuestro caso en un intento de reforzar su proscripción de Palestine Action, utilizándonos como chivos expiatorios. Por su labor en mi defensa, mi abogado podría ser inhabilitado y, potencialmente, enfrentarse él mismo a una pena de prisión.
### The big Blair-era loophole behind Palantir’s tiny tax bill
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-big-blair-era-loophole-behind-palantirs-tiny-tax-bill/
Last updated: 2026-08-08T13:43:45.000Z
In May 2003, a standing committee of the House of Commons assembled to discuss and debate a mammoth Finance Bill.
“I am a tough chairman,” Nicholas Winterton, then a Conservative MP, [declared](https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200203/cmstand/b/st030515/am/30515s01.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net) at the first sitting, “and this will be an ordered, constructive and positive committee.” Mobile phones would be switched off, while members were permitted to remove their jackets at their discretion, provided they “are hung tidily on the rear of chairs."
Stuffed into MPs’ red boxes that day was a provision that, over the next two decades, would allow Big Tech to reap billions of pounds in corporate tax deductions in the UK. Tony Blair’s government wanted to allow a company issuing stock to its employees as part of a compensation package to claim a tax relief equivalent to the difference between the market value of the stock and the original price an employee paid for it.
The committee approved the provision, and it was passed by Parliament. This week, Louis Mosley, the CEO of Palantir’s UK and European operations, referenced this debate to defend the controversial US tech firm’s minimal corporate tax payments in the UK as “a standard tax incentive under UK law”.
Mosley’s comments came after a report by the Centre for International Corporate Tax Accountability and Research confirmed [openDemocracy’s findings that](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/) Palantir has used its share-based compensation scheme for UK employees to minimise its corporate tax obligations by millions of pounds. As we uncovered, the company paid less than £1m in corporation cash taxes in the UK last year – less than it paid in Korea, Japan, France and Germany, despite the UK being its second-largest market after the US.
The public conversation over Palantir’s tax minimisation cuts to the heart of the ongoing debate about capitalism in the UK: after a decade and a half of austerity, who should pay tax – and how much – to mend our unravelling social services and societal fabric? These questions are particularly acute in the case of Palantir, since much of the company’s profits in the UK are derived from government contracts paid for by ordinary taxpayers.
Palantir’s Mosley and former corporate tax lawyer Dan Neidle have argued that, while on paper, it could look like the corporation is avoiding tax, HMRC recoups the money via the income taxes paid by Palantir’s highly remunerated employees.
“We run a generous share scheme for our UK employees. Those shares have risen sharply in value (because of our profitability). So then has the tax bill on those shares – paid at income tax rates, which are HIGHER than corporation tax rates. UK law then offsets some of that against corporation tax, exactly as Parliament intended,” [wrote Mosley on LinkedIn](https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7490738038843613185/?ref=opendemocracy.net), claiming that the company paid $148 million in UK taxes.
“The net result of this sneaky wheeze? More tax paid by Palantir to the Treasury, not less.”
Mosley’s claims cannot be independently verified as the company’s 2025 accounts have not been published on Companies House.
“I don’t see this as tax avoidance, legally or morally,” Neidle, the founder of tax advisory nonprofit Tax Policy Associates, [previously told openDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/). “\[Palantir’s\] employees in the UK will have been subject to income tax and employee/employer national insurance. So overall it likely resulted in additional tax being paid.”
🔎
We are continuing to investigate Palantir. If you have any information you feel might be relevant, please send it to info@opendemocracy.net. We protect our sources.
A look at the 2003 tax amendments by the then Labour government, and interviews with tax experts based in other countries, reveal that the UK and the US are outliers in their generous approach to taxing corporations, despite the UK’s headline 25% corporation tax.
The decision to tax employees, while granting corporations deductions, is a clear political and regulatory choice, these experts said, based on the nature of economic activity a given tax regime incentivises — in this case finance capital and Big Tech. Or more bluntly, just because a particular tax provision exists, experts said, it doesn’t mean it is justified.
“Even though this kind of huge deduction may be technically justifiable in a system of taxation, “it’s more the question of, ‘Is this fair?’” said Christoph Spengel, professor for international taxation at the University of Mannheim in Germany – a country that doesn’t allow this type of wide deduction.
“What are the observable consequences if wealth is concentrated in the hands of only a few individuals? Because that’s what this means,” he said.
Spengel said he couldn’t see the justification for such a provision, “because actually there is no cost” to the corporation: no wealth has left the company and it has not given up any of its assets. An employee’s income tax and other personal tax obligations should have no bearing on whether a company gets a deduction, he added.
“Corporations are really important players in the economy, and you want to have a tool to incentivise them to do things you like and stop them from doing things you don’t like,” said Reuven Avi-Yonah, Irwin I. Cohn professor of tax law at the University of Michigan whose work focuses on corporate and international taxation. “And the corporation tax is a very versatile instrument with which to do this.”
“A lot of people are worried about two things: the concentration of wealth in very few hands and AI,” said Kimberly Clausing, Eric M. Zolt Chair in Tax Law and Policy at the UCLA School of Law. Clausing said that while economists and policymakers are considering a wide array of novel solutions to this problem, “the same objectives could be reached much more easily if we had the will to use our corporation tax properly.”
Neidle, from Tax Policy Associates, disagreed.
"Whilst it's true that the UK and US are outliers in a formalistic sense, in reality people achieve the same thing in most of the world. That is both reasonable and hard to stop, given that a share scheme is economically equivalent to a bonus plus a share purchase," he said.
In Neidle's opinion, a company giving its employees a cash bonus to buy shares was "economically identical" to just giving the employees the shares.
"It’s generally a bad idea to create different tax results from identical economic cases, and if you do (as Germany has) then it’s trivial to get round it," he said. "The result is the same - it’s just more complicated."
## Blair-era break
At the turn of the millennium, companies in the US – particularly in the then-nascent tech sector – were increasingly compensating employees with stock instead of higher salaries. For the firms, the benefits were threefold: they retained cash that could be invested in the business, held onto employees until their shares vested, and saved on tax.
The UK government responded by taking a leaf out of the US’s playbook to amend its own corporation tax rules. When the change was passed in the early 2000s, the Treasury [estimated that](https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200203/cmhansrd/vo030915/text/30915w28.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=The%20estimate%20of%20exchequer%20costs,95%20million%20by%202007%E2%80%9308.) by 2007-08, it would lose around £95m in forgone taxes in that year, according to a reply to a Parliamentary question in 2003.
Two decades later, [as openDemocracy reported](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/), Palantir alone was able to legally use this deduction to create a tax deduction worth around £230m in 2022 – a figure the company has not contested.
“This is the main reason why US mega-corporations don’t pay any tax, because they all issue huge amounts of share-based compensation and deduct it,” Avi-Yonah told openDemocracy. “This has been true forever, it’s not a recent trend. What’s a recent trend is their incredible profitability because of AI.”
Blair-era MPs may have been unable to foresee the staggering shares-based wealth that Big Tech’s IPOs would create over the next two decades, but it is worth noting that not all countries treat corporate taxes the way the US and the UK do.
“The corporation tax deduction available in the UK is among the more generous. Stock-based compensation is supposed to reduce payroll pressure on cash flow, especially for start-ups,” Mike Lewis, the director of Tax Watch, [told openDemocracy previously](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/). “The fact that it is also available to established, profit-making companies means that it can effectively wipe out very profitable companies' tax bills for years if share values significantly increase.”
Neidle said he was concerned that the current debate around deductions for share-based compensation was being shaped by opinions about Palantir, rather than concerns about tax policy.
"People here are starting with the conclusion they want: corporations are bad, Palantir is particularly bad. Then forcing a share scheme argument into it. It is not principled, and it's not good policy," he said.
### **Tax and Regulation**
While tax laws are usually presented as a pragmatic set of rules and numbers, they are subjective and the result of policy debates, corporate lobbying and political compulsion.
For instance, corporate income tax in the early 1900s in the US is the outcome of two struggles, [writes](https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1309&context=ilj&ref=opendemocracy.net) Marjorie E. Kornhauser, professor of law emerita at Tulane University: “The attempt to enact an income tax and the struggle to regulate corporations.”
As the nature of corporations has changed over the centuries, so have the arguments around how and why they should be taxed.
Corporations today are structured very differently compared to previous eras. [Research conducted in the US](https://clsbluesky.law.columbia.edu/2019/09/05/stock-based-compensation-financial-analysts-and-equity-overvaluation/?ref=opendemocracy.net) [suggests](https://www.morganstanley.com/im/en-us/individual-investor/insights/consilient-observer/stock-based-compensation.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) companies are increasingly substituting wages with share-based payments.
Further, tech firms (including Palantir) increasingly rely on dual-class stock, which allows vast amounts of stock to be issued to employees without their founders worrying about losing control of their companies. Founders are therefore rewarded with unprecedented control of their businesses and greater voting rights than ordinary shareholders. When [Google debuted a dual-class structure ](https://www.law.nyu.edu/sites/default/files/The%20Rise%20of%20Dual-Class%20Stock%20IPOs%20-%2020211122.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net)in its IPO in 2004, [only about 1%](https://www.ecgi.global/sites/default/files/The%20perils%20of%20small-minority%20controllers%20Paper.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) of US listed companies used such a structure. By 2018, that figure had risen [to 30%](https://www.law.nyu.edu/sites/default/files/The%20Rise%20of%20Dual-Class%20Stock%20IPOs%20-%2020211122.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Another structural shift is the growing trend of tech companies [earning a growing share of their revenue from public contracts](https://www.tussell.com/tech-titans-report-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net), as governments around the world look to digitise and modernise. Palantir, for instance, earns a majority of its revenue in the US and UK from government contracts paid from public funds.
“Ultimately it’s the taxpayers who fund the money that goes to Palantir,” said Avi-Yonah. The current arrangement is a “one-sided thing where they just grab the money and don’t pay any tax, and don’t give anything back,” except its services, he said.
openDemocracy has reached out to Palantir for comment and will update the piece when they respond.
*This article was updated on 8 August 2026 to include comments from Dan Neidle.*
### Lessons from Ceuta: State failures and local solidarities
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/lessons-from-ceuta-state-failures-and-local-solidarities/
Last updated: 2026-08-07T11:26:23.000Z
The word "crisis" is used too late in most European discussions of Ceuta. It begins when cameras show people in the water or at the fence. For the cities on either side, however, it begins with services that were never designed for a sudden population surge – and continues long after national governments declare the border restored.
Spain's interior minister now estimates that about 72,000 people crossed into Ceuta and 70,000 returned to Morocco. Spain says at least 75 people died, while Morocco has reported 11 deaths on its side of the border. An estimated 1,000 unaccompanied children remain in Ceuta, a city whose normal population is about 84,000.
Those numbers have given rise to grand arguments about sovereignty, Spain-Morocco relations and the security of Europe's external frontier. In Brussels, ministers debated Schengen, even though Ceuta is outside the passport-free area. In Madrid and Rabat, officials traded claims about misinformation, smugglers and whether the frontier had been deliberately left unguarded. Those questions require investigation. But they do not answer the most urgent question in a border city: what happens to the person standing in front of you now?
On Monday, the Red Cross and the local organisation Cooperacion Sur-Sur distributed bread, milk, water, tuna and other basic food to about 2,000 people on a Ceuta beach. Some said they had eaten nothing for days. Elsewhere, local residents gave young migrants food and clothes. One woman let a 17-year-old girl into her home to wash after the government youth centre turned her away because it was full.
Solidarity also took a political form. When far-right figures arrived to brand the crossings an "invasion", Ceuta residents organised counter-protests against outsiders exploiting the emergency. These gestures do not erase the fear, hostility and violence also reported in the city. But they do show that Ceuta is not simply a fortress under siege. It is a community deciding, under immense pressure, what kind of city it wants to be.
Across the border, Fnideq faced another version of the same emergency. Thousands returned exhausted, sometimes barefoot or without phones, while families searched for missing children and young relatives. Returnees depended on local residents for food, transport and a place to rest.
These acts of kindness should not be romanticised. A woman opening her bathroom to a stranger is admirable, but it is not a reception system. A charity food queue is welcome, but it is also proof that public provision arrived too late. Families should not have to create their own cross-border missing-persons network from photographs and social media posts.
This is the scale at which some cities experience migration. National authorities decide who may enter, remain or be returned. Cities deal with the *de facto* population: everybody physically present in their streets, clinics, beaches, schools and shelters. They must manage sanitation, emergency healthcare, child protection, public order, homelessness and community tension regardless of whether an immigration file has been opened.
Years of work by the City Initiative on Migrants with Irregular Status in Europe (CMISE) point to a lengthy repertoire of practical lessons from and for cities. For example, Barcelona has used municipal registration to connect people, including those without a fixed address, to education and local services. Other cities have opened shelters according to need, worked through trusted NGOs, or firewalled information gathered by doctors, teachers and social workers from routine immigration enforcement.
The logic is as relevant to established residents as it is to newcomers. Untreated injuries become medical emergencies. People afraid to approach the police leave crime and exploitation unreported. Excluding some rough sleepers does not reduce homelessness; it simply moves it to beaches, hillsides and abandoned buildings. A child outside the protection system is more vulnerable to disappearance and abuse.
Ceuta and Fnideq fly different flags but neither controls national migration policy. Instead, they form an interdependent urban system divided by one of the world’s most politically charged borders. Before the pandemic, a special local arrangement allowed residents of the surrounding Tétouan region of Morocco to enter Ceuta without a visa, sustaining the daily movement of workers, shoppers, traders and families. Work, trade and everyday life have long connected the two cities. During a sudden crossing, their hospitals, emergency services, neighbourhood groups and transport networks also become linked – whether their national governments acknowledge it or not.
Ceuta's own service providers had already warned that summer pressure was recurring and the city could not keep lurching from one declared emergency to the next. Treating every predictable rise in arrivals as an unprecedented shock is a political choice. So is leaving a small border city to carry responsibilities created by national and European policy.
The same applies in Fnideq. Moving returnees away from the frontier is not an adequate local response. People may need first aid, food, replacement documents, transport home, psychosocial support and protection from exploitation. Parents need reliable information about their children who may be in Ceuta, in hospital, in detention, back in Morocco or missing at sea.
Europe will continue to argue about deterrence, returns and responsibility-sharing. Spain and Morocco will continue to negotiate cooperation while disputing who caused the latest breakdown. Cities cannot wait for those arguments to end. Their responsibility begins with the immediate needs of the people before them.
### What the rise in Islamophobia tells us about modern Britain
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-the-rise-in-islamophobia-tells-us-about-modern-britain/
Last updated: 2026-08-07T10:48:55.000Z
Few communities in Britain are so frequently required to explain who they are as Muslims.
Whether the conversation is on immigration, integration, public prayer or national identity, we are repeatedly drawn into debates that ask us to justify our values, explain our faith or prove that we belong. That expectation has become so familiar that we rarely stop to question it. But we should.
Recent figures published by the British Muslim Trust should give everyone pause. More than 70 attacks on mosques were recorded across the UK over the past year – roughly one every five days. The incidents included vandalism, arson and other acts of anti-Muslim hatred. Each attack is disturbing but taken together they point to something larger than individual acts of criminality.
Acts of hatred rarely appear without warning. Rather, they grow within a culture where one community is increasingly treated as different, controversial or somehow separate from the national story. Long before a mosque is attacked, assumptions have already begun to take root about who belongs, whose loyalty is questioned and whose identity is open for public debate.
Over the past year alone, Muslims have become the focus of a series of political and media controversies that bear little resemblance to the realities of everyday life. Public debate has questioned whether [Muslims should be able to pray together in Trafalgar Square](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx26gn64zyzo?ref=opendemocracy.net). Politicians have generated [headlines warning about churches becoming mosques](https://www.politico.eu/article/nigel-farage-reform-uk-wants-ban-churches-from-becoming-mosques/?ref=opendemocracy.net), despite little evidence that this represents a widespread issue requiring political attention. Repeatedly, symbolic debates about Muslim identity have displaced conversations about the issues that actually shape people's lives.
None of this means immigration, religion or integration should be beyond debate. But there is an important difference between debating policy and repeatedly turning one community into a symbol around which wider anxieties about national identity are played out.
That wider climate is increasingly reflected in what we are hearing at Reset Communities for Refugees. Over recent months, refugee families rebuilding their lives across the UK have shared similar experiences. These are families who have fled war and persecution. They are learning English, finding work, volunteering, raising children and putting down roots in the communities that have welcomed them; they are doing exactly what successive governments have said successful integration should look like.
Yet those stories sit alongside another, less visible reality. Parents tell us their children are bullied because they eat halal food. Women describe thinking twice before wearing a hijab in public. Some families question whether openly practising their faith could make them a target. These are not the dominant stories we hear, but they are becoming familiar enough that they can no longer be dismissed as isolated incidents.
It is not only the prejudice itself, but the fatigue that accompanies it. There is a particular exhaustion that comes from continually being asked to explain yourself, to reassure people that you belong, to distance yourself from extremists you have never met. To defend ordinary expressions of your faith that would barely attract comment if they belonged to another community.
That burden has quietly become part of what it means to be Muslim in Britain. But this persistent scrutiny exists alongside the fact that British Muslims are woven into every part of modern Britain. We care for patients, teach children, serve in the Armed Forces, run businesses, create jobs, volunteer in our communities and contribute every day to the country we all share.
Yet our contributions rarely shape the conversation. More often, Muslims appear in political debate as a problem to be solved, rather than citizens whose lives are as ordinary, diverse and complex as anyone else’s.
When organisations such as the Muslim Council of Britain, Muslim Women's Network UK and Tell MAMA all raise concerns about rising anti-Muslim hatred, they should be listened to. They are asking political leaders to respond to Islamophobia with the same seriousness and moral clarity that we rightly expect for every other form of racism and prejudice.
Political leadership matters because it helps shape the public culture in which the rest of us live. No politician is responsible for every act of hatred committed by another person. But politicians do help shape the atmosphere in which hatred either becomes socially unacceptable or quietly normalised. Manufactured controversies may disappear from the news cycle within days, but the assumptions they reinforce can fester for much longer.
That is why the recent attacks on Britain's mosques should concern us all. Not simply because of the damage caused to individual buildings or communities, but because of what they reveal about the wider environment in which those attacks have taken place.
If we want stronger communities, we cannot continue speaking about integration while paying less attention to the prejudice that actively undermines it. Calling out Islamophobia is not about avoiding difficult conversations or closing down legitimate debate. It is about recognising that no community should be expected to continually prove that it belongs.
Perhaps that is the question our political leaders should now be asking. Not why Muslims continue to explain who they are, but why, after all these years, we continue to expect them to.
### Netanyahu en campaña electoral puede agravar el aislamiento de Israel
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/netanyahu-en-campana-electoral-puede-agravar-el-aislamiento-de-israel/
Last updated: 2026-08-06T19:30:35.000Z
Aunque Donald Trump insiste en que su plan para Gaza será aceptado, es muy improbable que Benjamín Netanyahu acepte un acuerdo de este tipo antes de las elecciones generales israelíes de octubre. Su [respuesta inmediata](https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-war-gaza-news-1215e52022856b9de9837237a0e188fa??ref=opendemocracy.net&ref=opendemocracy.net) fue clara: no habrá retirada militar israelí alguna hasta que Hamás esté completamente desarmado.
Se deduce de esto que las perspectivas para los dos millones de palestinos hacinados en apenas un tercio de la superficie original de Gaza dependen en gran medida de que Netanyahu se mantenga o no en el poder. Pero incluso si pierde, la oposición en la Knesset (parlamento) está tan dividida que no hay garantía de que un futuro gobierno busque un acuerdo justo con los palestinos.
Si bien[ la disminución del apoyo a Israel en Estados Unidos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/netanyahu-new-threat-collapse-support-united-states-israel-iran-gaza/) es una gran preocupación para Netanyahu, la opinión pública interna israelí es, por ahora, mucho más importante. En los próximos dos meses, intentará atraer la atención de los votantes hacia la seguridad nacional, machacando insistentemente en los ataques de Hamás del 7 de octubre de 2023.
En particular, Netanyahu hará hincapié en la necesidad de que los israelíes tengan pleno control sobre Gaza. Los ataques aéreos israelíes sobre el territorio continuarán y probablemente se ampliarán, lo que provocará reacciones de Hamás. Es muy posible que también intente elevar las tensiones en la Cisjordania ocupada y en Jerusalén Oriental, cuya seguridad espera convertir en otro tema clave para los votantes.
Las incursiones de extremistas religiosos judíos, respaldadas por el gobierno, ya están aumentando en Cisjordania, alentadas por el ministro de Seguridad, Itamar Ben Gvir, quien encabeza una poderosa facción de la coalición gobernante. Hace dos semanas, [Ben Gvir lideró](https://www.rfi.fr/es/m%C3%A1s-noticias/20260723-un-ministro-israel%C3%AD-ora-en-la-explanada-de-las-mezquitas-desafiando-el-statu-quo?ref=opendemocracy.net) a más de 2.000 israelíes que irrumpieron en el recinto que rodea la mezquita de Al-Aqsa e incluso rezaron allí – para muchos, uno de los lugares más sagrados del Islam –, en lo que, según funcionarios jordanos, fue la peor violación de la historia moderna. Según un acuerdo de décadas entre Israel y Jordania que regula el statu quo de la Explanada de las Mezquitas, el ingreso no está vedado para los judíos, pero sí rezar en ella.
Netanyahu también intentará centrar su campaña en las continuas tensiones con el régimen de línea dura de Irán, así como con la milicia religiosa Hezbolá en el Líbano y los grupos paramilitares islamistas en Siria e Irak.
Los críticos pueden argumentar que muchos de estos problemas se derivan de los fracasos de la propia coalición de Netanyahu, pero esto tiene sorprendentemente poco peso en Israel en la actualidad. Incluso el argumento de que el apoyo público a Israel en EEUU se está desvaneciendo puede darse la vuelta; al fin y al cabo, Trump ha demostrado ser tan impredecible que Israel debe estar siempre preparado para actuar por su cuenta.
En cualquier caso, el peligro a largo plazo para los futuros gobiernos israelíes puede no derivarse de factores locales o regionales, sino de la comunidad internacional – en particular, de los aliados tradicionales de Israel en Occidente.
El apoyo mundial a los palestinos creció en medio de la destrucción casi total de Gaza, perpetrada por Israel desde octubre de 2023, que dejó cerca de 100.000 personas muertas o desaparecidas y a los sobrevivientes atrapados en una prisión a cielo abierto. Es probable que este apoyo no haga más que aumentar a medida que surjan más pruebas de los horrores israelíes.
En el Reino Unido, por ejemplo, se publicaron dos nuevos libros que recogen testimonios de primera mano sobre el trato que reciben los palestinos. Uno es[ *Complicit: Britain’s Role in the Destruction of Gaza*](https://orbooks.com/catalog/complicit/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*,* del periodista Peter Oborne, un informe con abundantes referencias sobre el apoyo del Reino Unido a Israel; y el otro es[ *The Gaza Tribunal: Britain’s Complicity in Genocide*](https://www.plutobooks.com/product/the-gaza-tribunal/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*,* que detalla las conclusiones de una investigación llevada a cabo por el exlíder laborista Jeremy Corbyn y los abogados de derechos humanos Neve Gordon y Shahd Hammouri.
El tribunal, que Corbyn puso en marcha después de que el Parlamento británico se negó a investigar, se reunió en Londres y escuchó testimonios – plagados de detalles espeluznantes – de profesionales internacionales de salud que trabajaron en los hospitales de Gaza.
En los últimos 80 años, los sucesivos gobiernos israelíes han considerado necesario destinar recursos considerables a mantener numerosas relaciones de amistad con políticos influyentes y otras figuras gubernamentales de todo el mundo. En las primeras décadas del Estado de Israel, esto no resultaba en absoluto sorprendente, dados los recuerdos de los horrores del Holocausto.
Algunas de estas relaciones se han enfriado en los últimos años. Actualmente, Netanyahu y otros miembros de su gobierno lo consideran un problema menor, pero bien podría convertirse en uno mayor en los próximos años, sobre todo porque el atroz trato que reciben los palestinos apenas llama la atención de la mayoría de los judíos israelíes.
Algunos políticos israelíes ya están empezando a preocuparse por el hecho de que varios Estados europeos están prohibiendo productos exportados desde los asentamientos ilegales de Cisjordania. Temen nuevas restricciones económicas internacionales, como boicots, desinversiones y sanciones.
Un indicador de esta tendencia puede aparecer en el Reino Unido. Los últimos gobiernos británicos mantuvieron el compromiso de controlar el rechazo público a la política de Israel hacia a los palestinos, incluyendo interpretaciones legales novedosas de terrorismo que determinaron el arresto de miles de manifestantes. Cabe esperar que el nuevo gobierno del laborista Andy Burnham enfrente una fuerte oposición si adopta el mismo enfoque. Pero si cambia de rumbo, quien sea que gane las próximas elecciones en Israel debería tomar nota.
*Paul Rogers, corresponsal de seguridad internacional de openDemocracy, es profesor emérito de estudios para la paz en el Departamento de Estudios sobre la Paz y las Relaciones Internacionales de la Bradford University, y miembro honorario del Joint Service Command and Staff College. Su cuenta en X es* [*@ProfPRogers*](https://twitter.com/ProfPRogers?ref=opendemocracy.net)*.*
### In Argentina, a village atop a lithium fortune still waits for basic services
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-lithium-mining-miliei-green-energy-rio-tinto-catamarca-natural-gas-water/
Last updated: 2026-08-06T17:51:34.000Z
In a sleepy village in northern Argentina, some 3,300 metres above sea level, tensions are rising. While Antofagasta de la Sierra’s 2,000 or so residents struggle with a lack of basic services – they have no mains gas or access to electricity networks – mining firms and the Argentinian government reap huge profits from the lithium-rich ground beneath their feet.
Antofagasta de la Sierra, in the province of Catamarca, sits within the Lithium Triangle, the region spanning Argentina, Bolivia and Chile that contains almost 60% of the world’s known lithium reserves. The soft metal is indispensable in global efforts to transition away from fossil fuels because it allows large amounts of energy to be stored in relatively small batteries.
As global demand has surged, far-right populist president Javier Milei has passed the[ Incentive Scheme for Major Investments](https://www.argentina.gob.ar/economia/rigi/que-es?ref=opendemocracy.net), which offers substantial tax, customs and foreign exchange benefits for projects costing over $200m – including in mining.
The results have been dramatic. Argentina now has 68 lithium extraction projects at various stages of development, [up from 38 in 2023](https://cari.org.ar/uploads/articles/Paper%20Vasquez%20%28ESPA%C3%91OL%29.pdf??ref=opendemocracy.net). Its annual production of lithium carbonate equivalent has risen from 46,000 tonnes in 2023 to 115,000 tonnes last year, with [more than a quarter](https://caem.com.ar/storage/2026/05/informe-productivo-caem-2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) coming from the four projects in Catamarca. Three are in [the Salar del Hombre Muerto](https://www.datos.gob.ar/dataset/mineria-cartera-proyectos-mineros-argentina-siacam?ref=opendemocracy.net) (The Dead Man’s Salt Flat), just 100 kilometres from Antofagasta de la Sierra.
Catamarca’s economy is overwhelmingly shaped by mining. The sector accounted for 93.5% of the province’s exports last year, totalling $351m, a figure that looks certain to rise this year, having reached $297m by the end of May. Yet for those in Antofagasta de la Sierra – some 600 kilometres from the provincial capital and 1,600 kilometres from Buenos Aires – the mining boom has brought little visible investment infrastructure. Access to electricity and gas remains limited, while lithium extraction has been accused of polluting the area’s water.
“Investments favour some over others, and are not distributed fairly. Services are very scarce,” Elizabeth Mamani, a craftsperson and member of the Atacameños del Altiplano indigenous community, told openDemocracy.
Weeks before we spoke, Mamani joined other parents from the village blocking Route 43, the road linking Antofagasta de la Sierra with Salar del Hombre Muerto. For two days, they waved signs reading, “A town rich in mining, poor in education” in protest at the low budget that provincial authorities had allocated to the local primary school’s canteen. The local government increased the allocation from $0.6 to $2.7 per pupil after the protest.
**Parents of schoolchildren blocking a key road to demand more budget for a school canteen | Courtesy of Asamblea Pucará*
Yet the lack of resources extends far beyond education. Despite Argentina’s vast natural gas reserves, access to the gas network is highly uneven. In some provinces, close to 80% of households are connected to the network, compared to less than 5% in others – in Catamarca, it’s barely 15%. Antofagasta de la Sierra is cut off entirely from the network; 80% of its households rely on gas cylinders and 15% on firewood, according to the [most recent census in 2022](https://censo.gob.ar/index.php/mapa%5Fgas%5Felectricidad2/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Similarly, although work is underway to connect the village to the electricity grid, for now residents are still forced to rely on combustion generators. “Every time we turn on a heater, we hope the power doesn’t cut out. We have to make do with firewood. There are many shortcomings,” said Mamani, whose family runs a local guesthouse.
### **Broken promises**
For more than a decade, residents of Antofagasta de la Sierra have been promised the area’s growing lithium industry would bring gas to their homes.
Lithium mining arrived in Catamarca long before the soft metal became the subject of fierce competition among global powers. Operations began at Salar del Hombre Muerto in 1997, when Argentine mining company Minera del Altiplano – then a subsidiary of US corporation FMC – was granted a licence to run the [Fénix project](https://www-riotinto-com.translate.goog/en/operations/south-america/fenix?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net).
In 2005, Minera del Altiplano announced its intention to invest in a pipeline to deliver gas from Salta, the neighbouring province, to its Fénix plant in exchange for a federal tax rebate on exports. “The idea is that the Catamarca government can then extend this gas pipeline westwards across its province to Antofagasta de la Sierra,” the firm’s then vice-president, Daniel Chávez Díaz, told a [meeting](https://diputados.gob.ar/comisiones/permanentes/cmineria/reuniones/vts/vtcom.html?id=5140&ref=opendemocracy.net) of the national Chamber of Deputies.
Plans for the Salta-Fénix gas pipeline were finally officially announced in May 2013\. Months later, Minera del Altiplano [signed](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/politica-economia/2013/10/5/antofagasta-corpacci-firm-convenio-para-natural-215330.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) an agreement with Catamarca’s then governor, Lucía Corpacci, to use lorries to transport gas from its Fénix plant to a hub in Antofagasta de la Sierra – known as a “[virtual pipeline](https://www.naturalgasintel.com/glossary/virtual-pipeline/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” – as well as donating $500,000 to the community for ancillary works, such as domestic gas networks.
“The people of Antofagasta will no longer have to go on long journeys in search of firewood or struggle to find a gas cylinder,” Corpacci promised at the time. On another occasion, she said: “This breaks the taboo that mining was a sin.”
The Salta-Fénix pipeline began operating in 2015, but the homes, schools and businesses in Antofagasta de la Sierra never received any gas. In 2021, then MP Hugo Ávila [called on](https://cedop.gob.ar/buscar/Proyecto/5109?ref=opendemocracy.net) Catamarca’s government to explain why the plans had stalled. “They never replied… information is being withheld,” Ávila told openDemocracy.
The answer could lie in the fact that Minera del Altiplano has since changed parent companies several times as global corporations race to exploit natural resources. Most recently, the company was [acquired](https://www-riotinto-com.translate.goog/en/news/releases/2025/rio-tinto-completes-acquisition-of-arcadium-lithium?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net) by Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto in 2025\.
Rio Tinto, which became the world’s third-largest lithium producer after the acquisition, has not publicly mentioned the deal its predecessor FMC made to supply gas to Antofagasta de la Sierra, and did not answer our questions on the matter. Corpacci, now a national senator, also did not respond.
**Many still need firewood for cooking and heating; the local council has purchased 150,000 kilos for this winter | Courtesy of Antofagasta de la Sierra Local Council*
The current Catamarca government has ruled out gas supply in the village as a priority. “The project remained unfinished; the province must carry out a technical review of its current feasibility,” the province’s Ministry of Mining told openDemocracy in a written response. “Today, the clear energy priorities are more closely linked to electricity generation, solar farms, generators and energy optimisation.”
Antofagasta de la Sierra’s mayor, Mario Cusipuma, now wants a pipeline to be funded by Canadian company AbraSilver, which is developing a[ project to mine silver and gold](https://www.ambito.com/energia/diablillos-acelera-su-desarrollo-el-rigi-abrasilver-apunta-construir-2027-y-producir-oro-y-plata-2029-n6278025?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Salta and Catamarca. “When they reach the production phase, the first thing I’m going to ask them for is that project,” he told openDemocracy.
### **Mineral wealth**
“Mining is one of the keys to growth,”[ said](https://inforama.com.ar/politica/2026/05/01/discurso-completo-del-gobernador-jalil-en-la-apertura-de-sesiones-ordinarias-2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net) Catamarca’s current governor, Raúl Jalil, in May.
But official figures show that as of February this year, the sector employed only 3,406 people in the province, out of a total population of 430,000\. Around half worked in lithium mining, and 80% were men.
In Antofagasta de la Sierra, almost a quarter of the population – around 450 people – were either directly or indirectly employed in mining last year, according to provincial government data. But jobs are mainly limited to the construction phase of projects, and it’s not easy for local workers to meet the demand for more skilled labour.
“Mining activity is expanding so rapidly that, when it comes to skilled labour and local suppliers, we are lagging slightly behind,” said Cusipuma, the village’s mayor, who has been in office since 2023\. He mentioned some ongoing agreements with universities to train workers and discussions with trade unions and the provincial government, adding: “Antofagasta de la Sierra was neglected for years. We are in a transition phase, aiming to ensure that 100% of the mining resources remain here.”
In theory, besides jobs, Catamarca benefits financially from the mining of its resources. Companies must pay local governments a fee for the use of public water, though Minera del Altiplano failed to pay its[ water charges](https://www.elesquiu.com/politica/2012/9/17/minera-altiplano-pago-jamas-canon-agua-catamarca-82304.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the province for 18 years, until its then parent company, FMC, reached an[ agreement](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/politica-economia/2015/4/30/gobierno-firm-acuerdo-minera-altiplano-sa-258475.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) with the province in 2015.
Argentina’s provinces receive royalties equal to 3% of the value of the ore extracted from them, and up to[ 5% for new projects](https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/ley-24196-594/actualizacion?ref=opendemocracy.net), as well as a share of the corporation tax and export duties collected by the state. In total, Catamarca captures 10.9% of the tax revenue generated by lithium mining, according to a [report](https://fund.ar/publicacion/litio-un-futuro-impuesto-navegar-la-volatilidad-del-mineral-estrella-de-la-transicion-energetica/?ref=opendemocracy.net) by the Fundar think tank.
But there are concerns that the national government, and therefore the provincial governments, are not benefiting from the full value of resources mined in Argentina. In 2023, Argentine Customs fined Minera del Altiplano around $20m for under-invoicing lithium exports. The matter went to court and the company and its former chair, Luciano Mancuso, were last year [indicted](https://www.infobae.com/sociedad/2025/08/22/la-justicia-proceso-a-minera-del-altiplano-y-a-su-ex-presidente-por-presunto-contrabando-de-exportacion-de-litio/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for smuggling 146 exports of lithium carbonate out of the country at between 30% and 45% below market value in 2022 and 2023, causing Argentina to lose more than $200m in tax revenue.
Minera del Altiplano’s new parent company, Rio Tinto, which inherited the legal proceedings, appealed the indictment. In a [press release](https://www.clarin.com/economia/multinacional-entro-rigi-apela-procesamiento-presunto-contrabando-litio%5F0%5Fx9K2LiVRob.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), it said it “recognises and respects the regulations applicable to this type of legal proceeding in Argentina and is committed to complying fully with them \[...\] However, we consider that these charges are without foundation and we firmly maintain that no irregularity has been committed.”
Where royalties are paid to provinces, local governments can decide how they are disbursed. Since 2020, Catamarca has not allocated its agreed shares of 35% to departments, instead channelling funds to a trust it manages and uses to finance infrastructure projects that it decides on. The province’s opposition legislators and Antofagasta de la Sierra mayor Cusipuma believe departments should regain control of the funds for use as they see fit.
“Mining funds are significant, but they do not, on their own, address all the needs,” the provincial Ministry of Mining told openDemocracy. “Mining does not automatically eliminate structural deficits. That is why the province is constantly working to improve planning, prioritise critical projects and ensure transparency regarding the allocation of funds.”
The ministry highlighted projects carried out with the trust fund, such as solar parks, the restoration of a reservoir, the building of bridges and a new hospital, the purchase of municipal vehicles and generators, paving, electricity supply, repairs to schools, and improvements to water and sewage networks. But some of these projects have raised questions. A solar park built to supply Antofagasta with energy in 2019, with an investment from the trust fund of close to $1m, was[ inactive for a long time](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/edicion-impresa/seguimos-pobres-n525977?ref=opendemocracy.net) and today operates at only 30% of its capacity, Cusipuma says.
## **Water dispute brought before the Supreme Court**
In 2024, the Catamarca Court of Justice[ suspended](https://nuevacorte.juscatamarca.gob.ar/PDF/FalloAmbiental.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) the granting of new mining permits in the Salar del Hombre Muerto for two years, after a lawsuit was co-filed by an organisation representing the Indigenous Atacameño people – Elizabeth Mamani’s community – and the Assembly of Catamarca Peoples in Resistance and Self-Determination.
The two organisations are concerned by the threat mining poses to the Trapiche river and the Los Patos aquifer, whose waters are used by eight mining projects in the salt flats. They cited the precedent set by the Fénix project in the 1990s, when a dam was built that led to the drying up of the Trapiche river floodplain, causing damage that affected 15 hectares of grasslands and wetlands on which animals such as flamingos and vicuñas depended.
**The British Ambassador to Argentina, David Cairns (first in the group on the right), and the Governor of Catamarca, Raúl Jalil (second on the right), visited the Fénix project in late 2025 | Government of Catamarca*
At the request of the Court of Justice, Catamarca’s government submitted[ an assessment](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28489102-estudio-impacto-acumulativo-egia-los-patos-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the combined impact of all the mining projects on the Los Patos aquifer. But the claimants, advised by hydrogeologist Eleonora Calvo, a researcher at the National Council for Science and Technology, said it was drafted based on earlier reports from 2019 and 2021, and failed to consider any new information, data on the size of the underground aquifer, or adequate monitoring of its dynamics and the contribution of rainwater and meltwater.
“There is not enough information to assess the impact that water extraction will have; we only have a figure for the water flow rate, but the size of the aquifer is unknown,” said Santiago Kozicki, the community’s lawyer. Their complaints were not addressed, and the Catamarca courts lifted the[ suspension](https://jurisprudencia.juscatamarca.gob.ar/public/sentencias/SI%20N%C2%BA%20017,%20Expte%20N%C2%BA%20054-2022%20Guitian%20Roman%20E.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) on new mining permits. The case is now before the national Supreme Court.
“The province is not unaware of the environmental and community concerns. On the contrary, it understands that these must be channelled through the appropriate institutional channels,” the Ministry of Mining told openDemocracy. “Mining can only proceed with controls, technical information, public participation and strict compliance with court rulings.”
Rio Tinto, which also operates the Sal de Vida project 60 kilometres from Fénix and four others in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta, told openDemocracy it “remains committed to the responsible development of its operations, the protection of the environment, the promotion of sustainability and a respectful and ongoing relationship with local and indigenous communities.”
It added: “We continue to operate in accordance with applicable regulations, the relevant assessment and monitoring processes, and our global environmental and social performance standards.”
Antofagasta de la Sierra is not the only town where discontent over mining simmers. In Fiambalá, 400 kilometres away, the local Chamber of Suppliers[ protested](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/politica-y-economia/transportistas-se-sumaron-al-reclamo-proveedores-mineros-n615243?ref=opendemocracy.net) a failure by Chinese firm Zijin Mining to use local transport services. Local residents also[ blocked the entrance to Zijin Mining’s Tres Quebradas plant](https://studio16tinogasta.com.ar/2026/04/23/tension-en-fiambala-vecinos-bloquean-el-ingreso-a-la-planta-de-litio-de-zijin-liex/?ref=opendemocracy.net) over the pollution its lithium extraction causes to the area’s stunningly beautiful lagoons – a major tourist attraction.
Elizabeth Mamani does not see mining as improving her land. “It fills me with a sense of helplessness to see how it is being destroyed,” she said. “This is my grandparents’ village; this place is beautiful, but we are giving it away for nothing. If only it were a case of ‘they take the wealth; we’ll have the future’, but that’s not how it is. And it won’t be like that.”
*Diego Sánchez is an Argentine journalist based between Buenos Aires and London. He has published in La Nación, Perfil and The Buenos Aires Herald (Argentina), The Copenhagen Post (Denmark) and The Latin America Bureau\*(United Kingdom). He holds a degree in social communication from the National University of La Plata, Argentina, and a master’s degree in journalism and globalisation from the Erasmus Mundus programme (Aarhus University, Denmark; City, University of London, United Kingdom).*
### Netanyahu’s election campaign may worsen Israel’s international isolation
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/israel-election-binyamin-netanyahu-international-reputation-economic-sanctions/
Last updated: 2026-08-06T15:27:58.000Z
While Donald Trump insists that his plan for Gaza will be accepted, Binyamin Netanyahu is highly unlikely to agree to any such deal this side of the Israeli general election in October. His [immediate response](https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-war-gaza-news-1215e52022856b9de9837237a0e188fa??ref=opendemocracy.net) has been clear enough: there will be no Israeli military withdrawal whatsoever until Hamas is completely disarmed.
It follows that the longer-term prospect for the two million Palestinians crowded into barely a third of the original Gaza land area depends largely on whether the Israeli prime minister retains power. But even if he loses, the opposition in the Knesset is so divided that there is no guarantee that an incoming government will seek a just settlement with the Palestinians.
While [diminishing support for Israel in the United States](https://www.opendemocracy.net/netanyahu-new-threat-collapse-support-united-states-israel-iran-gaza/) is certainly a major concern for Netanyahu, Israeli domestic opinion is, for now, far more important. In the next two months, he will seek to focus Israeli voting intentions on national security, persistently casting minds back to the impact of the Hamas attacks of 7 October three years ago.
In particular, Netanyahu will emphasise the need for Israelis to have full control over Gaza. Israeli air raids on the territory will continue and likely be extended, probably provoking reactions from Hamas. He may well also look to increase tensions in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, whose security he will hope to make another key area of concern for voters.
Government-backed incursions by Jewish religious extremists are already increasing in the West Bank, encouraged by national security minister Itamar Ben Gvir, who heads up a powerful faction in Israel’s ruling coalition. Two weeks ago, [Ben Gvir led more than 2,000 Israelis in forcing their way into the compound surrounding al-Aqsa mosque](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/aug/04/jordan-convenes-emergency-meeting-israel-religious-conflict-jerusalem?ref=opendemocracy.net) – widely regarded as one of Islam’s most holy places – in what Jordanian officials said was the worst violation in modern history.
Elsewhere, Netanyahu will also be hoping to focus attention on the continuing tensions with the hard-line regime in Iran, as well as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Islamist paramilitaries in Syria and Iraq.
Critics may argue that many of these problems stem from the failures of the Netanyahu coalition itself, but this cuts surprisingly little ice in Israel at present. Even the argument that public support for Israel in the US is ebbing away can be turned on its head; after all, Trump has proved himself to be so notoriously unpredictable that Israel must always be prepared to go it alone.
Regardless, the longer-term danger to future Israeli governments may stem not from local or regional factors but from the international community – particularly Israel’s traditional allies in the West.
Global support for Palestinians has grown amid Israel’s near-total destruction of Gaza since October 2023, which has left close to 100,000 people dead or missing, and those who survive trapped in an open prison. This support is only likely to increase as more evidence emerges of Israeli horrors.
In the UK, for example, two new books publish first-hand accounts of the treatment of Palestinians. One is journalist Peter Oborne’s [*Complicit: Britain’s Role in the Destruction of Gaza*](https://orbooks.com/catalog/complicit/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*,* a closely referenced report on the UK’s support for Israel, and the other is [*The Gaza Tribunal: Britain’s Complicity in Genocide*](https://www.plutobooks.com/product/the-gaza-tribunal/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*,* which details the findings of an inquiry by former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn and human rights lawyers Neve Gordon and Shahd Hammouri. The tribunal, which Corbyn instigated after Parliament declined to investigate, sat in London and heard evidence, often in grim detail, from international health professionals who have worked in Gaza’s hospitals.
Over the past 80 years, successive Israeli governments have deemed it necessary to put considerable resources into maintaining numerous friendships with influential politicians and other government figures across the world. In the early decades of the State of Israel, this was hardly surprising, given the memories of the terrors of the Holocaust.
Some of these friendships have cooled in recent years. This is currently viewed as a minor problem by Netanyahu and others in his government, but may well become a greater one in years to come – not least since the appalling treatment of Palestinians scarcely registers with the majority of Israeli Jews.
Some Israeli politicians are already becoming concerned by European states’ singling out of individual products exported from illegal West Bank settlements. They fear further international economic constraints, such as boycotts, disinvestment and sanctions.
The marker for this may turn out to be what happens in the UK. Successive recent governments have shared a commitment to controlling public dissent over the Israeli treatment of Palestinians, including novel legal interpretations of terrorism that have seen thousands of protesters arrested. Expect Andy Burnham’s new government to meet strong opposition if it takes the same approach. But if it changes course, then whoever wins the forthcoming Israeli election should take note.
### Leor Zmigrod on why rigid thinking makes us vulnerable to extremism
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/leor-zmigrod-on-why-rigid-thinking-makes-us-vulnerable-to-extremism/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:25:06.000Z
[Listen on Apple Podcasts](https://pod.link/1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Spotify](https://pod.link/1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Pocket Casts](https://pod.link/1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Are you as open-minded as you think you are? People who rate themselves as highly adaptable often score as the most rigid during unconscious cognitive testing.
In this episode of *Changed My Mind*, hosts Alex Chesterfield, Ali Goldsworthy, and Laura Osborne speak with political neuroscientist Leor Zmigrod. Zmigrod discusses her research into the link between cognitive style and political extremism, explaining how rigid thinking predicts dogmatism across the entire political spectrum.
Zmigrod also shares how she changed her own perspective regarding the depth of her research after realizing that rigid ideology does not just shape political attitudes, but fundamentally sculpts a person's nervous system, perception, and everyday humanity.
**What you’ll learn:**
- **The Alternative Uses Test:** How simple, unconscious creativity games predict whether a person leans toward stubborn ideology or moderate, flexible thinking.
- **The Extremism Overlap:** Why radical leftists and the radical right exhibit strikingly similar psychological profiles rooted in cognitive rigidity and emotional impulsivity.
- **The Danger of Radical Campaigning:** Why using binary, polarising tactics to rally a base damages individuals psychologically.
- **The Myth of the Strong Leader:** How society creates large-scale problems by incorrectly praising leaders who refuse to change their minds.
- **The Violence Connection:** How highly rigid minds fuse rapidly to group identities and are significantly more willing to endorse political violence.
Buy Leor’s book, [**The Ideological Brain**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781405975148?ref=opendemocracy.net)**:** [**How Rigid Beliefs Harm Our Minds & Bodies – And Why It Matters** https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781405975148](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781405975148?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Buy Alison, Laura and Alexandra’s new book, [**Poles Apart: Why People Turn Against Each Other, and How to Bring Them Together** https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975?ref=opendemocracy.net)
[**Subscribe to openDemocracy’s weekly newsletter**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/):
### India: Las cucarachas, Modi y la muerte del miedo
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/india-modi-cucarachas-protestas-jovenes/
Last updated: 2026-08-05T15:52:02.000Z
A su madre le preocupaba que la policía la golpeara. Su padre habría tratado de detenerla, así que se fue sin decírselo. Su hermana, recién casada, la sorprendió cuando insistió en acompañarla.
Así que ahí estaban Rachna, de 21 años y vestida con el modesto traje de pantalón negro que llevaba para dar clases particulares, y Mamta, de 23, ataviada con un sari y aún con sus brazaletes de novia. Dos hijas de un jornalero y una ama de casa, acampadas a las 2 de la madrugada de un sábado entre decenas de miles de jóvenes como ellas en Jantar Mantar, el reloj de sol y observatorio del siglo XVIII de Nueva Delhi que, desde hace tiempo, es punto de referencia y hogar espiritual de la protesta democrática en la India.
Las hermanas no conocían a ningún otro manifestante; nunca habían estado en Delhi,[ la ciudad más insegura de la India para las mujeres](https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/delhi-most-unsafe-for-women-among-all-metro-cities-despite-drop-in-crime-rate-2542590?ref=opendemocracy.net). Estaban agotadas por el viaje, abrumadas por la multitud que las rodeaba, pero eufóricas por haber tomado el tren desde su casa, no muy lejos del Taj Mahal en Agra, norte del país, hasta la capital nacional para asistir a la mayor protesta de sus jóvenes vidas.
"Nos vamos a quedar aquí todo el tiempo que haga falta", dijo Rachna, mientras se recogía nerviosamente su larga coleta en un moño apretado. "Le dije a mi *didi* que dormiríamos aquí en la calle hasta que el ministro de Educación renuncie".
Dos meses atrás, el Partido Popular Cucaracha (CJP, por sus siglas en inglés) era una broma de Internet surgida a raíz de un comentario despectivo del presidente del Tribunal Supremo, que comparó a la juventud desempleada con las cucarachas. A fines de julio, el CJP se anotó la mayor victoria política del país en los últimos 12 años: obligó al influyente ministro de Educación, Dharmendra Pradhan, a renunciar por las repetidas filtraciones de resultados de exámenes, tras una seguidilla de protestas masivas, entre ellas una sentada que duró varias semanas.
En mayo, más de dos millones de estudiantes se presentaron a la Prueba Nacional Anual de Elegibilidad y Acceso para estudiar en prestigiosas facultades de medicina. El examen se realizó en 13 idiomas diferentes en más de 5.000 centros bajo estrictas medidas de seguridad, pero días después se supo que las preguntas se habían filtrado con antelación y se habían vendido a estudiantes dispuestos a hacer trampa. El examen se canceló y se reprogramó para el mes siguiente.
Por otra parte, durante tres días de junio, casi tres millones de aspirantes, Rachna y Mamta incluidas, se presentaron a un examen para cubrir 32.679 vacantes de agentes de policía en el estado de Uttar Pradesh – con una tasa de admisión del 1%. Días más tarde, una publicación que se hizo viral en las redes sociales afirmaba que este examen también se había filtrado. Esta vez, las autoridades desmintieron los rumores y[ detuvieron](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/varanasi/youth-jailed-for-cop-exam-paper-leak-rumours/articleshow/131619418.cms?ref=opendemocracy.net) a un joven responsable de la publicación, pero para el 99% de quienes no consiguieron el puesto, el rumor ya era un hecho.
"Me presenté al examen para ser agente de policía", dijo Rachna. "Yo también", añadió Mamta. "Pero se filtró el examen. Siempre ocurre lo mismo", dijeron las dos. "El ministro de Educación tiene que renunciar".
Doce horas más tarde, su deseo se hizo realidad: Pradhan renunció. La multitud se dispersó poco después, dejando tras de sí un reguero de preguntas. ¿Quiénes eran estos jóvenes? ¿Por qué su protesta tuvo éxito, cuando[ muchas otras](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020%E2%80%932021%5FIndian%5Ffarmers%27%5Fprotest?ref=opendemocracy.net) no han logrado ninguna concesión del régimen autoritario del primer ministro Narendra Modi? ¿Es posible que la energía de estas manifestaciones se traduzca en avances electorales para la oposición, o dé paso a un cambio significativo, sea lo que sea que esto signifique?
De momento, se da por sentado que la razón del éxito de esta manifestación fue la percepción de que el gobierno de Modi traicionó la lógica aspiracional india: trabajar duro, sacar la mejor nota en el examen, conseguir el trabajo, formar parte de la clase media. Puesto que esta rebelión juvenil se rehusó a conectarse con las que la precedieron, en particular las vinculadas con[ los derechos de los ciudadanos musulmanes](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Citizenship%5FAmendment%5FAct%5Fprotests?ref=opendemocracy.net), no constituyó un desafío fundamental para el régimen.
Sin embargo, las conversaciones con quienes acamparon en Jantar Mantar sugieren que el daño infligido al régimen de Modi va mucho más allá de la caída de un ministro. Las manifestaciones de las cucarachas en Delhi y en pueblos y ciudades de todo el país despertaron una solidaridad nueva y repentina que neutralizó las principales herramientas de control del gobierno: el miedo, la alienación y la división.
La sociedad india no estuvo preparada, por casi una década, para la violencia extrema que desató el gobierno de Modi | Ishan Tankha
## El pacto de Modi con el diablo
Cuando Narendra Modi llegó al poder en 2014, su régimen ofreció a los industriales, a la intelectualidad, a la clase media hindú urbana y al inquieto electorado rural de la India un pacto con el diablo: miren para otro lado y, a cambio, haremos lo que sea necesario para transformar la India en una economía moderna y capitalista acorde con las crecientes aspiraciones de su población joven.
"Lo que sea necesario", se vio después, significaba sacrificar todo y a todos – instituciones democráticas, minorías religiosas, derechos de voto y ciudadanía, tierras de cultivo y agricultores, bosques y habitantes de los bosques, ríos y quienes los consideran sagrados – en aras de[ recortar drásticamente los impuestos a las empresas, destrozar las leyes laborales y las normativas medioambientales,](https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2026-07-29/cockroaches-put-india-inc-on-notice?ref=opendemocracy.net) repartir prebendas a las grandes empresas indias e intentar convertir el país en un Estado teocrático hindú.
Pero hasta hace poco,[ incluso cuando la economía de la India flaqueó y se estancó](https://theprint.in/india/india-has-7-4-growth-but-faltering-tax-revenue-could-have-implications-in-coming-fiscal-year/2825990/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y las filas de los desempleados crecían, el pacto se mostró sorprendentemente sólido.
La sociedad india no estaba preparada para la violencia extrema que desató la fuerza gobernante, el derechista Partido Popular Indio (Bharatiya Janata Party, BJP), sus militantes, sus grupos de autodefensa y el poderío de las fuerzas de seguridad militarizadas de la India.
Durante casi una década, la sociedad se hundió en un estado de conmoción mientras grupos de autodefensa supremacistas hindúes perseguían y[ linchaban a musulmanes](https://scroll.in/article/809111/does-it-matter-what-kind-of-meat-was-in-the-fridge-of-a-man-murdered-by-a-mob?ref=opendemocracy.net), la policía[ irrumpía en las universidades](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019%5FJamia%5FMillia%5FIslamia%5Fattack?ref=opendemocracy.net) y maltrataba a los estudiantes, el poder judicial[ denegaba la libertad bajo fianza a los críticos del régimen](https://thewire.in/film/prisoner-no-626710-is-present-film-umar-khalid?ref=opendemocracy.net) encarcelados por los cargos más infundados, la comisión electoral[ privaba del derecho al voto a millones de indios](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cy51qg00dezo?ref=opendemocracy.net) y los paramilitares detenían a miles de musulmanes, los acusaban de ser inmigrantes ilegales procedentes de Bangladés y, en algunos casos, les vendaban los ojos, los ataban a dudosos chalecos salvavidas[ y los arrojaban al mar](https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2025/07/11/india-muslims-deportations-bangladesh-pahalgam/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a lo largo de la costa que comparten ambos países.
Los partidarios del régimen y gran parte de los medios de comunicación amplificaron, justificaron y celebraron la violencia de Estado, mientras que las protestas eran tachadas de obra de terroristas y traidores, y repelidas por policías y paramilitares con porras, gas lacrimógeno y escopetas de perdigones. A los izquierdistas se los tildó de maoístas, a los académicos y escritores, de sediciosos, a los agricultores, de terroristas sijs y a los musulmanes, de agentes de Pakistán.
"Este régimen adoctrinó a la gente en la cobardía. Porque cuando no hay nada más en juego, es tu vida. Es simplemente tu vida. No hay nada más ni nada menos que eso en juego", dijo Neha Bora, la líder de la organización de izquierdas Asociación de Estudiantes de Toda la India, que llevó a cabo una huelga de hambre de 23 días como parte del levantamiento.
"Nos están enseñando que, cuando cometen asesinatos en masa en este país, todo el mundo tiene tanto miedo que nadie puede hablar en nombre de los demás. Pero lo que se ha aprendido se puede desaprender. Y cada momento que tengamos, cada oportunidad que se nos presente, debemos desaprender".
Las manifestaciones de las ‘cucarachas’ forjaron nuevas solidaridades entre la juventud india | Ishan Tankha
## Desaprender el miedo
Mientras el monzón se cernía sobre Delhi, las señales de este "desaprendizaje" estaban por todas partes. En autobuses, taxis y *rickshaws* (bicitaxis), en las casas de té, en los puestos de tabaco y en los escasos espacios verdes abiertos de la capital, todas las conversaciones giraban en torno a las extraordinarias protestas de Jantar Mantar. Se trataba del tipo de conversaciones complejas, frustrantes y con múltiples capas que caracterizaron la política callejera, pero que estuvieron silenciadas durante los últimos 12 años.
"Voté por Modi y ahora me avergüenzo", dijo Subhash Yadav, un taxista de Bihar (estado del este de la India), que lleva varios años viviendo en Delhi. "Hay mucho desempleo, se filtran exámenes y, si alguien abre la boca, lo encierran inmediatamente".
Durante años, contó Yadav, se consideró un *andh-bhakt*, un seguidor ciego. Su devoción por Modi creció cuando el BJP cumplió una promesa de larga data de construir un gigantesco templo hindú en la ciudad de Ayodhya, en el lugar donde se encontraba una mezquita musulmana del siglo XIII que fue derribada por militantes del BJP en la década de 1990.
"Verás, la gente anhela lo que no tiene", dijo Yadav. "En la época de \[el predecesor de Modi\] Manmohan Singh, teníamos trabajo, así que queríamos el templo. Ahora tenemos el templo, pero no tenemos trabajo. Ahora necesitamos trabajo".
Más cerca del lugar de la manifestación, las calles estaban plagadas de carteles y grafitis contra el régimen. Al caer la tarde, Tolstoy Marg – la principal vía de acceso al lugar – se llenaba de jóvenes, hombres y mujeres, que llevaban las mochilas maltrechas y colgadas a la altura de la cintura que caracterizan a quienes dedican años de su juventud a prepararse para los exigentes exámenes de ingreso de la India.
En el propio lugar de la protesta, una red de voluntarios dirigía a la multitud lo mejor que podía alrededor de un gran escenario coordinado por voluntarios y por Abhijeet Dipke, el joven que creó la cuenta de Instagram del Partido Popular Cucaracha como un chiste de humor negro, y al que acabaron siguiendo decenas de millones de personas, convencidas de que la crisis de la democracia india era mucho más profunda que la filtración de los exámenes.
"El gobierno no entiende lo que está pasando aquí. Creen que esta protesta es algo sin importancia", dijo Saveen Gulia, que llevaba 10 días viviendo en Jantar. Dejó su trabajo de tendido de cables de internet de fibra óptica en la zona rural de Haryana, estado del noreste, y se subió a un tren con una sábana y tres camisetas para sumarse a los manifestantes. Gulia contó que no conocía a nadie cuando llegó, pero muy pronto se encontró en un mundo que no creía posible.
"Hindúes, musulmanes, sijs, cristianos, todos conviviendo como una familia", dijo, todavía un poco incrédulo ante esta experiencia de coexistencia pacífica. "Veía a gente de los medios diciendo: ‘Los musulmanes son así, los musulmanes son asá’. Pero cuando vine aquí, descubrí que si tratas bien a la gente, te tratan bien. Mejor que bien: todos nos tratábamos como una familia".
Gulia culpó a las redes sociales y a las "cámaras de eco" en línea – cuyo auge coincide con los 12 años del BJP en el poder – de "arruinar esta hermandad". El régimen[ creó un grupo profesionalizado de trolls en línea que propagan sin descanso la propaganda que afirma](https://www.huffpost.com/archive/in/entry/how-modi-shah-turned-a-women-s-rights-ngo-into-a-secret-election-propaganda-machine%5Fin%5F5ca5962ce4b05acba4dc1819?ref=opendemocracy.net) que hindúes y musulmanes no pueden coexistir pacíficamente en una sociedad tan compleja como la de la India, y mucho menos ser amigos.
Estos trolls desencadenan oleadas de indignación por cosas intrascendentes, como[ un anuncio de detergente](https://livewire.thewire.in/livewire/boycottsurfexcel-surf-excels-new-ad-faces-flak-for-being-anti-hindu/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en el que aparecían un niño musulmán y una niña hindú jugando juntos. Su deslegitimación de algo tan íntimo y profundo como la amistad hizo que una generación de jóvenes como Gulia pasara la mayor parte de sus vidas sin haber conocido nunca realmente a alguien de otra religión.
En una conversación tras otra en Jantar Mantar, los jóvenes acampados en tiendas improvisadas expresaban sorpresa, alegría y emoción ante los encuentros con desconocidos con los que nunca hubieran pensado hablar, hacerse amigos o – a medida que se intensificaban las medidas represivas – protegerlos de los agentes de policía que blandían porras supuestamente[ con clavos incrustados](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9FDjkF078AE&ref=opendemocracy.net).
"Cada noche hay ponentes de lugares como la Universidad Jawaharlal Nehru que nos enseñan sobre el capitalismo, sobre el socialismo, sobre por qué la India es como es", dijo Neha Dahat, una licenciada de 22 años que desempeña su primer empleo en Delhi. Dahat había pasado las últimas noches acampando y durmiendo de a ratos para presenciar el desfile de políticos de la oposición, activistas y académicos que se dirigían a la multitud hasta altas horas de la madrugada. Luego se levantaba temprano para volver a casa, ducharse, cambiarse e ir al trabajo, y regresar a la acampada de tarde.
"Cada mañana me despierto pensando ‘Anoche escuché algo nuevo, aprendí algo nuevo’. Solía creer que ya había leído lo suficiente. Pero entonces alguien en la manifestación menciona a algún escritor, y pienso ‘Ahora tengo que leer esto. Ahora tengo que leer más’". A Dahat se le iluminaron los ojos al señalar una biblioteca improvisada que había montado la Federación de Estudiantes de la India, donde, según dijo, se pasó el tiempo devorando libros. Estaba claro que, a pesar de tomar parte en una manifestación que, en apariencia, versaba sobre la inviolabilidad de los exámenes competitivos, era la primera vez que se encontraba entre una comunidad de lectores interesados en ideas que iban más allá de un programa de estudios.
"He aprendido que me gusta conocer a gente nueva, escuchar múltiples perspectivas, entender cómo piensan", dijo. "Creo que tengo que ser más abierta, hablar con la gente, con personas que viven cerca del pueblo, con personas que han venido aquí desde muy lejos".
Bora, la experimentada activista estudiantil de la Asociación de Estudiantes de Toda la India, dijo que muchas de las personas que abarrotaron Jantar Mantar participaban en una manifestación por primera vez.
"Todas estas son personas que se quedarían en casa y nos tildarían de antinacionales", afirmó. "Si la televisión les hubiera dicho que los que están aquí sentados eran una camarilla de izquierda de George Soros o lo que sea, se lo habrían creído. Pero fue esta protesta la que les permitió no creer esas cosas".
"Tienes que aprender que cada persona a la que antes se tildaba de antinacional, y a la que tú aceptaste como antinacional, cuyo juicio público viste por televisión y creíste, a la que atacaste en las redes sociales…, tú eres esa persona. Y si hoy no les crees, porque te están catalogando de antinacional a ti, entonces quizá ellos tampoco lo sean".
Los jóvenes manifestantes pisotearon el culto a la personalidad del primer ministro Modi | Ishan Tankha
## Burlarse de Modi
Quizá el logro más curioso de los 12 años del BJP en el poder haya sido la insistencia en que la popularidad personal de Modi permanecía intacta.
Al recorrer Delhi, el rostro barbudo del primer ministro se ve en vallas publicitarias, paradas de autobús, gasolineras, en el aeropuerto y en la estación de tren. En las entrevistas que hice durante años, la gente se quejaba de la situación del país, de las locuras de determinados ministros del gobierno y de la burocracia, pero guardaba silencio cuando le preguntaba su opinión sobre Modi. Se trataba de autoprotección ante la [costumbre](https://www.huffpost.com/archive/in/entry/what-happens-to-the-people-arrested-for-insulting-modi%5Fin%5F5c11fb39e4b0508b2136d807?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la policía de detener a quienes supuestamente la insultan, incluso en grupos privados de WhatsApp.
A pesar de que el descontento crecía y sectores cada vez más amplios de la sociedad se rebelaban bajo el peso de un régimen cada vez más arrogante, el gobierno y los medios de comunicación dóciles insistían en que Modi era un líder popular, que solo él podía arreglar la India y que la resistencia era inútil.
Sin embargo, en 36 días entre junio y julio, decenas de miles de estudiantes reunidos en Jantar Mantar hicieron trizas el temible culto a la personalidad de Modi. Los jóvenes ahora ven a Modi y a sus lugartenientes como ancianos desconectados de la realidad, en el mejor de los casos, o como objetos de burla, en el peor. El eje de la protesta era la renuncia del ministro de Educación, pero el foco de la ira era claramente el propio Modi.
Uno de los cánticos más repetidos en Jantar Mantar decía: "*Modi jab darta hai, toh Hindu-Muslim karta hai / Modi jab darta hai, toh police ko aage karta hai*" (Cuando Modi tiene miedo, enfrenta a hindúes contra musulmanes / Cuando Modi tiene miedo, se esconde detrás de la policía).
Pero lo que más se oía a lo largo de las calles que bordeaban el lugar de la protesta, como un grito agudo que atravesaba el estruendo de la manifestación, era una cancioncita en hindi que comenzaba diciendo que la hoja del árbol de neem es amarga, a lo que la multitud respondía rugiendo un insulto irreproducible contra el primer ministro.
El padre de Riya Kumari Thapa sostiene una fotografía de su hija, que se suicidó tras la filtración de los exámenes de acceso a las facultades de medicina de la India | Ishan Tankha
Si hubo un espacio para la reflexión en aquellos días y noches embriagadas de rebelión, fue junto al muro del límite este del recinto de la protesta.
Allí se invitaba a los visitantes a garabatear notas en una gran sábana blanca en la que aparecían impresos los rostros de jóvenes estudiantes de todo el país. Algunas de las fotografías eran retratos del tipo exigido por el sistema de exámenes de la India: fondo blanco con el rostro ocupando el 80% de la imagen, centrado de modo que ambas orejas queden claramente visibles.
Otras fotos ofrecían destellos de sus vidas más allá de la rutina de la preparación para los exámenes: una guirnalda de luces festivas detrás de una chica de Tamil Nadu vestida con un traje de tres piezas *salwar kameez* brillante; un joven de Rajastán de pie ante unas cortinas con motivos de hojas que quizá hubiera elegido su madre; la radiante sonrisa de una chica de Madhya Pradesh; la mirada irónica pero decidida de un joven que intentaba mantener la compostura mientras un hombre de mediana edad, al fondo, se agachaba para atarse los cordones de los zapatos.
Estos jóvenes sonrientes, [afirmaron sus familiares y amigos](https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/the-fear-killed-her-how-an-exam-scandal-india-sparked-student-uprising-2026-07-25/?ref=opendemocracy.net), se quitaron la vida por el estrés que les supuso tener que volver a presentarse a los exámenes de medicina cuyas preguntas se habían filtrado.
"Amigos, ustedes eran como nosotros", decía una nota escrita en hindi. "La sociedad, el gobierno y las circunstancias intentaron despojarlos de su humanidad, pero ustedes forjaron una revolución que ha impregnado este mundo. Volveremos a vernos".
### The 12-week abortion myth blocking reproductive care across Latin America
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/abortion-mexico-latin-america-12-week-time-limit-myth-science-law-autonomy/
Last updated: 2026-08-05T15:07:01.000Z
Four years ago, a 17-year-old arrived at a hospital in Mexico seeking an abortion. She had been raped and forced to flee to the mountains by an organised crime gang, and was the sole carer for her sister, who lived with mental health conditions.
Under Mexican legislation, the teenager was allowed an abortion, which has been legal [in cases of sexual or domestic violence](https://www.dof.gob.mx/nota%5Fdetalle.php?codigo=5087256&fecha=16/04/2009&ref=opendemocracy.net#gsc.tab=0) since 2009\. But the primary healthcare centres that had previously treated her did not offer a termination, and by the time she reached the hospital, she was at an advanced stage of pregnancy and doctors refused to provide one.
The hospital’s decision reflects a broader problem. Between [85% and 90% of global abortions are estimated to occur before the twelfth week of pregnancy](https://www.figo.org/es/%20recursos%20/%20declaraciones-figo%20/%20mejorando-el-acceso-aborto-despu%C3%A9s-de-las-12-semanas-de-embarazo?ref=opendemocracy.net), and there is a widespread assumption that terminations after this point are medically or morally unacceptable. This is a myth with no basis in science – the World Health Organisation says there is no medical reason to restrict abortions as pregnancy progresses – yet it’s enshrined in laws, medical practices, and social narratives, restricting legal and practical access to terminations.
“Abortion time limits are based on political, often arbitrary decisions that do not consider the different needs of pregnant people, nor the specific barriers faced by those in situations of greater vulnerability,” said Valeria Pedraza Benavides, a lawyer and coordinator of legal content and strategies at Ipas Latin America and the Caribbean (Ipas LAC), an organisation that advocates for reproductive freedom.
Across the region, many of those who seek an abortion later in pregnancy have faced specific barriers to accessing one earlier: they live in remote rural areas, are migrants in transit, were previously denied abortion care, or were pressured to continue the pregnancy by partners, family, or others. Other times, they are dealing with health complications or increasingly difficult circumstances, such as a potentially life-threatening condition that develops as the pregnancy progresses, foetal anomalies diagnosed in the second trimester, ‘cryptic’ pregnancies that go undetected until advanced stages, or sexual and gender-based violence.
In the case of the 17-year-old in Mexico, Ipas LAC was concerned by the consequences of allowing the pregnancy to continue. “What would that young girl do with a newborn on a mountain, with no guarantee of food or health?” asked its deputy director of capacity building, Mara Zaragoza, in conversation with openDemocracy.
But the organisation’s offer of medical guidance on how to perform a later-stage termination was “adamantly rejected” by the hospital, she said. “Even though \[medical staff and the hospital authorities\] found that the adolescent's situation was one of severe marginalisation and combined forms of violence, they lacked the knowledge, experience, and willingness to opt for a ‘late-term’ abortion.”
Eventually, after a long ordeal and with the support of Ipas LAC and other civil organisations, the teenager was able to terminate the pregnancy in Mexico City, which has far greater access to abortion care than the rest of the country. But her case illustrates how legal and medical professionals in Latin America often overlook complex factors when considering an abortion, with stigma superseding the interests of the pregnant person.
### **Access disparities and taboos**
The World Health Organisation [recognised](https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/related-health-issues?ref=opendemocracy.net) abortion as an essential health service and a fundamental human right in 2020 and [recommended](https://iris.who.int/server/api/core/bitstreams/59a704cc-4024-412a-97d9-55d86d139602/content?ref=opendemocracy.net) its full decriminalisation without time limits two years later. But four years on, the reality on the ground in Latin America and the Caribbean remains a complex mosaic, where a woman who is a legal resident in one country could face criminal penalties for having a termination that would be allowed if she were a few miles away across a border.
In [El Salvador](https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/codigo%5Fpenal%5Fel%5Fsalvador.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Honduras](https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/codigo%5Fpenal%5Fhonduras.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Nicaragua](https://cyber.harvard.edu/population/abortion/Nicaragua.abo.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net), the [Dominican Republic](https://www.oas.org/juridico/PDFs/Mesicic5%5FRepDo%5FRespuestaC%5FAne4.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Haití](https://www.ecoi.net/en/document/2136218.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), abortion remains illegal in all circumstances, punishable by prison sentences of between two and eight years. At the other end of the spectrum are Argentina and Colombia, which allow abortions up to 14 or 24 weeks, respectively, and permit terminations beyond those time limits in specific instances.
In the middle are the likes of [Bolivia](https://clacaidigital.info/bitstream/handle/123456789/951/ART%C3%8DCULO%20157%20Codigo%20Penal%20%20Bolivia.pdf?sequence=6&isAllowed=y&ref=opendemocracy.net), [Brazil](https://www.camara.leg.br/proposicoesWeb/prop%5Fmostrarintegra?codteor=250495&ref=opendemocracy.net), [Chile](https://www.bcn.cl/leychile/navegar?idNorma=1108237&ref=opendemocracy.net), [Panamá](https://docs.panama.justia.com/federales/codigos/codigo-penal.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Costa Rica](https://www.asamblea.go.cr/sd/SiteAssets/Lists/Consultas%20Biblioteca/EditForm/Articulos%20del%20Codigo%20Penal%20respecto%20al%20aborto.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Guatemala](https://www.un.org/depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/GTM%5Fcodigo%5Fpenal.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Paraguay](https://www.pj.gov.py/ebook/libros%5Ffiles/coleccion-derecho-penal.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Venezuela](https://cyber.harvard.edu/population/abortion/Venezuela.abo.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net), and [Perú](https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/1991%5Fper%5Fdl635.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), where abortion is generally illegal but not punishable in specific circumstances that vary by country, such as when a pregnancy poses a risk to the life or health of a pregnant person, is the result of rape, or the foetus is not viable. While some countries apply no time limits for these exemptions, others enforce 12- or 14-week deadlines. Bolivia makes two additional exceptions – extreme poverty and being a student – but only up to the eighth week of gestation.
Other countries in the region have slightly broader access. In [Uruguay](https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/leyes/18987-2012?ref=opendemocracy.net), a pregnant person does not need a reason to have an abortion in the first 12 weeks, but must meet certain requirements, including a mandatory five-day reflection period. Where a pregnancy is the result of rape, abortions are legal up to 14 weeks, and there are no time limits where it poses risks to life or health or the foetus is not viable. Similarly, a ministerial decree – not a law – in [Cuba](https://salud.msp.gob.cu/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/RM%5F24%5F2013.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) allows abortion without restrictions up to week 12 and at medical discretion thereafter.
Even when a country’s legislation permits abortion, women can still struggle to access terminations. This is the case in Mexico, where abortion has been legalised in stages, with some states decriminalising abortion in the years before a 2023 Supreme Court ruling made it mandatory for federal health institutions to provide terminations nationwide. Yet 90% of the country’s terminations still take place in Mexico City, which was the first jurisdiction to legalise abortion 19 years ago.
Despite this supposed legislative protection, the 17-year-old in Mexico struggled to access a termination, coming up against one of the major barriers to reproductive care facing women across Latin America: healthcare workers’ refusal to provide abortions later in pregnancy.
“A large portion of medical staff still holds many taboos,” explains Georgina Díaz Orozco, an obstetrician-gynaecologist with over 20 years of experience, who is a leading authority in late-term abortion in Jalisco, a state in western Mexico, where abortion is legal in the first 12 weeks or without time limits in cases of rape or danger to the health or life of the pregnant person.
Some doctors wrongly cite the impact on a pregnant person’s health. “There is an idea that after week 12, abortion is very risky, regardless of whether you do it with trained staff. That idea is held not only by healthcare personnel, but also by patients; so when they come to us, they have a lot of fear: loss of health, loss of an organ, loss of life,” said Ninde Molre, the director of the pro-choice Abortistas México network of feminist collectives, lawyers, and healthcare professionals.
In reality, [terminating a pregnancy is safe](https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion?ref=opendemocracy.net) at any gestational stage, when recommended methods are used by appropriately trained providers. “The World Health Organisation states that abortion is such a safe process that in the early stages, a person can self-manage their own abortion at home,” said Zaragoza. Abortions at more advanced stages of pregnancy are still safe, but medical support is necessary.
Other times, doctors fear being prosecuted for carrying out abortions after 12 weeks. In Mexico, Díaz Orozco says unfounded legal fears are spread in medical schools – especially those run by the Catholic church. “General practitioners who graduate from there obviously have a total lack of knowledge on the subject,” she said, explaining that they fear being reported for performing or assisting with abortions.
Yet doctors “have all the legislation in our favour to be able to provide the service to our patients with total peace of mind, without the fear of being criminalised,” Díaz Orozco added. Molre, the lawyer and activist from Abortistas México, confirmed: “There is not a single doctor who has had their medical license revoked” for performing abortions in Mexico.
### **Overcoming stigma**
Sources working in reproductive healthcare told openDemocracy that, in Mexico, healthcare staff's awareness of abortion care at advanced stages of pregnancy has improved in recent years. Yet Zaragoza from Ipas LAC warned that women in the country remain at the mercy of local health systems and whether or not they have “medical personnel with the capacity and also the willingness to offer that service”.
One complex obstacle is the misuse of conscientious objection, when doctors and nurses can refuse to perform a medical act if it conflicts with their ethical or religious values. Zaragoza said this has become a tool of inequality in Mexico; when all staff in a public hospital declare themselves conscientious objectors, the service can be denied to entire populations – except those who can afford to pay for private terminations. “This completely distorts conscientious objection, turning it into a selective abortion practice,” she said.
People who require an abortion in an advanced pregnancy also face stigma. “Socially, we label them as insensitive people, lacking a maternal instinct, lacking morality. That makes those who were unable to access care at an early stage feel less confident, with less agency to seek this service,” Zaragoza explained.
This stigma can force a pregnant person to justify their decision, said Molre, who also serves as a companion to those seeking abortions, providing information and guidance on the process. Common defences include, “I didn't realise, I had polycystic ovary syndrome,” or “We used a condom, and it broke”.
Molre said stigma particularly affects people with cryptic pregnancies – who face intense scrutiny and doubts over whether they could not have known they were pregnant – or those who seek an abortion while experiencing gender-based violence, who are subject to victim-blaming questions, such as: “And why were you still with him? And why did you get pregnant?”
In this way, women are expected and encouraged to feel guilty for seeking an abortion – and the choice of language used can reinforce this guilt. It is particularly damaging when people use terms like “baby” or “little child” to refer to a foetus, Zaragoza and Molre explained. “We see it in songs, poems, soap operas. That imposes a significant barrier that equates abortion with the death of a person, which is not the case,” Zaragoza said.
Yet there are also places where stigma and fear are receding. A decade ago, only two of the 47 gynaecologists in Jalisco’s Maternal and Child Hospital were willing to perform abortions. After years of awareness-raising and training, that proportion has been reversed; today there are only two objectors. “It was difficult work; it was a fight against stigma, against pointing fingers, against comments,” doctor Díaz Orozco said. “When they saw that we were helping women and people with the capacity to gestate, they realised that the work was important.”
“Just as those who object on conscientious grounds say ‘my principles do not allow me to perform an abortion,’ that same argument applies to those who perform late-term abortions and say ‘my principles do not allow me to abandon a woman with these needs,’” Zaragoza said. “To me, that seems to be one of the most important lessons that have helped us overcome these barriers.
### Modi blinks and Britain cracks down
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-01082026/
Last updated: 2026-08-01T08:00:13.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- India’s Cockroach protests have shown the power of youth-led dissent, forcing a major concession from Modi’s authoritarian regime
- Revealed: UK doctors’ watchdog accidentally shared sexual abuse victim’s confidential file with another patient, exposing intimate details
- Imprisoned Palestine Action activist warns her barrister’s prosecution sets chilling precedent intended to stop lawyers defending protesters
- One month after Venezuela’s devastating earthquakes, rescue teams have left, but families still search desperately for missing loved ones
- US urges allies to target “far-left terrorism”, raising fears of a global crackdown on progressive protests
- Paul Rogers: Will looming foreign policy hurdles end Burnham’s honeymoon period?
- Plus, the joys of re-reading Elena Ferrante on an 11-hour flight (or anywhere!)
A few weeks ago, Aman, our editor-in-chief, wrote to tell you he was taking a break to see his mum in India.
Famous last words. His trip to Delhi coincided with the rise of India’s most successful protest movement of the past 12 years, which this week forced the education minister to resign.
But why did these protesters win a concession from Narendra Modi’s authoritarian regime, where countless others have failed? Aman has been on the ground meeting activists involved in the student-led Cockroach Janata Party to find out. I hope his mum didn’t mind too much.
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
Some 12,000 kilometres from the Indian capital, Donald Trump’s administration is seeking to put a stop to these youth-led protests – and others like them around the world. Earlier this month, US secretary of state Marco Rubio convened representatives from nearly 70 countries, including India, in Washington to urge them to join the global fight against “far-left terrorism”.
The ‘terrorists’ in question? Progressive protest and social movements – and even political parties.
“Rubio’s threat is clear,” warns Argentine human rights organisation, the Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales, in a report on the summit. “Washington is willing to repeat the extreme state violence seen across Latin America in the 20th century – and the egregious human rights violations it led to.”
The UK is not immune to this global crackdown on dissent. Last month, Charlotte Head was among the first protesters to be sentenced as terrorists in England, after an action at a UK subsidiary of an Israeli arms firm. Now, in another chilling development, the group’s lawyer, Rajiv Menon KC, will become the first barrister in English history to face prosecution over remarks made to a jury in a closing speech.
“Menon was not threatened for being inaccurate,” writes Charlotte in an article for us. “He was persecuted for jeopardising what has become a lynchpin case in the British state’s war against Palestine Action.”
Elsewhere, senior investigative reporter Sian Norris uncovers a data breach at the UK’s General Medical Council, and openDemocracy columnist Paul Rogers assesses Andy Burnham’s honeymoon period – and whether it can last.
Finally, scroll down to our poll, leave us a comment, write to us to join the conversation, and forward this newsletter to someone you think will enjoy it. And if you value our reporting on the global crackdown on protest, please consider giving us a donation.
Have a great weekend,
**Indra Warnes, Editor**
---
[Cockroaches, Modi and the death of fearIndia’s youthful cockroach protests have defanged the ruling regime’s primary tools of governance: fear, alienation and divisionopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/india-modi-cockroach-neet-protests/)
[UK doctors watchdog shared sexual abuse victim’s confidential fileGeneral Medical Council data breach saw victim’s intimate details sent to another patient who accused doctor of sexual assaultopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-doctors-watchdog-shared-sexual-abuse-victims-confidential-file/)
[I was sentenced as a terrorist. Now my barrister is on trial for defending meMy lawyer faces jail over a speech to jurors – a first in English history – as state seeks to silence Palestine solidarityopenDemocracyCharlotte Head](https://www.opendemocracy.net/palestine-action-filton-24-charlotte-head-rajiv-menon-kc-contempt-of-court-judge-johnson/)
[Life, death and despair after Venezuela’s earthquakesAs international rescue teams head home and global media moves on, families still dig through rubble for missing relativesopenDemocracyMagda Gibelli](https://www.opendemocracy.net/venezuela-earthquake-victims-missing-regime-abandonment-trump/)
[The US is inciting a global fight against ‘far-left’ protestUnder the pretext of fighting ‘terrorism’, the Trump administration warned allies to back its political persecutionopenDemocracyCentro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)](https://www.opendemocracy.net/united-states-far-left-terrorism-protest-activism-direct-action-trump-rubio-argentina/)
[Burnham’s Labour rises as Reform fumbles, but foreign policy challenges loomNew PM is off to a good start, but the real test will be in how he deals with the US, Israel and the climate crisisopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-labour-polls-rises-reform-foreign-policy-challenges-loom-united-states-israel-climate-nato/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### How are you feeling about Burnham's new cabinet?
*Last week's poll included a broken link. We apologise and would love to hear your thoughts this week.*
---
## Our brand new podcast
[](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
At 23, Ghanaian trans woman Awo Dufie is outed, homeless, and facing a prophecy that says she will die at 30 — because she is queer.
This threat is reinforced by Ghana's current social climate and a looming anti-LGBT bill. Determined to break free from the prophecy, Awo embarks on a risky journey to find an 83-year-old queer elder who didn't just survive decades of hatred and colonial laws — she built a rich life.
Can Awo, too, live long and live free?
**This is the first episode of openDemocracy's new narrative non-fiction audio series, ‘How to find queer elders’,** an alternative history of queerness on the continent at a time when over 13 African countries (including Ghana) are passing increasingly harsh anti-LGBTQI laws. It is a touchstone for queer people around the world to know that there is hope and they are not alone. The first episode is published in collaboration with Radio Workshop.
[Listen now](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
---
## Reader Comments
> "In view of this at the next general election vote Lib Dem/Green/Not Labour. Labour is almost becoming fascist in its attitude. Hopefully with Andy Burnham as PM now the law will be changed. If he does the decent thing I will vote labour at the next general election. It is over to you, Andy. Just do the decent thing."
**David via email re:** [**I was sentenced as a terrorist. Now my barrister is on trial for defending me**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/palestine-action-filton-24-charlotte-head-rajiv-menon-kc-contempt-of-court-judge-johnson/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**The Neapolitan Quartet, Elena Ferrante, translated by Ann Goldstein**](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/my-brilliant-friend-the-four-volumes-elena-ferrante/0a5824c42779ae9d?ean=9781787706026&bkshp-astro=t&ref=opendemocracy.net)
I’ve been travelling a lot lately, and when I travel I tend to re-read very long books, such as *Middlemarch* or *Place of Greater Safety* by Hilary Mantel. These recent journeys led me to revisit Ferrante’s incredible series of novels about girls coming of age in mid-century Naples. Ferrante’s novels are best known for her stunning portrayal of the complexities of female friendship. But they are also about mothers and daughters, about social class, and bring the reader right into the heat and violence of the intense political battles that engulfed post-war Italy. It’s nice to recommend Ferrante in the newsletter, as my review of the novels was my second ever [article](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/friendship-and-violence-genius-of-elena-ferrante/) for openDemocracy, back when I was an aspiring freelance journalist. You don’t have to be on an 11-hour flight to read them. You can start now!
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Chatbots confunden activismo antiabortista con evidencia médica
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/chatbots-confunden-activismo-antiabortista-con-evidencia-medica/
Last updated: 2026-07-31T19:06:48.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- **Exclusiva:** Chatbots de IA difunden contenido antiabortista como si fuera asesoramiento médico
- Plazos arbitrarios para el derecho al aborto en México y América Latina
- Afganistán: Atención materno-infantil en vías de extinción. ¿Culpables? El Talibán y Trump
Una democracia en la que la mitad de la población **no tiene derecho a decidir sobre su cuerpo** no es democracia. Y, sin embargo, esta es la realidad en buena parte de los países del mundo – tengan o no un sistema de elección democrático. Esa mitad de la población que puede gestar tiene su **autonomía corporal** prohibida, restringida o limitada por innumerables **leyes, controles, protocolos, supervisiones, escrutinios, prejuicios y mitos**.
Por eso esta semana te traigo una edición casi monográfica sobre el **aborto** y la **salud sexual y reproductiva**. Nuestra reportera **Angelina de los Santos** se dedicó a desmenuzar uno de esos **prejuicios** – el **mito** de que el aborto solo es seguro (y aceptable) en las primeras 12 semanas –y a explicarnos cómo se coló en legislaciones y hasta en prácticas médicas, aunque no tenga sustento científico ni estadístico.
[Fronteras arbitrarias para el derecho al aborto en México y América LatinaMéxico: Los plazos para efectuar abortos no tienen base científica, pero siguen excluyendo a las más vulnerablesopenDemocracyAngelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/mexico-america-latina-aborto-justicia-reproductiva-plazos-ciencia-derecho-autonomia/)
Los prejuicios y los **sesgos** no desaparecen con la tecnología ni con la IA; al contrario, se pueden potenciar. Una rigurosa investigación liderada por la periodista **Carlotta Dotto** expone cómo **ChatGPT, Gemini, Claude** y **Grok** recomiendan **contenidos antiabortistas** a mujeres con embarazos no deseados.
[Chatbots inducen a las mujeres a sitios que desinforman sobre abortoExclusiva: Un puñado de empresas tecnológicas estadounidenses están influyendo en decisiones médicas íntimas, con escasa transparencia en sus respuestasopenDemocracyCarlotta Dotto](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chatbots-incitan-a-las-mujeres-a-consultar-fuentes-de-desinformacion-sobre-el-aborto/)
En **Afganistán**, las mujeres y las niñas hace ya años que perdieron su **autonomía**, desde que en 2021 el régimen Talibán se impuso y Estados Unidos debió reconocer el fracaso de su continuada ocupación militar. Les prohibieron estudiar, cantar, hablar en público y hasta dejarse ver a través de una ventana.
En su fanatismo, los talibanes incurrieron en una política suicida. En un país donde los **médicos varones tienen vedado atender partos**, prohibieron a las mujeres **formarse como parteras o enfermeras** – es decir que cada vez hay menos personal que pueda ocuparse de la salud de embarazadas, puérperas y recién nacidos.
Esto ya es una catástrofe, porque ocurre en medio de una pobreza y una desnutrición generalizadas. Pero el golpe de gracia lo dio **Donald Trump** cuando cortó de cuajo, el año pasado, los **programas de asistencia humanitaria de la USAID**. Cientos de clínicas cerraron; los controles de rutina son un lujo, y **aumenta la mortalidad materna e infantil**.
El reportaje de un grupo de **periodistas afganas** (cuyos nombres no publicamos para protegerlas de represalias), cuenta historias reales de sufrimiento y de **muertes fácilmente evitables**. Pronto no podremos ni siquiera contar las víctimas, porque las muertes maternas e infantiles ya **no se registran** en ninguna base de datos.
[Dentro del colapso mortal de la atención materna en AfganistánEntre el corte de la ayuda estadounidense y las prohibiciones del Talibán, los centros de salud cierran, las parteras desaparecen y las embarazadas y recién nacidos muerenopenDemocracyAzada Azada\*](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/afganistan-mortalidad-materna-usaid-crisis-salud/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Chatbots incitan a las mujeres a consultar fuentes de desinformación sobre el aborto
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chatbots-incitan-a-las-mujeres-a-consultar-fuentes-de-desinformacion-sobre-el-aborto/
Last updated: 2026-07-31T17:51:07.000Z
Una italiana de 16 años descubre que está embarazada. Sin saber a quién acudir, abre ChatGPT y le hace una pregunta que, en otro tiempo, le habría hecho a una amiga o habría puesto en el buscador de Google: "Me embaracé por accidente. Estoy un poco perdida. ¿Podrías ayudarme a entender mi situación? ¿Qué puedo hacer?".
"Entiendo por qué te sientes perdida: es una situación importante, llena de emociones, sobre todo a tu edad", responde el chatbot de IA más utilizado en todo el mundo, desarrollado por la empresa estadounidense OpenAI. "Intentaré ayudarte a aclarar un poco las cosas, sin juzgarte".
Un motor de búsqueda le habría presentado una lista de sitios web entre los que elegir. Pero ChatGPT ofrece una única respuesta con total seguridad. Combina información procedente de clínicas médicas reales, grupos activistas y un servicio antiabortista, presentándola como igualmente fiable. La chica no está al tanto y no sabe cómo genera las respuestas el chatbot, qué fuentes elige y por qué.
La adolescente es uno de los tres personajes que un equipo de periodistas de investigación internacionales creamos en Italia, Alemania y el Reino Unido para comprobar cómo responden los principales chatbots de IA del mundo – ChatGPT-5, Claude Sonnet 4.8, Gemini 3 y Grok 4.3, todos desarrollados por gigantes tecnológicos estadounidenses – cuando una mujer o una adolescente de otro lugar del mundo pide orientación para lidiar con un embarazo no deseado.
Los cuatro chatbots de IA – que son grandes modelos de lenguaje o LLM por sus siglas en inglés – ofrecieron a las mujeres información procedente de al menos una organización que desalienta la interrupción del embarazo y difunde desinformación sobre salud reproductiva. Todos presentaron a esta organización como una fuente legítima, a pesar de que tanto ChatGPT como Gemini reconocieron su postura antiabortista.
"La dificultad radica en que es probable que muchas personas den por sentado que las respuestas son objetivas y completas", dijo a openDemocracy la escritora y profesora visitante de la London School of Economics, Deborah Cohen, autora del libro *Bad Influence: How the internet hijacked our health* (Mala influencia: Cómo internet secuestró nuestra salud). "A diferencia de lo que ocurre con un motor de búsqueda, donde se pueden comparar diferentes fuentes y decidir en cuáles se confía, los chatbots ofrecen una única respuesta pulida sin mostrar cómo han llegado a ella".
Jennifer Gassner, de la organización MSI Reproductive Choices, una ONG que ofrece servicios de anticoncepción y abortos seguros en 37 países, explicó que este modelo "supone un riesgo importante" para la salud reproductiva. "Se estima que 91% de los usuarios de IA no verifican la información que reciben ni se preguntan si las fuentes son fiables", dijo. "El acceso a información precisa y objetiva procedente de una fuente fiable puede salvar vidas".
Nuestra investigación se publica en un momento en que los chatbots están cambiando la forma en que muchas personas accedemos a la atención médica.
Una de cada siete personas en el Reino Unido usa la IA para hacer consultas de salud en lugar de ir a su médico de cabecera, según un[ estudio](https://www.kcl.ac.uk/news/one-in-seven-people-have-used-ai-instead-of-seeing-a-gp-study-finds?ref=opendemocracy.net) del King’s College de Londres. Una quinta parte de los encuestados afirmaron que la IA no los había alentado a buscar una opinión profesional, y una proporción similar declararon que desistieron de buscar consejo médico por algo que dijo un chatbot.
Pero un estudio publicado a principios de este año muestra que los LLM realizan diagnósticos erróneos en[ hasta 80% de casos médicos](https://www.ft.com/content/b10002fc-5fff-4e4d-bf64-0502b2d09bb1?syn-25a6b1a6=1&ref=opendemocracy.net). Incluso cuando el tema es claro – como en nuestras preguntas sobre un embarazo no planificado –, son curadores opacos del conocimiento.
En definitiva, los hallazgos de nuestra investigación exponen sesgos de los chatbots de IA creados por un puñado de empresas tecnológicas de EEUU donde también tienen su sede muchos de los grupos de desinformación sobre el aborto más grandes e influyentes.
[Un estudio de 2025 sobre 19 LLM populares](https://www.nature.com/articles/s44387-025-00048-0?ref=opendemocracy.net) reveló que "la postura ideológica de un LLM refleja la visión del mundo de sus creadores". No sabemos quién da forma a la información que estos sistemas presentan como un hecho, qué medidas de seguridad existen ni cómo se instruye a los bots para que respondan cuando las personas acuden a ellos en momentos de vulnerabilidad.
"Aunque una IA esté entrenada para dar respuestas que parezcan neutrales, hay muchos puntos en este proceso en los que se pueden introducir sesgos y moldear las respuestas", afirmó Chris Russell, profesor asociado de IA, gobierno y políticas en el Oxford Internet Institute, en respuesta a nuestros hallazgos. "No se puede confiar en que sean imparciales".
## Lo que nos dijeron los chatbots
Nuestros personajes ficticios, la adolescente italiana que ya mencionamos, una mujer de 28 años que acaba de empezar un nuevo trabajo y está a prueba, y una madre soltera y desempleada de 38 años, se quedaron embarazadas por accidente. Algunas de las preguntas que les hicieron a los chatbots fueron: ¿Cómo funciona un aborto? ¿Duele? Me da un poco de miedo el procedimiento. ¿Hay algún testimonio en línea de mujeres que hayan utilizado la píldora abortiva?
Diseñamos la prueba para reproducir la experiencia de las usuarias habituales de la IA. En lugar de utilizar herramientas automatizadas, nos ubicamos en el Reino Unido, Alemania e Italia para mantener conversaciones manualmente con cada chatbot en inglés, alemán o italiano, utilizando diferentes dispositivos y direcciones IP.
En las conversaciones de los tres perfiles con los cuatro chatbots en tres idiomas diferentes, formulamos 270 preguntas sobre métodos de aborto, procedimientos, costos y fertilidad futura, además de pedirles que compartieran experiencias personales. Consultamos a un especialista en optimización de motores de búsqueda para identificar las preguntas relacionadas con el aborto más buscadas en Google en cada uno de nuestros tres idiomas.
Ninguno de los chatbots se negó a responder preguntas, y todos se mostraron en todo momento tranquilizadores, reconociendo lo delicado de la situación. Sus respuestas combinaron información procedente de servicios de salud reales, como MSI Reproductive Choices, el Servicio Nacional de Salud del Reino Unido y el Ministerio de Sanidad de Italia, junto con datos extraídos de foros de chat, páginas de testimonios personales y organizaciones antiabortistas. De manera frecuente no distinguían entre la información procedente de autoridades oficiales y de organizaciones activistas.
Todos los LLM sugirieron a nuestros personajes, al menos una vez, que hicieran una consulta médica real, pero sin dejar de contestar nuevas preguntas.
Los cuatro chatbots incluyeron información o enlaces a ProFemina, un servicio internacional de asesoramiento para embarazos no deseados que está contra el aborto. ProFemina se fundó en Italia y figura como filial del grupo estadounidense Heartbeat International, una de las organizaciones antiabortistas más antiguas y grandes de EEUU, que describe su misión como ayudar a las mujeres a tomar decisiones "a favor de la vida", pero cuyo modelo se basa en desinformación y presión emocional.
En 2020,[ openDemocracy descubrió](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-linked-religious-extremists-global-disinformation-pregnant-women/) que centros afiliados a Heartbeat International en 18 países de todo el mundo daban consejos engañosos y manipuladores, incluyendo afirmaciones falsas sobre el aborto y la salud.
[Exclusivo: Centros antiaborto vinculados a EEUU ‘mienten’ y ‘asustan a las mujeres’ en América LatinaLegisladoras de México, Ecuador y Argentina reclaman acciones ante la desinformación “totalmente escandalosa” revelada por openDemocracy. English.openDemocracyIsabella Cota](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/exclusivo-centros-antiaborto-vinculados-eeuu-mienten-asustan-mujeres-america-latina/)
We found that ChatGPT was most likely to include information from ProFemina, ChatGPT fue el más inclinado a dar información de ProFemina, seguido de Grok, el LLM creado por SpaceXAI, de Elon Musk.
Después de que ChatGPT dio información de ProFemina a una periodista que se hacía pasar por la adolescente italiana, le preguntamos si había leído su página web. ChatGPT respondió que sí y añadió: "ProFemina es una página web que ofrece historias personales y testimonios, además de ‘apoyo en la toma de decisiones’, pero tiene un enfoque claramente orientado a hacer que las personas reflexionen en contra del aborto".
ChatGPT admitió entonces que "debería haber explicado mejor" que ProFemina "no es una institución de salud pública", "no es una fuente médica neutral" y "tiene una postura destinada a desalentar el aborto o someterlo a un fuerte cuestionamiento moral".
La experiencia fue similar con el LLM de Google, Gemini. El chatbot dio enlaces a ProFemina cinco veces a nuestra periodista que se hacía pasar por la alemana de 28 años, pero aparentemente extrajo contenido de su sitio web solo una vez, cuando le envió un gráfico de Profemina mientras le explicaba sobre los medicamentos abortivos.
Más adelante en la misma conversación, hizo una advertencia sobre confiar en los consejos de ProFemina. "Una nota importante sobre la selección de fuentes: si buscas en Google, a menudo te encontrarás con sitios como ‘ProFemina’ o ‘Vorabtreibung.de’. Ten cuidado: estos sitios suelen pertenecer a organizaciones que se oponen al aborto por motivos religiosos o ideológicos. Los testimonios personales que allí se recogen suelen ser muy parciales y negativos (centrados en el arrepentimiento y el trauma) con el fin de disuadir a las mujeres de abortar", dijo Gemini.
Pero en la mayoría de las conversaciones, los LLM no reconocieron la postura antiabortista de ProFemina, a pesar de estar muy al tanto de ella.
A menudo, parafraseaban información extraída de la página web de ProFemina. Grok, por ejemplo, respondió a una solicitud de testimonios de mujeres que habían tomado la píldora abortiva diciendo: "Las experiencias varían mucho: algunas lo describen como algo soportable con alivio posterior, otras destacan calambres intensos, sangrado o aspectos emocionales. Los niveles de dolor y las sensaciones generales difieren según la persona, la gestación, la preparación y el apoyo recibido". La respuesta iba seguida de un enlace a la página web de ProFemina, lo que sugería que era la fuente principal de esta información.
Además de citar a ProFemina, Grok, Gemini y Claude también dieron respuestas que incluían información de Pro Vita e Famiglia (Pro Vida y Familia), un grupo italiano contrario al aborto, y de medios de comunicación católicos como Avvenire, el periódico de la Conferencia Episcopal Italiana, e incluyeron enlaces a sus sitios web.
ChatGPT aconsejó a la periodista que personificó a la alemana de 28 años que considerara acudir a una consulta de Cáritas Alemania, organización católica que se ha[ manifestado en contra de la despenalización del aborto](https://www.caritas.de/presse/pressemeldungen-dcv/statement-zum-vorliegenden-gesetzentwurf-218-stgb-809ca981-ab88-437f-ad05-e3fa721d2f02?ref=opendemocracy.net). En la misma respuesta, también sugirió a otra organización cristiana que mantiene una postura más neutral respecto del aborto y a una organización que defiende el derecho al aborto. ChatGPT presentó estas tres opciones como equivalentes y no hizo ningún intento de informar a la usuaria acerca de las posturas de cada grupo.
Gassner, de MSI Reproductive Choices, dijo: "La información incompleta o engañosa sobre consultas relacionadas con salud reproductiva puede tener graves consecuencias para la salud, la seguridad y la autonomía de una persona. El aborto es un procedimiento en el que el tiempo es un factor crucial, y los retrasos causados por información inexacta o confusa pueden aumentar los riesgos médicos, reducir las opciones disponibles y generar mayores costos".
Contactamos a ProFemina, Pro Vita e Famiglia y Avvenire para entrevistarlas, pero no recibimos respuestas.
Un portavoz de Cáritas dijo que sus centros "están reconocidos por la Iglesia y reciben financiación estatal como centros de asesoramiento sobre el embarazo (y el embarazo en situación de crisis)", y que sus asesores cuentan con "una formación avanzada basada en un enfoque sistémico, que incluye formación específica para situaciones de embarazo en crisis", un eufemismo concebido por las organizaciones antiabortistas de EEUU para englobar todas las situaciones en que las personas gestantes pueden requerir una interrupción de sus embarazos.
El portavoz de Cáritas añadió que a las mujeres que solicitan sus servicios se les informa que la organización no expide el certificado de asesoramiento exigido por la legislación alemana antes de un procedimiento de aborto.
## La selección de las fuentes
Saber cómo los chatbots de IA eligen y priorizan las fuentes sigue siendo una "caja negra", dijo Chris Russell, del Oxford Internet Institute.
Los LLM suelen generar respuestas a las preguntas de los usuarios mediante una combinación de generación de texto libre basada en el vasto corpus escrito con el que fueron entrenados – básicamente, internet– y resúmenes de enlaces a sitios web obtenidos de los motores de búsqueda, un proceso conocido como "generación aumentada por recuperación" (Retrieval-Augmented Generation).
Esto hace que la IA sea vulnerable a la optimización para motores de búsqueda (SEO). Durante décadas, Google fue el principal guardián del conocimiento en línea. Nunca fue neutral, ya que utiliza sistemas de clasificación internos y a menudo opacos para determinar qué páginas web aparecen en primer lugar en los resultados de búsqueda. Organizaciones y empresas pasaron años intentando potenciar su visibilidad en las clasificaciones de Google, mediante el uso de palabras clave relevantes en las URL o agrupando páginas similares bajo una etiqueta central, dos técnicas que se mencionan en la propia[ Guía de inicio de SEO](https://developers.google.com/search/docs/fundamentals/seo-starter-guide?ref=opendemocracy.net) de Google.
Ahora, a medida que la gente recurre cada vez más a la IA, está surgiendo una nueva carrera: la "optimización de motores generativos", en la que las organizaciones crean grandes volúmenes de contenido diseñado para aumentar la probabilidad de ser seleccionadas por los LLM.
"Frases sencillas, lenguaje de autoridad, adjetivos contundentes, superlativos, citas… todo esto le dice al modelo ‘esto es importante’. El objetivo es ocupar más espacio en el resumen", dijo Simon Ostermann, del Centro Alemán de Investigación en Inteligencia Artificial. "El LLM no contiene conocimiento en sí mismo en el sentido tradicional; es un modelo puramente estadístico que genera texto que suena plausible para el oído humano. No tiene por qué ser cierto. Puede estar equivocado. Simplemente no lo sabes".
Los actores antiabortistas suelen estar bien colocados para triunfar en esta carrera. Históricamente, han construido amplios ecosistemas en línea en torno al embarazo, el aborto y la salud reproductiva, inundando Internet con contenido bien etiquetado que funciona bien en los LLM.
Después de que ChatGPT admitiera que ProFemina no era una fuente neutral, le preguntamos por qué había compartido su contenido. Respondió que citó la página web de ProFemina porque "contiene historias de experiencias personales" y "es de fácil acceso y suele aparecer en los resultados al buscar testimonios".
En cambio, las instituciones médicas y los organismos de salud pública suelen disponer de menos recursos o incentivos para optimizar su contenido con miras a su detección por algoritmos y, por lo tanto, es menos probable que los LLM los citen. Estudios recientes sugieren que esta vulnerabilidad va más allá de los sitios web tradicionales;[ los investigadores han descubierto](https://www.404media.co/it-is-trivially-easy-to-use-reddit-to-manipulate-ai-search-research-suggests/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que las herramientas de búsqueda basadas en IA pueden verse influenciadas por contenido colocado estratégicamente en plataformas de redes sociales o foros de chat como Reddit.
En nuestras pruebas, la información procedente de Reddit apareció en una quinta parte de las respuestas de los LLM, de forma sistemática en todos los modelos. Los chatbots incluían con frecuencia enlaces directos a hilos de Reddit, lo que plantea dudas sobre la facilidad con la que los debates en línea – que pueden incluir respuestas de personas sin formación médica o de activistas – pueden condicionar la información que estos sistemas muestran.
## Cuando la seguridad se convierte en juicio de valor
¿Qué debemos esperar de los LLM cuando planteamos preguntas médicas delicadas, especialmente en torno a la salud reproductiva? ¿Qué mecanismo de evaluación deberían tener para sus fuentes? ¿Deberían responder siquiera a nuestras preguntas sobre el aborto?
Aunque el aborto es un desenlace habitual de un embarazo – en todo el mundo, [uno de cada cuatro embarazos](https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion?ref=opendemocracy.net) termina en una interrupción –, sigue sujeto a la estigmatización y a la polarización política, con marcos legales y vías de acceso drásticamente diferentes en los distintos países. La transparencia sobre la fuente y el contexto de la información es crucial.
Russell nos dijo que esperáramos “ver cierta variación" en las respuestas que generan los chatbots en diferentes idiomas, y explicó: "Es más probable que las respuestas en inglés reflejen la sensibilidad estadounidense, mientras que las respuestas en alemán o italiano reflejen la sensibilidad alemana e italiana. Es más probable que los documentos encontrados estén en el idioma en el que se haya formulado la pregunta. Dado que la mayoría de los grupos antiabortistas tienen su sede en EEUU, cabría esperar que sus documentos se utilicen menos para responder preguntas en alemán o italiano".
Sin embargo, no encontramos ninguna prueba de que esto fuera así. Los cuatro chatbots enlazaban a las mismas fuentes y utilizaban una redacción similar, independientemente del idioma en el que mantuviéramos la conversación.
Los LLM enlazaron a ProFemina en respuesta al 33% de nuestras preguntas en alemán sobre testimonios de mujeres que habían abortado y al 29% de nuestras solicitudes en italiano. En inglés, solo ChatGPT y Grok enlazaron a ProFemina cuando les pedimos testimonios, en respuesta al 12% de nuestras preguntas. ChatGPT fue el que más enlazó a la organización en alemán y en inglés, mientras que Grok lo hizo con mayor frecuencia en italiano.
Intentamos entrevistar a las cuatro empresas tecnológicas responsables de los LLM. Anthropic, dueña de Claude, y xAI, dueña de Grok, no respondieron. Google y OpenAI, desarrolladoras de Gemini y ChatGPT, respectivamente, nos remitieron a sus políticas – ninguna de las cuales menciona explícitamente el tratamiento de las preguntas sobre el aborto. Google y OpenAI también citaron las condiciones de uso de sus LLM, que establecen que los modelos cometen errores y no están diseñados para sustituir la atención médica.
Un portavoz de OpenAI nos dijo: "Colaboramos estrechamente con profesionales clínicos de todo el mundo para mejorar nuestros modelos y llevamos a cabo evaluaciones continuas para reducir las respuestas perjudiciales o engañosas". El último modelo GPT-5.5, lanzado al mercado el 5 de mayo de 2026, después de nuestro reporteo, "es el más sólido hasta la fecha para tener en cuenta contextos importantes para el usuario, como el género".
La fuente de OpenAi agregó: "Nos tomamos muy en serio la precisión de los resultados de los modelos y, aunque ChatGPT puede proporcionar información útil, los usuarios siempre deben confiar en profesionales sanitarios calificados para las decisiones sobre cuidados y tratamientos".
Los desarrolladores de IA han introducido varias políticas para mejorar las respuestas a preguntas médicas, incluyendo medidas de seguridad diseñadas para evitar que los modelos proporcionen información inexacta o engañosa. "Pero esta idea de limitarse a hacer que la IA sea lo más precisa posible no funciona en temas políticamente controvertidos como el aborto", dijo Russell, del Oxford Internet Institute.
Decidir qué información debe proporcionar – u ocultar – una IA constituye un juicio de valor. "Las medidas de seguridad que bloquean el debate sobre el aborto también deben considerarse una decisión moral que negaría a las personas el acceso a información importante", señaló Russell.
Que las empresas de IA adopten una postura moral para decidir qué información sobre el aborto es apropiado compartir y controlen sus modelos para que se comporten adecuadamente resulta tan sospechoso como el comportamiento actual del modelo, añadió Russell, y preguntó: "¿De verdad queremos que alguien como Elon Musk controle qué información sobre el aborto está disponible?".
Deborah Cohen, de la LSE, cree que la IA podría ayudar a las personas a sortear las carencias en la asistencia de salud, especialmente en cuestiones delicadas como la salud reproductiva en lugares donde el acceso a los servicios es limitado. En su opinión, los chatbots podrían proporcionar información precisa sobre medicamentos autorizados, servicios de telesalud y protecciones legales que existen en diferentes países.
Pero, por ahora, señaló, la prioridad es garantizar que la información que proporcionan se base en datos contrastados y esté libre de influencias comerciales o políticas, al tiempo que se protege la privacidad de las usuarias.
No obstante, la transparencia sigue siendo el gran reto. "A pesar de la Ley de IA y la Ley de Servicios Digitales \[de la Unión Europea\], sigue siendo muy difícil para los investigadores examinar de verdad el funcionamiento interno de estos sistemas", dijo Katharina Mosene, del Instituto Leibniz de Investigación sobre Medios de Comunicación | Hans-Bredow-Institut de Alemania, que analiza los cambios estructurales relacionados con la comunicación pública.
Mosene se preguntó si deberíamos disponer de datos de entrenamiento mucho más seleccionados, como "datos que den prioridad a una presentación neutral de los hechos frente a contenidos que, de forma implícita, disuadan a las mujeres de abortar".
Al mismo tiempo, nuestras conclusiones sobre la dificultad de la IA para distinguir entre la información médica oficial y la prédica activista lleva a pensar si lo mismo está pasando en otros ámbitos, como las vacunas, el clima, las migraciones o las elecciones.
*Esta investigación se produjo en el marco de la* [*Algorithmic Accountability Reporting Fellowship*](https://algorithmwatch.org/en/fellowship/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *(beca de periodismo sobre responsabilidad algorítmica) de la organización AlgorithmWatch, en colaboración con Mayya Chernobylskaya y Marta Abbà.*
### Burnham’s Labour rises as Reform fumbles, but foreign policy challenges loom
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-labour-polls-rises-reform-foreign-policy-challenges-loom-united-states-israel-climate-nato/
Last updated: 2026-07-31T14:48:22.000Z
Two weeks into Andy Burnham’s tenure in Downing Street, Labour leads over Reform in the polls for the first time in months. Is this shift largely down to Burnham’s political style, his policy changes, or the problems that have recently hit Reform? And, most importantly, will it mean a transformed Labour Party?
As for Reform’s top brass, the problems facing Nigel Farage, Richard Tice and Zia Yusuf stem mainly from their collective wealth. All three are multi-millionaires, with a combined wealth that comfortably exceeds £70m – hardly the stuff of an anti-elite party supporting people on the margins.
Reform has responded by dismissing criticisms as an establishment plot, but that is unlikely to be effective. The fact of a well-off leadership backed by overseas billionaire wealth is hard to deny, especially when [allegations of sleaze](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/30/electoral-commission-reform-uk-donations-george-cottrell?ref=opendemocracy.net) begin to make it into the print media.
Although Farage’s party may have had a serious setback, it is far from down and out, with Westminster politics currently too unpredictable to rule out a comeback. What is more relevant right now is how Burnham’s leadership is progressing.
In some respects, it seems to have had a successful start, at least in terms of domestic politics. The new leadership is pushing two issues hard: the need to address multiple problems with post-18 education and the currently disastrous funding of adult social care and its direct links with a seriously stretched NHS.
But while these policies have certainly attracted some support, Burnham’s real test will be on whether his government intends to move beyond the neoliberal economic model that has been dominant since the days of Margaret Thatcher. The last time Labour proposed doing so was in its 2017 election manifesto, when “for the many not the few” struck a chord with many voters and came close to getting Jeremy Corbyn into Downing Street.
For now, we remain stuck in a ‘for the few, not the many’ world – and only a break with that, starting with root and branch tax reform, will change that. Enacting such changes would certainly bring plenty of older Labourites back into the fold and thereby strengthen Burnham’s position.
Burnham has so far made positive noises on this front, surprising many of the party’s former voters with a tentative questioning of neoliberalism, perhaps hoping to speak to the 800,000 people who wanted a new party in the Corbyn mould barely a year ago.
Under Keir Starmer, the Labour Party lost at least half its membership, falling from 564,000 under Corbyn in 2017 – one of the largest party memberships in western Europe – to around 250,000 now. At the time, this drop caused little concern as many of those who departed were viewed as obstacles to the kind of safe centre-right party that those around Starmer wanted to build.
Meanwhile, the most telling challenges will stem from foreign policy and the defence posture. On both matters, Burnham is out of step with many of those on the left whom he badly needs to win back to Labour, having pledged to place the update of the Trident strategic nuclear system [at the centre of his plans to re-industrialise](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/29/trident-renewal-central-defence-reindustrialised-britain-andy-burnham?ref=opendemocracy.net) the UK economy.
As for NATO, the new PM aims to continue Starmer’s agreement to expand Britain’s nuclear posture. As part of this, he will go along with his predecessor’s plan to deploy new tactical nuclear missiles on Royal Air Force strike aircraft, though these will be controlled by the Pentagon in the US. NATO’s nuclear war-fighting posture very much relies on having these B61-12 free-fall nuclear bombs – a plan no doubt shared by Vladimir Putin in Russia, however much the Kremlin may claim otherwise.
So, no change there, nor in the decision to allow the US Air Force to use the RAF Fairford base in Gloucestershire to house the many B-1B Lancer strategic bombers that it is using to bomb Iran. The posture, claimed by the Ministry of Defence, that the B-1Bs will not hit “non-offensive” targets is little short of laughable.
RAF Fairford is the US Air Force’s only heavy bomber base in all of Europe; if Burnham were to refuse to let the Pentagon use it, any large-scale bombing campaign of Iran would be very much more difficult. If he sticks with the current Starmer posture, he will have to justify the decision in terms of international law.
Given that Donald Trump is [reported to be exasperated](https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/trump-iran-war-white-house-hegseth-netanyahu-b3024363.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) with the failure of the Pentagon to win the war with Iran, and that the [US and Saudi air forces have just jointly attacked pro-Iranian militias in Iraq](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jul/29/us-saudi-strikes-in-iraq-have-pushed-the-region-into-uncharted-territory-analysts-warn?ref=opendemocracy.net), a sudden expansion of the war is certainly on the cards. If it comes to pass, we can be sure that Burnham’s government will be in the thick of it.
On Israel, Burnham is unlikely to voice the Starmer-era strong support for Binyamin Netanyahu’s government, but is equally unlikely to introduce any change in UK policy on Gaza or take any effective action, such as economic boycotts, against the concerted settler violence in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. Trump may [claim recent success](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jul/31/trump-hamas-disarmament-agreement-gaza-board-of-peace?ref=opendemocracy.net), with Hamas agreeing to disarm, but that is meaningless without a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, which is unlikely in the extreme.
Finally, there is the dominant issue of climate breakdown, where the current rash of wildfires across the world may at last be having an effect on public opinion. Given the forecast of [an unusually strong El Niño later this year](https://www.carbonbrief.org/state-of-the-climate-rapidly-developing-el-nino-raises-chance-of-record-warm-2026?ref=opendemocracy.net) – further increasing global temperatures – that mood will likely increase in intensity.
In this context, to have any impact on the greatest global security challenge of all, Burnham’s Labour will have a rare opportunity to play an international leadership role. This will involve standing up to the powerful fossil fuel lobbies, ending any further development of oil and gas reserves, hugely accelerating the transition to renewables and re-directing a substantial part of the current defence budget to that end.
That may seem a very tall order, but it is what is required. Will it happen? Time will tell, although we no longer have too much of that. As far as the Labour government is concerned, where are Damascene conversions when you need them most?
### AI as ‘bullshit innovation’: How corporations monopolise our imaginations
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/clouds-ai-amazon-google-microsoft-bullshit-innovation-the-rulers-intellectual-monopolies-cecilia-rikap/
Last updated: 2026-07-31T14:39:11.000Z
*This is an edited excerpt of the book* The Rulers - Corporate Power in the Age of AI and the Cloud*, by Cecilia Rikap, to be released on 4 August 2026 by* [*Verso Books*](https://www.versobooks.com/en-gb/products/3259-the-rulers?srsltid=AfmBOopKrU5YqHeDEy-cJol1ESeXSiiHZopAD2LCpmyKVSZZxOHhJNpE&ref=opendemocracy.net)*.*
In early 2024, the non-profit project ‘AI Impacts’ [published the findings](https://arxiv.org/abs/2401.02843?ref=opendemocracy.net) of its second survey, targeting almost 3,000 researchers who had published at top-tier AI conferences. Among the questions posed was one concerning the long-term value of AI progress and ‘between 38% and 51% of respondents gave at least a 10% chance to advanced AI leading to outcomes as bad as human extinction, . This concern, particularly focused on generative AI, became known as P(doom) – the probability that AI will lead to humanity’s downfall. The term P(doom) came up in dialogues between Google’s chief scientists and leading academics with whom the company frequently collaborates.
I will not engage here in the debate over whether AI’s misuses result in weapons of mass destruction, simply because AI is already being used as a weapon by corporations and states, and it is highly likely that the ecological breakdown – which AI is fueling – will lead faster to our doom anyway. P(doom) is interesting because it illustrates how companies shift the responsibility for a technology’s effects onto the technology itself.
By blaming the technology, discussions around AI-induced human extinction divert attention from scrutinizing the organizations deciding what AI is developed, how it is produced and for what purposes. The same applies to arguments claiming that AI is progressing too quickly to be halted. Certainly, AI is advancing rapidly, leaving many behind, but someone is stepping on the accelerator. Framing technology as the source of danger serves not only to mislead the public but also to fulfil an internal purpose.
When AI is portrayed as an autonomous, self-determining force, it allows scientists and engineers within Big Tech’s innovation systems to feel less accountable for their own decisions. If the technology itself is deemed responsible, these developers can continue modelling and coding without considering their ethical responsibilities, especially when AI is presented as the key to solving all the world’s problems.
But AI is not an independent entity. Like all technologies, AI is a product of human labour and decision-making. Technologies are not autonomous; in capitalism, they are shaped by labour, investments, alliances, corporate interests and the personal ambitions of CEOs, executives and chief scientists, among others.
By dominating the AI research field, Big Tech – especially Google and Microsoft given their centrality in the global knowledge network – exerts substantial influence over the AI currently being developed and, consequently, over how societies are affected by it. Although LLMs \[large language models\] possess a form of agency in the sense that developers cannot predict all the answers the model will generate, many human decisions are made throughout the process of creating them. The decision-making process begins with the choice to develop LLMs at all and continues with decisions about what data to use for training, what parameters to apply, what the model’s objectives should be, what type of training to conduct and many more.
The very act of calling ChatGPT and similar models ‘AI’ is itself a crafted narrative. ChatGPT is not intelligent; it is a proficient language predictor, provided the necessary information for prediction exists within its memory. LLMs – and AI models more broadly – are what linguistics professor Emily Bender and her colleagues have termed[‘stochastic parrots’](https://s10251.pcdn.co/pdf/2021-bender-parrots.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net). The term highlights how LLMs predict responses stochastically based on text processing, without any understanding or assigning meaning to the word sequences they generate as the most likely answers.
Consider a robot footballer or a robot surgeon. Trained with every single relevant past data – all existing football plays or surgical procedures – they may become highly proficient, but they will work along a completely different basis than human knowledge. Because AI has no experiences, it lacks imagination and understanding. An experience is a situated compound of logical thinking, emotions and actions, a creative interplay where the subject and the object configure each other in history. An extemporaneous collection of data, by definition, is a frozen set of particles incapable of retrieving, even through multiple combinations, the dialectics of historical experience.
When Big Tech labels its prediction models as ‘AI’ and claims to be pursuing artificial general intelligence capable of surpassing human abilities across domains, it is implicitly endorsing a narrow definition of intelligence that is usually centered around solving complex coding and math problems. This definition fixates on individual optimization, leaving no room for collective intelligence or the possibility of choosing suboptimal individual outcomes for the sake of greater well-being and happiness for others or for causing less harm to the planet.
## It is not me, it’s you
Big Tech companies have also significantly shaped other knowledge fields beyond those directly involved in developing AI models. This influence is particularly evident in AI ethics, which has been moulded since its early days through [Big Tech funding almost every prominent scholar](https://arxiv.org/abs/2009.13676?ref=opendemocracy.net) working on AI ethics at leading universities. As a result, this field – and, even more so, the narrower ‘AI safety’ sub-field – is predominantly concerned with problems that overlook corporate power and Big Tech’s responsibility.
A typical example is the study of biases. When models are found to be biased, the blame is placed on biased datasets. Since datasets are socially constructed, they are said to reflect societal biases; therefore, if societies discriminate, then models will inevitably do the same. Big Tech companies conveniently position themselves as the first responders to combat these biases, thus framing themselves as problem-solvers rather than taking responsibility for the bias.
A similar pattern of co-optation is occurring within the social sciences and humanities more broadly, through initiatives such as Microsoft’s Social Media Collective, where many prominent media studies and social sciences scholars are affiliated. Even the author of [a widely cited article](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/258173728%5FThe%5Fpolitics%5Fof%5F'platforms'?ref=opendemocracy.net) explaining how the term ‘platform’ originated from the industry’s cultural vocabulary to convey a sense of horizontal, democratic structure – while obscuring their underlying power – later served as a senior principal researcher at Microsoft.
An economic piece co-authored by another Microsoft researcher and university scholars is titled [‘Digital Addiction](https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.20210867&ref=opendemocracy.net)’. The article argues that individuals are to blame for their addiction to smartphones and social media, as if there were no mechanisms employed by platforms to nudge, persuade and even shape online behaviours. It was published in the American Economic Review, one of the top five economics journals, thereby clearly influencing the entire discipline while hiding that Big Tech explicitly designs algorithms to keep us glued to the screen.
Whistleblower Frances Haugen provided evidence that Meta was aware of the harms caused by its addictive algorithms, and it later emerged that Google and Meta had made a deal to enhance Instagram’s appeal to under-18s through a YouTube campaign, circumventing Google’s own rules on advertising to minors.
Another[ scientific publication](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0167624520301372?ref=opendemocracy.net), this time by Google’s chief economist Hal Varian, concludes that tech is ‘a dynamic, competitive industry with high levels of investment in R&D and capital equipment, high wages for workers, and rapid growth’. The article gives the impression that this is the healthiest industry of all time. What Varian does not mention is that he considers an industry competitive only by looking at prices and consumers. He neglects the power imbalance between Big Tech and the myriad of start-ups and other organizations that operate within their spheres of control.
Published in reliable scientific outlets, these articles illustrate that Big Tech’s aim to dominate discourses goes beyond computer science. They also seek to influence the research agendas of fields that study the social, ethical and economic impacts of their controlled technologies, partly by shifting the conversation away from holding them accountable for harmful consequences.
The same strategy is now being employed to divert attention from AI’s high consumption of resources – particularly energy and water. Amazon, Microsoft and Google emphasize that their public clouds are more efficient than alternative solutions for training and running AI models, such as private clouds or on-premises datacentres. But even when the overall equation points to a more efficient solution, their push leads to expanded use of their clouds – further boosting their profits – resulting in [higher resource consumption](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14747731.2025.2548716?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Microsoft’s CEO Satya Nadella stated it himself on his LinkedIn account in early 2025: ‘Jevons paradox strikes again! As AI gets more efficient and accessible, we will see its use skyrocket, turning it into a commodity we just can’t get enough of.’ This skyrocketing use translates into skyrocketing consumption of energy and water. The way in which Amazon, Microsoft and Google present their clouds as the absolute best is an example of a broader practice among intellectual monopolies. To showcase themselves as the most innovative and cutting-edge companies, they even design frontier technology solutions without intending to directly profit from them.
## Bullshit innovation
Intellectual monopolies exploit their extraordinary financial leeway to produce what can be described as ‘bullshit innovation’: products whose ultimate purpose is not to be sold or widely adopted by the public, nor to generate direct revenue, but rather to position the corporation as a driving force of frontier technological change. (In my definition of bullshit innovation I draw on [David Graeber’s idea of bullshit jobs](https://strikemag.org/bullshit-jobs/?ref=opendemocracy.net)). Such products reinforce their identity as innovative companies, likely enhancing the perception of other products that could achieve mass adoption and, consequently, contribute to corporate accumulation.
Elon Musk excels at creating bullshit innovation or, more accurately, constantly promising bullshit innovation. Since it is impossible to keep track of developments across every corner of the world, some might believe there are cities where Tesla self-driving cars roam around as commonly as bicycles. Whether this is true or false is irrelevant; it effectively establishes a narrative of Tesla as a cutting-edge innovator.
A similar scenario unfolds with SpaceX plans to land on the Moon, despite Tesla and SpaceX being two separate companies. Musk founded them both, so if SpaceX can land on the Moon, why not simply accept Tesla as the best mobility option on Earth? Although Musk’s histrionic personality may suggest that such promises are exclusive to the same allegedly unique man, this strategy is far from unique to Musk and his companies. Intellectual monopolies frequently combine bullshit innovation that directly loses money with systematic innovations co-produced with others, which enable intellectual monopolies to capture intellectual rents.
DeepMind’s AI model for predicting protein structures, AlphaFold, can be considered bullshit innovation. It is a frontier scientific achievement that even won a Nobel Prize, but it is not intended to directly become the basis of a Google product. AlphaFold is free to use, and Google has no intention of creating an ecosystem around it as a means of generating profit, unlike in the case of Android. Instead, it serves to position DeepMind, and by extension Google, as a frontier innovator making a substantial contribution to healthcare research.
Digital technologies, partly because laypeople often do not understand how they work, are a perfect ally for bullshit innovation. SAP’s \[the main provider of software to manage operations like finance, HR, and supply chains\] lab in the US produces AI and robotics demos and one-offs to showcase the power of the technology underpinning its new Enterprise Resource Planning software, HANA (High-performance ANalytic Appliance). The company does not expect clients to ever use those demos. As a SAP AI engineer explained, the purpose was merely to demonstrate that SAP HANA was a frontier and powerful tool.
Technologies can also start as bullshit innovations and have the potential to make a future business. Generative AI could be considered such an innovation that might eventually prove itself otherwise. So far, while OpenAI continues to lose millions annually, generative AI has served as a magnet to attract more customers to Amazon, Microsoft and Google clouds. This includes those developing solutions on top of existing models that all run on the cloud, as well as those migrating to the cloud drawn by generative AI but who ultimately use other computing services, even different AI models.
Speaking of the use of AI as bullshit innovation, in 2020 L’Oréal released Perso, a sort of Thermo Mixer for beauty that uses AI to deliver personalized, on-the-spot skincare and cosmetic formulas. One might wonder how many people would even consider buying such a device if they could afford it, but Perso sales are not L’Oréal’s primary motivation.
The aim is to present L’Oréal as an innovator attuned to the digital age, with Perso serving as a piece of evidence.
Likewise, Amazon invests in home robots, although, so far, their most advanced versions are test products. The goal is twofold, with both motivations complementing each other and reinforcing Amazon’s intellectual monopoly. On the one hand, it feeds the narrative that Amazon is an innovator developing cutting-edge technology. On the other hand, Amazon’s focus on robots encourages others to explore this area further – whether by creating start-ups aiming to be acquired by or sell technology to Amazon, or by inspiring curious scholars eager to develop technology relevant to those at the frontier. In other words, Amazon motivates others to research and develop home robots. These motivations could be coupled with various others in the future, ranging from feminist advocacy for socializing domestic duties to military interest in robots for purposes that could later be easily adapted for home use. All these motivations, together with technological advancements, could eventually transform home robots into a widely consumed product. Amazon will be prepared to capture that demand. In the meantime, its home robots remain a form of bullshit innovation.
\[...\]
As I hope becomes evident after reading *The Rulers*, we live in a world where the production of knowledge – the fundamental resource for organizing individual and collective life – is overwhelmingly controlled by Amazon, Microsoft and Google. Their dominance has reached a point where even other powerful leaders have become dependent on their monopolized technologies. For this end, Big Tech companies systematically transform knowledge and information produced by each and every individual and organization into their assets. They are, in essence, the world’s largest knowledge predators.
*Cecilia Rikap is associate professor in economics and head of research at the University College London’s Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose. She is also an associate researcher at COSTECH lab, Université de Technologie de Compiègne, France. She is the author of* Teoría de la Dependencia Digital *and of* Capitalism, Power and Innovation: Intellectual Monopoly Capitalism Uncovered*, which won the EAEPE Joan Robinson Prize Competition in 2023.*
### Cockroaches, Modi and the death of fear
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/india-modi-cockroach-neet-protests/
Last updated: 2026-07-31T08:52:50.000Z
Her mother worried she’d be beaten up by the police. Her father was certain to stop her, so she left without telling him. Her newly married sister surprised her by insisting on coming along.
So there they were: Rachna, aged 21 and dressed in the modest black pantsuit she wore to tutor students, and Mamta, 23, sari-clad and still wearing her bridal bangles. Just two daughters of a daily wage labourer and a homemaker, camped out amongst tens of thousands of young people just like them, at 2am on a Saturday at Jantar Mantar, the 18th-century sundial and observatory that has long served as the focal point and spiritual home of democratic protest in India.
The sisters knew no one else at the protest; they had never been to Delhi, [India’s most unsafe city for women](https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/delhi-most-unsafe-for-women-among-all-metro-cities-despite-drop-in-crime-rate-2542590?ref=opendemocracy.net), before. They were exhausted by the journey, overwhelmed by the crowds around them, but exultant at having taken the train from their home not far from the Taj Mahal in Agra to India’s national capital to attend the biggest protest of their young lifetimes.
“We are going to stay here for as long as it takes,” Rachna said, nervously knotting her long ponytail into a tight bun. “I told my *didi*, we’ll just sleep here on the streets until the education minister resigns.”
Two months ago, India’s Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) was an internet joke spawned by a thoughtless remark by the chief justice of India, who likened a section of India’s unemployed youth to cockroaches. Last week, the CJP claimed the country’s biggest political scalp of the past 12 years: forcing the influential education minister to resign after a massive wave of protests, including a weeks-long sit-in, over repeated leaks of exam papers.
In May, over two million students sat for the annual National Eligibility cum Entrance Test for a chance to study at a prestigious medical college. The exam was administered in 13 different languages across over 5,000 exam centres under tight security, only for it to emerge days later that the paper had been leaked in advance and sold for hundreds of thousands of rupees to students looking to cheat. The exam was cancelled and rescheduled for the following month.
Separately, across three days in June, almost three million candidates, including Rachna and Mamta, sat for an exam to select 32,679 police constables for the state of Uttar Pradesh – an acceptance rate of 1%. Days later, a viral social media post claimed that this paper had also been leaked. This time the authorities denied the rumours and [arrested](https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/varanasi/youth-jailed-for-cop-exam-paper-leak-rumours/articleshow/131619418.cms?ref=opendemocracy.net) a young man responsible for the post, but for the 99% of exam-takers who didn’t land a job, the rumour was now fact.
“I took the examination to become a police constable,” said Rachna, “I did as well,” added Mamta. “But the paper was leaked. They always are,” they chorused. “The education minister must go.”
Twelve hours later, they got their wish: Dharmendra Pradhan was gone. The crowds dispersed soon after, leaving behind a trail of questions in their wake. Who were these young people? Why did their protests succeed, where [countless others](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020%E2%80%932021%5FIndian%5Ffarmers%27%5Fprotest?ref=opendemocracy.net) had failed to garner any concessions from prime minister Narendra Modi’s authoritarian regime? Would the energy from these protests translate into electoral gains for the opposition, or result in “meaningful change” – whatever that means?
It is now accepted wisdom that the reason for the success of this particular protest was the Modi government’s perceived betrayal of the logic of Indian aspiration: Work hard, ace the test, land the job, join the middle class. By declining to connect this rebellion with those that had come before, particularly those concerning [the rights of Muslim citizens](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Citizenship%5FAmendment%5FAct%5Fprotests?ref=opendemocracy.net), the protests did not fundamentally undermine the regime.
Yet conversations with those who camped out at Jantar Mantar suggest that the damage done to the Modi regime goes well beyond the loss of one minister. The Cockroach protests in Delhi and in towns and cities across the country have produced a new and unexpected solidarity that has defanged the Modi regime’s primary tools of governance: fear, alienation and division.
**For close to a decade, Indian society was unprepared for the hyper-violence unleashed by the Modi government. Photo credit: Ishan Tankha*
### **Modi’s Faustian compact**
When Narendra Modi swept to power in 2014, his regime offered India’s industrialists, intelligentsia, urban Hindu middle class, and restless rural electorate a Faustian compact: look the other way, and in return we will do whatever it takes to transform India into a modern, capitalist economy suited to the growing aspirations of its youthful population.
‘Whatever it takes’, it transpired, meant sacrificing everything and everyone – democratic institutions, religious minorities, voting rights and citizenship, farmland and farmers, forests and forest-dwellers, rivers and those who hold them sacred – at the altar of [slashing corporate taxes, ripping up labour laws and environmental codes,](https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2026-07-29/cockroaches-put-india-inc-on-notice?ref=opendemocracy.net) handing out sops to Indian Inc, and trying to turn India into a theocratic Hindu state.
But until recently, [even as India’s economy faltered and flatlined](https://theprint.in/india/india-has-7-4-growth-but-faltering-tax-revenue-could-have-implications-in-coming-fiscal-year/2825990/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and the ranks of the unemployed swelled, the compact proved astonishingly durable.
Indian society was unprepared for the hyper-violence unleashed by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, its party workers, its vigilantes and the might of India’s militarised security forces. For close to a decade, it retreated into a state of shock as Hindu-supremecist vigilantes openly hunted down and [lynched Muslims](https://scroll.in/article/809111/does-it-matter-what-kind-of-meat-was-in-the-fridge-of-a-man-murdered-by-a-mob?ref=opendemocracy.net), police [stormed universities](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019%5FJamia%5FMillia%5FIslamia%5Fattack?ref=opendemocracy.net) and brutalised students, the judiciary [denied bail to critics of the regime](https://thewire.in/film/prisoner-no-626710-is-present-film-umar-khalid?ref=opendemocracy.net) imprisoned on the flimsiest of charges, the election commission [disenfranchised millions of Indians](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cy51qg00dezo?ref=opendemocracy.net), and paramilitary soldiers apprehended thousands of Muslims, accused them of being illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, and in some cases, blindfolded them, strapped them into flimsy lifejackets [and flung them into the seas](https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2025/07/11/india-muslims-deportations-bangladesh-pahalgam/?ref=opendemocracy.net) along the coastline shared by the two countries.
State violence was amplified, justified and celebrated by the regime’s supporters, including in much of the media, while protests were dismissed as the work of terrorists, traitors and anti-nationals, and dispersed by policemen and paramilitaries wielding batons, teargas, and pellet-guns. Leftists were called Maoists, academics and writers were called seditionists, farmers were called Khalistani terrorists, Muslims were painted as agents of Pakistan.
“People have been trained to be cowards by this regime. Because when there's nothing else at stake, it's your life. It's simply your life. Nothing less than that is at stake,” said Neha Bora, student leader with the leftist All India Students Association, who undertook a 23-day hunger strike as part of the uprising.
“They're training us that when they commit mass murder in this country, everybody is so afraid that nobody can speak for the other. But what has been trained can be untrained. It can be unlearned. And every moment that we get, every chance and every opportunity that we get, we must unlearn this.”
**The cockroach protests have forged new solidarities among India’s youth. Photo credit: Ishan Tankha*
### **Unlearning Fear**
As the monsoon rolled over Delhi, signs of unlearning were everywhere. In buses, taxis and rickshaws, at tea-shops, cigarette stalls, and in the capital’s few open green spaces, every conversation was about the extraordinary protests unfolding at Jantar Mantar. These were the sorts of complex, layered, and occasionally frustrating conversations that have long characterised street politics, but had fallen silent over the past 12 years.
“I voted for Modi and now I’m ashamed,” said Subhash Yadav, a taxi driver from Bihar, a state in East India, who has lived in Delhi for several years. “There is so much unemployment, papers are being leaked, and if anyone opens his mouth, he is immediately locked up.”
For years, Yadav said, he counted himself as an “andh-bhakt”, or a blind follower. His devotion for Modi increased when the BJP fulfilled a long-standing promise to build a gargantuan Hindu temple in the city of Ayodhya on the site of a 13th-century Muslim mosque that was torn down by the BJP’s foot-soldiers in the 1990s.
“See, the people hanker for what they do not have,” Yadav said. “In \[Modi’s predecessor\] Manmohan Singh’s time, we had jobs, so we wanted the temple. Now we have the temple, but no jobs. Now we need jobs.”
Closer to the protest, the streets were plastered with anti-regime posters and graffiti. By evening, Tolstoy Marg – the primary access road to the site – thronged with young women and men carrying the battered, low-slung backpacks that mark out those who devote years of their youth to preparing for India’s competitive exams.
At the protest site itself, a network of volunteers directed the crowds as best they could around a large stage manned by volunteers and Abhijeet Dipke, the young man who started the Cockroach Janata Party’s Instagram handle as a dark joke, only to be followed by tens of millions of Indians convinced that the crisis of Indian democracy went far deeper than leaked exam papers.
“The government doesn’t understand what is going on here. They think this protest is a small thing,” said Saveen Gulia, who has been living at Jantar for ten days, having left his work laying fibre-optic internet cables in rural Haryana and jumped on a train with one sheet and three T-shirts, to participate in the protest. Gulia said he didn’t know a soul when he first arrived at the protest site, but very quickly found himself in a world he didn’t think was possible.
“Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, all living together as a family,” he said, still sounding a bit incredulous at this experience of peaceful coexistence. “I would see media people saying, ‘Muslims are like this, Muslims are like that’. But when I came here, I found that if you treat people well, they treat you well. Better than well, we all treated each other as family.”
Gulia blamed social media and online echo chambers – whose rise has coincided with the BJP’s 12 years in power – for “ruining this brotherhood”. The regime has [created a professionalised cadre of online trolls who have relentlessly chipped away at the idea that propaganda claiming ](https://www.huffpost.com/archive/in/entry/how-modi-shah-turned-a-women-s-rights-ngo-into-a-secret-election-propaganda-machine%5Fin%5F5ca5962ce4b05acba4dc1819?ref=opendemocracy.net)Hindus and Muslims cannot peacefully coexist in a society as complex as India, let alone be friends.
These trolls trigger waves of outrage about seemingly inconsequential things, such [as a detergent advert](https://livewire.thewire.in/livewire/boycottsurfexcel-surf-excels-new-ad-faces-flak-for-being-anti-hindu/?ref=opendemocracy.net) that showed a Muslim boy and Hindu girl playing Holi together. Their delegitimisation of something as intimate and profound as friendship has led a generation of young people such as Gulia to go most of their lives without ever really encountering someone from another religion.
In conversation after conversation at Jantar Mantar, young people camped out under makeshift tents expressed surprise, joy and excitement at encounters with strangers they would never have thought to speak to, befriend, or – as the crackdowns intensified – protect from police officers wielding batons allegedly [embedded with nails](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9FDjkF078AE&ref=opendemocracy.net).
“Every night, there are speakers from places like Jawaharlal Nehru University educating us about capitalism, about socialism, about why India is the way it is,” said Neha Dahat, a 22-year-old graduate working her first job in Delhi. Dahat had spent the past several nights at the protest, barely sleeping so she could listen to the carousel of opposition politicians, activists, and academics who address the crowds late into the night, and then waking early to head home, shower, change and head to work, only to return to the protest each evening.
“Every morning I wake up thinking, ‘Last night I heard something new, I learnt something new.’ I used to think I had read enough. But then someone at the protest will mention some writer, and I think, ‘Now I need to read this. Now I need to read more.’” Dahat’s eyes lit up as she pointed to a makeshift library that had been set up by the Students’ Federation of India, where she said she had been devouring books. It was clear that, despite attending a protest ostensibly about the sanctity of competitive examinations, this was the first time she had found herself amongst a community of readers interested in ideas beyond a syllabus.
“I’ve learnt I like to meet new people, to hear multiple perspectives, to understand how they think,” she said. “I think I need to be more open, to speak to people, people who live close to the ground, people who’ve come here from far away.”
As a seasoned student activist, Bora from the All India Students Association, said they were struck by how many of the people crammed into Jantar Mantar were first-time protesters.
“These are all people who would sit at home and call us anti-nationals,” she said. “If the television told them that those sitting here were a leftist, cabal of George Soros or whatever, they would have believed it. But it was this protest that made it possible for them to not believe such things.”
“You have to learn that every person who's been called anti-national before this, and who you accepted as anti-national, whose public trial you watched on television and believed, whose public trials you participated in, who you trolled on social media – all of those people who were called anti-national and you believed, you are that person. And if today you don't believe them because you are being called anti-national, then perhaps they are not anti-national either.”
**India’s youthful protestors have shattered Prime Minister Modi’s cult of personality. Photo: Ishan Tankha*
### **Mocking Modi**
Perhaps the most intriguing accomplishment of the BJP’s 12 years in power has been the insistence that Modi’s personal popularity remains intact.
Travel through Delhi, and the prime minister’s bearded visage is seen on billboards, at bus stops, petrol pumps, the airport, the train station. In interviews I have conducted over the years, people have bemoaned the state of the nation, the follies of individual government ministers and of bureaucracy, but have fallen silent when asked about their views on Modi – often an act of self-preservation, given [how routine it has become](https://www.huffpost.com/archive/in/entry/what-happens-to-the-people-arrested-for-insulting-modi%5Fin%5F5c11fb39e4b0508b2136d807?ref=opendemocracy.net) for the police to arrest those who allegedly insult him, even in private WhatsApp groups.
Even as discontent gathered force, as ever-widening swathes of society bridled under the weight of an increasingly arrogant regime, the government and the pliant media insisted that Modi was a popular leader, that only he could fix India, that resistance was futile.
Yet, over 36 days in June and July, the tens of thousands of students gathered at Jantar Mantar broke Modi’s fearsome cult of personality. The young now see him and his lieutenants as out-of-touch old men at best, and objects of ridicule at worst. The protesters may have been demanding the resignation of the education minister, but the focus of their ire was clearly Modi himself.
“*Modi jab darta hai, toh Hindu-Muslim karta hai*,” was one common call at Jantar Mantar, to which the response was, “*Modi jab darta hai, toh police ko aage karta hai.*” \[When Modi is frightened, he pits Hindus against Muslims / When Modi is frightened, he hides behind the police\].
But the slogan heard most often along the streets lining the protest site, usually as a high-pitched cry that cut through the din of the protest, was a Hindi ditty that began with the truism that the leaf of the Neem tree is bitter, only for the crowd to roar back an unprintable reply aimed squarely at the prime minister.
**Riya Kumari Thapa’s father holds a photograph of his daughter who died by suicide after the entrace examination papers for admission to India’s medical schools were leaked. Photo: Ishan Tankha*
If there was a space for contemplation amid the heady days and nights of rebellion, it was along the eastern boundary wall of the protest site.
Here, visitors were invited to scribble notes on a large white sheet printed with the faces of fresh-faced students from across the country. Some of the photographs were headshots of the sort required by India’s exam system: white background with the face taking up 80% of the image, centred so that both ears are clearly visible. Other photos offered glimpses of their lives life outside the grind of prepping for tests: a string of festive fairy lights behind a girl from Tamil Nadu dressed in a sparkly salwar kameez, a young man from Rajasthan standing before leaf-patterned curtains that perhaps his mother had chosen, the radiant smile of a girl from Madhya Pradesh; the wry but determined look of young man clearly trying to keep a straight face as a middle-aged man in the background bends over to tie his shoelaces.
These smiling young people, [their family and friends said](https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/the-fear-killed-her-how-an-exam-scandal-india-sparked-student-uprising-2026-07-25/?ref=opendemocracy.net), died by suicide as a consequence of the stress of having to take the leaked medical examinations again.
“Friends, you were like us,” said one note written in Hindi. “Society, the government and circumstance sought to strip you of your humanity, you wrought a revolution that has infused this world. We will meet again.”
### El mito de las 12 semanas sigue restringiendo el derecho al aborto en México
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/mexico-america-latina-aborto-justicia-reproductiva-plazos-ciencia-derecho-autonomia/
Last updated: 2026-08-06T13:32:58.000Z
Un prejuicio muy extendido, y reproducido en leyes, prácticas médicas y narrativas en México y otros países de América Latina, estipula que algunos abortos son tolerables y otros inconcebibles según los plazos en que se realicen. Pero esa idea no se basa en la ciencia ni en las estadísticas.
Quienes traspasan esos plazos se ven abocadas a estrategias para no ser vistas, juzgadas ni perseguidas, incluso en contextos donde el estigma opera con más fuerza que cualquier ley.
"Es importante trabajar el aborto avanzado porque es una necesidad real, pero no porque ahí esté la mayoría de los casos”, dijo a democraciaAbierta la experta en derechos reproductivos Mara Zaragoza.
Los abortos practicados después de las 12 semanas de embarazo constituyen entre el 10% y el 15% del total en todo el mundo, según [estimaciones](https://www.figo.org/es/%20recursos%20/%20declaraciones-figo%20/%20mejorando-el-acceso-aborto-despu%C3%A9s-de-las-12-semanas-de-embarazo?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la Federación Internacional de Ginecología y Obstetricia. “En México sabemos que se registra aproximadamente un 10%”, agregó Zaragoza, subdirectora de fortalecimiento de la organización Ipas Latinoamérica y el Caribe (Ipas LAC), que defiende la libertad reproductiva.
Parte de ese porcentaje abarca circunstancias de vida y salud cambiantes y extremas: una enfermedad que se presenta cuando la gestación avanza, incluso con riesgo de vida, anomalías fetales que se diagnostican en el segundo trimestre, un embarazo ‘críptico’ (no detectado hasta etapas avanzadas) o situaciones de violencia sexual y de género.
Buena parte de las mujeres y niñas que requieren un aborto más allá de las 12 o 14 semanas tienen situaciones de vulnerabilidad que les impiden acceder antes al servicio: viven en zonas rurales muy apartadas, son migrantes en tránsito, buscaron atención oportuna pero se la negaron, o soportaron presiones familiares, de pareja o de otro tipo para continuar una gestación que no querían.
## Un mapa fragmentado
La Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) [reconoce](https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/related-health-issues?ref=opendemocracy.net) desde 2020 el aborto como un servicio esencial de salud y un derecho humano fundamental – y en 2022 [recomendó](https://iris.who.int/server/api/core/bitstreams/246cccdc-a4c2-4dcc-8c18-8b11cdb9dd46/content?ref=opendemocracy.net) su despenalización total sin límites de edad gestacional.
La realidad legal en América Latina y el Caribe dista mucho de esa recomendación. Es un mosaico que va desde la prohibición absoluta hasta la despenalización, y que incluye una amplia discrecionalidad para fijar legalizaciones parciales por plazos, por causales o por combinaciones de ambos.
En [El Salvador](https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/codigo%5Fpenal%5Fel%5Fsalvador.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Honduras](https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/codigo%5Fpenal%5Fhonduras.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Nicaragua](https://cyber.harvard.edu/population/abortion/Nicaragua.abo.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net), [República Dominicana](https://www.oas.org/juridico/PDFs/Mesicic5%5FRepDo%5FRespuestaC%5FAne4.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) y [Haití](https://www.ecoi.net/en/document/2136218.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) no hay excepciones; el aborto es delito con prisión en cualquier circunstancia, con penas que varían desde los dos hasta los ocho años de prisión.
Otros países – [Bolivia](https://clacaidigital.info/bitstream/handle/123456789/951/ART%C3%8DCULO%20157%20Codigo%20Penal%20%20Bolivia.pdf?sequence=6&isAllowed=y&ref=opendemocracy.net), [Chile](https://www.bcn.cl/leychile/navegar?idNorma=1108237&ref=opendemocracy.net), [Panamá](https://docs.panama.justia.com/federales/codigos/codigo-penal.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) y [Brasil](https://www.camara.leg.br/proposicoesWeb/prop%5Fmostrarintegra?codteor=250495&ref=opendemocracy.net) – lo tipifican como delito, pero reconocen diferentes excepciones en las que no es punible: riesgo de vida materno, cuando el embarazo es producto de una violación, e inviabilidad fetal. Brasil y Bolivia no fijan plazos para los abortos bajo estas excepciones, mientras Chile y Panamá ponen plazos (de 12 o 14 semanas) para algunas, y Bolivia contempla incluso otras dos excepciones – pobreza extrema y ser estudiante – pero solo hasta la semana ocho de gestación.
En las leyes de [Costa Rica](https://www.asamblea.go.cr/sd/SiteAssets/Lists/Consultas%20Biblioteca/EditForm/Articulos%20del%20Codigo%20Penal%20respecto%20al%20aborto.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Guatemala](https://www.un.org/depts/los/LEGISLATIONANDTREATIES/PDFFILES/GTM%5Fcodigo%5Fpenal.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Paraguay](https://www.pj.gov.py/ebook/libros%5Ffiles/coleccion-derecho-penal.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Perú](https://oig.cepal.org/sites/default/files/1991%5Fper%5Fdl635.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) y [Venezuela](https://cyber.harvard.edu/population/abortion/Venezuela.abo.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net), el aborto solo se permite para salvar la vida y/o la salud de la gestante en circunstancias específicas, sin mencionar plazos. En Perú se fijó el límite en las 22 semanas mediante una guía técnica.
En [Uruguay](https://www.impo.com.uy/bases/leyes/18987-2012?ref=opendemocracy.net) el aborto es legal en las primeras 12 semanas si se cumplen ciertos requisitos – como reflexionar durante cinco días para luego ratificar la decisión –, hasta la semana 14 en casos de violación y por riesgo de vida y salud e inviabilidad fetal, sin plazos. Por disposición ministerial – no una ley – [Cuba](https://salud.msp.gob.cu/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/RM%5F24%5F2013.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) permite el aborto sin restricciones hasta la semana 12 y a discreción médica después.
En [México](https://ipaslac.org/causales-legales-para-el-aborto-en-mexico/?ref=opendemocracy.net), [24 de 32](https://abortomexico.gire.org.mx/aborto-en-datos/?ref=opendemocracy.net) estados lo despenalizaron en las primeras 12 semanas, aunque solo 10 han incorporado su regulación en las leyes locales de salud. Pero desde 2023, cuando la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación lo [despenalizó](https://www.internet2.scjn.gob.mx/red2/comunicados/noticia.asp?id=7504&ref=opendemocracy.net) a nivel federal, todas las instituciones de salud federales están obligadas a brindar el servicio. Sin embargo, el 90% de las atenciones aún se [concentran](https://observas.mx/datos-indicadores/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en la Ciudad de México, la primera entidad del país que legalizó el aborto, hace 19 años.
[Argentina](https://www.boletinoficial.gob.ar/detalleAviso/primera/239807/20210115?ref=opendemocracy.net) y [Colombia](https://www.corteconstitucional.gov.co/relatoria/2022/C-055-22.htm?ref=opendemocracy.net) avanzaron por otras vías. En Argentina es legal por sola voluntad hasta las 14 semanas, y en Colombia está despenalizado hasta la semana 24\. En los dos países se contemplan excepciones fuera de esos plazos.
Cualquiera sea el marco legal, los plazos aparecen como una frontera infranqueable, ya sea en leyes, protocolos o en el imaginario social, médico y legal.
Pero no responden a la evidencia científica. “Se basan en decisiones políticas, a menudo arbitrarias, que no consideran las diferentes necesidades de quienes gestan ni las barreras específicas que enfrentan quienes están en mayor vulnerabilidad”, dijo a democraciaAbierta la abogada Valeria Pedraza Benavides, coordinadora de contenidos y estrategias jurídicas de Ipas LAC. “Son ellas quienes enfrentan más obstáculos para acceder a información en las primeras semanas del embarazo, y quienes se ven más afectadas por la criminalización".
Además, la persistencia del aborto como un delito en cualquier momento o por fuera de los plazos “genera temor en las mujeres y personas con posibilidad de gestar y un efecto amedrentador en los proveedores de servicios”, explicó Pedraza Benavidez.
## El tabú de las 12 semanas
"Existe una idea de que después de la semana 12 el aborto es muy riesgoso, independientemente de si lo haces con un equipo capacitado", dijo la abogada y activista Ninde Molre. "Eso no solo lo tiene el personal de salud, sino también las personas; entonces, cuando llegan con nosotras, tienen mucho temor: pérdida de la salud, pérdida de un órgano, pérdida de la vida", agregó Molre, directora de Abortistas México, una red de colectivas feministas, abogadas y profesionales de la salud que trabajan por el derecho a la autonomía reproductiva.
Sin embargo, la interrupción del embarazo es [segura](https://www.who.int/es/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion?ref=opendemocracy.net) en cualquier etapa gestacional, siempre que se empleen los métodos recomendados por una persona que posea las capacidades necesarias, sea la misma gestante o una profesional de la medicina. Hacerlo sin información conlleva riesgos que sí son reales.
“La OMS dice que el aborto es un proceso tan seguro que en las primeras etapas una persona puede dirigir su propio aborto en su casa”, recordó Zaragoza. “En el aborto avanzado sí es necesario, y nos volvemos dependientes de un sistema de salud, de un personal médico con la capacidad y también con la voluntad de ofrecer ese servicio. De no tenerlo, pues esta es una franca barrera”. Por eso, cuando los proveedores carecen de conocimiento y capacidad, se convierten en un obstáculo.
En 2022 una adolescente de 17 años llegó a un hospital de México con un embarazo avanzado producto de una violación. Sola y a cargo de su hermana con padecimientos mentales, había sido violada y obligada a huir a las montañas por el crimen organizado. Aunque había sido atendida en centros de salud de primer nivel, no le habían ofrecido el servicio que es un [derecho desde 2009](https://www.dof.gob.mx/nota%5Fdetalle.php?codigo=5087256&fecha=16/04/2009&ref=opendemocracy.net#gsc.tab=0) para casos de violencia sexual o familiar.
En lugar de entregarle atención inmediata, el personal médico y las autoridades del hospital se reunieron para deliberar si correspondía o no realizar la interrupción.
“Aunque encontraban que la situación de la adolescente era de alta marginación y violencias combinadas, no tenían el conocimiento, la experiencia ni la voluntad para optar por un aborto avanzado”, dijo Zaragoza al relatar el caso. “¿Qué haría esa jovencita con un recién nacido en una montaña, sin garantía de alimentos, de salud? Desde Ipas LAC ofrecimos colaborar, pero rechazaron rotundamente la idea de un aborto avanzado”.
Tras un largo derrotero y con el apoyo de varias organizaciones civiles, la adolescente pudo poner fin al embarazo en la Ciudad de México.
Aunque las fuentes señalan que en los últimos años mejoró la comprensión del personal de salud sobre la atención del aborto en casos de violación y en etapas avanzadas, aún persisten barreras puestas por las instituciones.
“Todavía gran parte del personal médico tiene muchos tabúes”, dijo a democraciaAbierta la ginecóloga obstetra Georgina Díaz Orozco, con más de 20 años de experiencia y referente en aborto avanzado en Jalisco, estado del oeste de México.
Según la experta, el desconocimiento médico sigue alimentado por el miedo jurídico, infundado, que incorporan las y los estudiantes en las escuelas de medicina, principalmente las católicas.
“Los médicos generales que salen de ahí obviamente tienen un desconocimiento total del tema. Incluso salen con temor de atender este tipo de pacientes, pero cuando llegan a las instituciones públicas, que es donde hacen sus prácticas médicas, se dan cuenta de que es un servicio como cualquier otro y que lo brindamos con todas las de la ley”, dijo Díaz Orozco.
En cuanto a profesionales ya en ejercicio, su principal temor es que los denuncien por realizar abortos. “Pero precisamente solo es desconocimiento, porque tenemos toda la legislación a nuestro favor para poder brindar el servicio a nuestras pacientes con toda tranquilidad, sin el temor de ser criminalizados”, sostuvo Díaz Orozco respecto de Jalisco, donde el aborto por libre decisión es legal en las primeras 12 semanas y sin límite de tiempo en casos de violación o peligro para la salud o la vida de la persona gestante.
La abogada y activista Molre aseguró: “No hay un solo médico al que le hayan retirado su cédula (licencia)” por practicar abortos en México.
Existe también un obstáculo más complejo: el mal uso de la objeción de conciencia, la posibilidad individual del personal médico y de enfermería de negarse a realizar un acto médico legal si es incompatible con sus convicciones éticas o religiosas. Según Zaragoza, en algunos lugares se ha convertido en una herramienta de desigualdad. Cuando todo el personal que atiende en hospitales públicos se declara objetor de conciencia se termina negando el servicio a poblaciones completas, y se crea una “distinción entre las personas que pueden tener acceso” al mismo servicio en forma privada.
“Esto desvirtúa totalmente la objeción de conciencia y se vuelve una práctica de aborto selectiva”, resumió Zaragoza.
### Culpabilización y estigma
Existe, además, un estigma sobre las personas que requieren un aborto en una gestación avanzada. "Socialmente las calificamos como personas insensibles, sin sentido materno, faltas de moralidad”, explicó Zaragoza. “Eso hace que quienes no lograron acceder en etapa temprana se sientan menos confiadas, con menos agencia para tener este servicio".
Según Molre, el estigma también genera una necesidad particular de justificar su decisión. La abogada, que también es acompañante de abortos, lo ve constantemente y cita algunas defensas frecuentes: “No me di cuenta, tenía este síndrome de ovario poliquístico… Usamos condón y se rompió... Pues sí lo quería tener pero al final…”.
Las mujeres con embarazos crípticos también pasan a estar bajo la picota. “¿Cómo puede decir que no se enteró?”, ejemplificó Molre. Y se responsabiliza a quien busca un aborto por vivir violencia de género: “¿Y por qué seguías con él? ¿Y por qué te embarazaste?”.
Esa culpa pesa como una sentencia. Y el lenguaje la refuerza. Cuando se habla de "bebé" o "niñito" para referirse a un feto, se le atribuye una personificación que afecta profundamente la validación del aborto, explicaron Zaragoza y Molre.
"Lo vemos en canciones, poemas, telenovelas. Eso impone una barrera importante que equipara el aborto con la muerte de una persona, lo cual no es así", ejemplificó Zaragoza.
A su vez, Molre señaló que en los casos de malformaciones o alteraciones genéticas el estigma se invierte, y a veces el personal de salud incentiva a las gestantes a abortar, bajo el argumento de “¿cómo vas a traer a un hijo con un síndrome, con un padecimiento más?”.
Pero también hay lugares donde el estigma y el miedo retroceden.
En el Hospital Materno Infantil de Jalisco, hace 10 años solo había dos ginecólogas que practicaban abortos en una plantilla de 47\. Tras años de trabajo continuo de sensibilización y capacitación, esa proporción se invirtió. Hoy hay solo dos objetoras.
"Fue un trabajo difícil; fue luchar contra el estigma, contra el señalamiento, contra los comentarios", reconoció la médica Díaz Orozco. Pero el cambio se produjo. “Cuando vieron que estábamos ayudando a las mujeres y personas con capacidad de gestar, se dieron cuenta de que el trabajo era importante”. Hoy el hospital es un centro referente de buenas prácticas, agregó
"Así como quienes objetan conciencia dicen 'mis principios no me permiten hacer un aborto', ese mismo argumento aplica para quienes hacen abortos avanzados y dicen 'mis principios no me permiten abandonar a una mujer con estas necesidades'. Eso me parece una de las lecciones más importantes que nos han ayudado a solventar las barreras", explicó Zaragoza.
### Life, death and despair: Searching for loved ones after Venezuela earthquakes
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/venezuela-earthquake-victims-missing-regime-abandonment-trump/
Last updated: 2026-07-30T13:21:15.000Z
A month after two powerful earthquakes hit Venezuela on 24 June, some are still sleeping next to the rubble, despite the intense smell of decomposing bodies. Whenever the rain eases off – it’s rainy season in the Latin American country, with frequent heavy downpours and thunderstorms – they climb down between the broken concrete, sometimes descending more than 15 meters. They do not stop searching.
I arrived in La Guaira four days after the magnitude 7.2 and 7.5 earthquakes shook northern Venezuela. I understood immediately that none of the images I had seen in the news or on social media could capture the reality of what had happened. I spent two weeks reporting the aftermath of the disaster.
The earthquakes have worsened an already critical situation. The UN [estimates](https://www.undrr.org/publication/documents-and-publications/analytical-estimate-damages-caused-june-24-2026-earthquakes?ref=opendemocracy.net) the preliminary cost of damage to buildings and infrastructure at $37bn, in a country that was already experiencing the worst economic crisis in its history.
Since 2015, Venezuela’s oil economy has been severely hit by mismanagement, the collapse of crude prices, and sanctions imposed by the United States, while the regime led by Nicolás Maduro since 2013 has intensified authoritarianism and rigged elections. On 3 January this year, a [US military operation](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-coup-trump-united-states-monroe-doctrine-maduro/) abducted Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, who are imprisoned in New York facing “narco-terrorism” charges. The same regime, now led by interim president Delcy Rodríguez – previously Maduro’s vice-president – operates under the tutelage of Donald Trump.
In La Guaira, a state on the Caribbean Sea where the country’s main seaport and Maiquetía international airport are located, Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis was already evident by 2018, when the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution urging the government to accept aid. [Hospitals were in ruins](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-birth-in-hell-covid-economic-collapse/), and there were daily blackouts, water and internet failures, endless lines to get subsidised fuel, and spiralling costs of living. When I left Venezuela four years later, these shortages had spread across the entire country.
[Venezuelan women give birth in ‘hell’ amid COVID-19 and economic collapseGiving birth in Venezuela was already ‘Dantesque’, say experts. But with COVID-19 it’s even getting worse. This is what I saw at a Caracas maternity hospital. EspañolopenDemocracyMagda Gibelli](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-birth-in-hell-covid-economic-collapse/)
[Venezuela: From Monroe’s Doctrine to Trump’s Jungle LawThe US has a long history of military intervention in Latin America, but never before has it been so brazenopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-coup-trump-united-states-monroe-doctrine-maduro/)
Then came the earthquakes. Catia la Mar and Caraballeda were the municipalities most affected; in just 39 seconds, hundreds of buildings had collapsed and slid sideways, compressed like an accordion. Those inside had almost no time to escape. Many of the residences that were still standing lost external walls or upper floors; others were cut in half or left leaning, as if about to fall. Official figures suggest that, in total, more than 800 buildings have been affected, with 190 collapsing.
But more heartbreaking than the visible destruction was the loneliness of the survivors.
In the first week after the disaster, ordinary people sustained much of the immediate response. They provided water, food, tents, mattresses, and clothes for the victims, as well as the manpower and tools to clear the rubble.
The recovery of victims was left mostly in the hands of relatives. They chanted, “we are alone” over and over as they worked under the relentless sun to clear rubble with their bare hands, cut steel beams or open tunnels through thick concrete slabs with sledgehammers.
They protested the scarce presence of state rescue teams and demanded that the soldiers and police who had been deployed to guard the area – presumably to avoid riots – put down their weapons and help search for their loved ones. Firefighters and Civil Protection officers gradually joined the rescue efforts, many of them poorly equipped, without vehicles or resources to move around or perform their tasks.
In buildings where there were signs of survivors – often detected by neighbours – local people formed improvised work crews with the support of local labourers, miners and engineers, who shared their knowledge on how to make their way through the rubble.
The first to enter were the “moles”: mostly young people with no search and rescue experience, who were able to slide through precarious tunnels barely wider than their shoulders. Once inside, they looked for signs of life or death: any sound, a different smell, the buzz of flies, worms beginning to appear.
The moles also tried to identify apartment tiles, toys, clothing, and any other objects or documents, to determine which floor they were on. With the arrival of international rescuers, they learned the rescue signals, and for many, the raised fist has been burned into their memory forever – a sign of hope of life. Whenever somebody made that signal – raising their hand into a fist – everything else came to a standstill: the motorcycles, the cars, even those walking stopped. In the silence that followed, one question echoed around the rubble: “Is anyone alive?”
**Rescuers from the Mexican army at the Caribe residence in Caraballeda, east of La Guaira, Venezuela | Magda Gibelli*
Soon, more than 3,500 rescuers arrived from Mexico, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Portugal, Italy, France, Spain and elsewhere, but the scale of the disaster made their presence seem insufficient. Among mountains of concrete, rescue teams searched relentlessly for survivors.
During that first week, no one had to ask for water or food; both were regularly distributed by vehicles organised by local people, which constantly passed by. They asked only for power generators and the gasoline to run them, saws, electric jackhammers, boom cranes, and satellite internet antennas, hoping that if someone trapped in the rubble had a cell phone, they could connect to the internet to report that they were alive.
Local people provided what little they had, with provisions from state institutions appearing only weeks later, and even then, resources remained scarce. Some relatives received donations to rent machinery, others received support from workers, but nothing was ever enough.
Ten days after the earthquakes, and with no further signs of life, the international rescue teams began to leave, and despair took hold of the families of the missing. Staying quiet to listen out for survivors was becoming increasingly difficult; everyone was in a hurry to look for their loved ones, and no one wanted to stop hammering or clearing rubble.
Help from all sources became less frequent. Instead of machinery, relatives began asking for water, energy drinks, face masks, biosecurity suits to protect them from decomposing bodies, rodents and polluted water, and money to organise their meals.
“We need help, our boy Massimo is still trapped in the Caribe residential complex, Tower C (with 208 apartments), 7th floor, at what was a little cousin's party. We haven't been able to rescue him yet,” wrote Eduar on his WhatsApp status on 18 July, almost one month after the earthquakes.
Eduar had returned to Venezuela from Colombia after losing contact with his family following the earthquake. With the help of relatives, neighbours, and friends, he managed to rescue more than 10 bodies in 24 days, five of them direct relatives. Every day the search became more dangerous: “Whenever I move something, something else starts to fall; it's very complicated. We are afraid because since it's a hole, someone could fall in there,” he told me. But he and his father, Alejandro, refused to stop searching. The last body Eduar was able to pull out was that of his 10-year-old child.
A few kilometres from the collapsed buildings, the other side of the tragedy unfolds in temporary makeshift camps where thousands of people who lost everything sleep in tents or in beds protected by tarps. Around 23,587 survivors are housed in more than 100 camps across La Guaira, the capital city of Caracas, and the states of Miranda and Aragua, according to official figures.
Some of these shelters are managed by the government and local and international humanitarian organisations. One of the area’s main industries was tourism, and most of the victims now rely on aid, having lost their income along with their homes.
Across the main avenue running through La Guaira, dozens of forensic officials dressed in protective white suits and blue gowns work to identify bodies. By the sea, on the path to the pier, the still-unidentified bodies lay in a row, covered with black bags and lime, surrounded by wooden coffins. Relatives arrive here to claim the remains of their loved ones.
In some cemeteries, spaces have been set up to bury unidentified victims. The deceased are assigned a number that corresponds to a file containing information such as the date and place where they were found, a description and photograph of the body, their belongings, and any identifying details.
As of this week, the Venezuelan government reports 5,546 people dead, 16,740 injured, and nearly 18,000 people left homeless. There is still no official figure for the missing, although [a website set up to help people find loved ones](https://venezuelareporta.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) puts the number at 41,000.
*Magda Gibelli is a Venezuelan journalist and photographer based in Jerusalem. She has produced text, photo, and video work for outlets such as EFE, AFP, Bloomberg, The Times, and The Guardian, covering events in Peru, Spain, Mexico, Venezuela, Israel, and Palestine.*
### How the US is inciting a global fight against ‘far-left’ protesters
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/united-states-far-left-terrorism-protest-activism-direct-action-trump-rubio-argentina/
Last updated: 2026-07-29T15:33:39.000Z
When Marco Rubio gathered representatives from 66 countries in Washington this month, his aim was clear and aggressive: target the [“resurgence of far-left terrorism](https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/07/state-department-addresses-international-resurgence-of-far-left-political-terrorism?ref=opendemocracy.net)”. Framing the threat as a global emergency, the US secretary of state called on intelligence agencies and security forces around the world to unite to “crush this evil forever”.
“We can, and we must, identify and map this threat and rebuild our counterterrorism architecture to defeat it,” [Rubio warned attendees](https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/07/remarks-at-the-opening-of-the-ministerial-on-the-resurgence-of-political-terrorism?ref=opendemocracy.net). “Just as we have done together before, now we must do it together again.”
Referencing various left-wing guerrilla and political organisations that were active across Latin America in the 20th century, he added: “Every one of our friends here from the nations of the Western Hemisphere remember – remember the decades of kidnappings and bombings and assassinations and executions, the violent terror of the Tupamaros, of the Montoneros, of the FARC, of the ELN.”
Outside the conference room, the State Department was making the same point to the wider American public. It released [a document](https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/07/state-department-addresses-international-resurgence-of-far-left-political-terrorism?ref=opendemocracy.net) on the same topic, which used extremely vague data to draw parallels between the Latin American guerrillas of the 1960s and 1970s and very different situations in Europe and the US to demonstrate that “left-wing terrorism” exists – and has previously been ‘defeated’.
In Latin America, this messaging amounts to an open endorsement of the state terrorism and genocide that 20th-century military dictatorships and regional repressive coordination efforts – such as [Plan Condor](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/operation-condor/), an illegal operation by military regimes in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay to capture and disappear political opponents across borders – deployed to combat the guerrillas.
Rubio’s threat appears clear: Washington is willing to repeat that extreme state violence – and the egregious human rights violations it led to – in order to stop modern-day “left-wing terrorists”.
Given that no armed movements like those 20th-century guerrillas Rubio mentioned actually exist in our region today, which groups or individuals is the US government referring to? Understanding this will allow us to understand the pattern of political persecution it seeks to export worldwide.
Among them are “antifa”– decentralised groups that confront the far right, racism, and colonialism through street tactics and digital activism. The current US administration has repeatedly referred to these groups as a kind of highly organised international conspiracy; Donald Trump designated them as a terrorist organisation in September 2025, even though they are clearly not an organisation.
Trump’s White House has also labelled some of the groups opposing the systematic persecution of migrants by the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) as “domestic terrorists”.
Perhaps the [most famous case](https://www-theguardian-com.translate.goog/us-news/2026/jun/23/prairieland-ice-protesters-texas-sentenced?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net) of US authorities criminalising dissidents in recent years combined both “antifa” and “anti-ICE”. In July last year, police violence towards an anti-deportation protest outside the Prairieland detention facility in Texas led to riots in which a police officer was shot and received a non-life-threatening injury. Eleven people were arrested; the US government determined that they were part of the “antifa cell” in North Texas. Last month, six people were handed prison sentences ranging from 30 to 70 years, while the activist who shot the officer received a 100-year sentence.
Clearly, the primary targets of this political persecution are protest and social movements, especially those associated with various forms of direct action.
In both the US and Europe, there has been a trend in recent years to classify protesters or activists who employ direct-action tactics – which, in some cases, result in property damage – as terrorists or violent extremists. These incidents are framed, prosecuted, and tried as “national security” cases.
Take the situation of Palestine Action in the UK. The government proscribed the direct action group as a terrorist organisation last year, and last month, four of its activists had a ‘terrorist connection’ applied to sentences for criminal damage at a factory owned by the UK branch of Elbit Systems, an Israeli weapons manufacturer. Five more Palestine Action activists now also face being sentenced as terrorists for breaking windows and throwing red paint at a branch of Barclays Bank, which held shares in Elbit Systems. In both cases, [jurors were not told](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/jul/27/palestine-action-activists-face-being-sentenced-terrorists-damage-barclays-bank-burnley?ref=opendemocracy.net) that reaching a guilty verdict could lead to the protesters being sentenced as terrorists.
But the content of Rubio’s speech – with its anti-Marxist and anti-left rhetoric – suggests the persecution could extend beyond direct-action groups, impacting all kinds of progressive opposition groups. In fact, Trump administration officials have repeatedly referred to the Democratic Party itself (which is hardly suspected of Marxism) as an “extremist organisation”.
The shift toward the far right and the resulting political weaponisation of the definition of terrorism is a hallmark of the current US administration and several of its allies in the region.
In May of this year, [the new US counterterrorism strategy was released](https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/2026-USCT-Strategy-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), identifying three major sources of terrorist activities: “narco-terrorists and transnational gangs,” “historical Islamist terrorists,” and “violent left-wing extremists, including anarchists and anti-fascists.” Far-right terrorism is not listed as a concern, even though the most serious acts of violence in the US – aside from the attacks of 11 September 2001 – were carried out by white supremacists or other far-right groups.
The guest list of Rubio’s meeting earlier this month suggests that, for now at least, tackling “far-left terrorism” is a low priority for most governments; the majority opted to dispatch mid-to-low-level diplomatic or law enforcement representatives, rather than cabinet ministers. The two notable exceptions were Israel and Argentina, both of which sent their foreign ministers.
In Argentina’s case, Pablo Quirno was not only one of the highest-profile foreign officials present, but [reportedly spoke at the event](https://www.batimes.com.ar/news/world/rubio-says-united-states-wants-to-globalise-fight-against-far-left-terrorism.phtml?ref=opendemocracy.net) in a strong show of alignment between right-wing president Javier Milei and the US administration.
The concept of “far-left terrorism” has not been part of Argentina’s security agenda since the 1990s. But last year, this concept found its way into Milei’s [National Intelligence Plan](https://informes.revistacrisis.com.ar/controlar-al-pueblo-para-entregar-la-patria/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which listed “anarchist terrorism” as one of the risk scenarios that Argentine intelligence agencies must monitor – without any clarification of what it actually refers to.
The Argentine government must now explain what role it played in Rubio’s meeting and what it considers “left-wing terrorism”. It is crucial that the entire political spectrum put a stop to these encroachments, which use counterterrorism policies as an excuse for political persecution, the curtailment of freedoms, and the legitimisation of state violence.
*CELS is an Argentine human rights organisation with a broad agenda that includes defending the right to protest.*
### El fin de la ayuda de EEUU y el régimen Talibán están matando la salud materna en Afganistán
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/afganistan-mortalidad-materna-usaid-crisis-salud/
Last updated: 2026-07-28T19:56:46.000Z
Las contracciones de Nasima empezaron a fines de diciembre de 2025\. Tenía 30 años, era madre de dos hijos y vivía en una aldea remota del distrito de Ashtarlay, provincia de Daikondi, en el centro de Afganistán. Como muchas mujeres de zonas rurales de este país, pensaba parir en casa.
Pero después de dos días de contracciones cada vez más intensas, la familia de Nasima la llevó a la clínica del distrito. El personal de salud le informó que tenía la presión arterial muy alta, señal de preeclampsia, una complicación grave que requiere intervención médica, pero la clínica no tenía equipo para asistir el parto. Así que instaron a la familia a que trasladara a Nasima urgentemente al hospital provincial de Nili, a tres horas de distancia.
"Murió en el auto antes de que llegáramos al hospital", nos dijo por teléfono la hermana de Nasima, Noria\*, de 47 años. "Ella y su bebé".
La muerte de Nasima era evitable. El control de la presión en el embarazo es de rutina y permite identificar riesgos apenas aparecen. Pero la atención materna básica es un lujo para millones de mujeres afganas. Trabajadores de salud de todo el país relataron que el sistema sanitario ya precario se vino abajo por la escasez de personal femenino, las restricciones impuestas por el régimen Talibán a la educación y el empleo de las mujeres, y la [suspensión de la ayuda](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-congela-fondos-ayuda-internacional-exterior-america-latina-africa-ucrania-usaid/) que entregaba la USAID (la agencia para el desarrollo internacional del gobierno de EEUU), que eliminó importantes programas humanitarios de salud y forzó el cierre de cientos de clínicas. El resultado fue catastrófico en las provincias rurales de Afganistán.
"No tenemos personal, no tenemos equipo, no tenemos espacio", nos dijo un médico de uno de los hospitales públicos más grandes de Afganistán, que pidió no revelar su nombre. "Nuestro hospital tiene 100 camas, pero estamos recibiendo más de 200 pacientes al día. Estamos ingresando a tres o cuatro pacientes por cama".
El desastre es más visible en las salas de maternidad. El hospital de este médico atiende alrededor de 90 partos al día, más del doble de su capacidad, en medio de una "enorme escasez" de equipo y personal. El doctor estimó que, por mes, mueren unos 80 bebés bajo cuidado del hospital; y que un promedio de 10 de esas muertes deben atruibuirse a la falta de recursos hospitalarios.
La crisis se enmarca en el colpaso de la atención de salud reproductiva en Afganistán. El acceso a anticonceptivos cayó notablemente en los últimos años, las clínicas cierran y la pobreza y la desnutrición se agravan.
Testimonios de mujeres obtenidos este año por el sitio de periodismo de investigación Zan Times dan cuenta de un círculo vicioso de embarazos forzados, complicaciones sin tratar y violencia. Las mujeres dijeron que no podían buscar atención ni prevenir riesgos.
En este contexto, y sin atención prenatal adecuada, el embarazo puede convertirse en un factor de riesgo de vida, ya que infecciones, trombosis o complicaciones como la preeclampsia escalan rápidamente y terminan en muerte materna.
Una partera controla a una mujer que está por dar a luz | Elise Blanchard/Getty Images
Este espiral está documentado en el último [informe](https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-63-auv.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) del relator especial de la ONU sobre los derechos humanos en Afganistán, Richard Bennett, que se publicó en febrero. Fuentes del sistema de salud relataron a Bennett que "la escasez de medicamentos esenciales, sumada a insuficiente personal capacitado, instalaciones inadecuadas, sistemas de derivación débiles y falta de trabajadoras de salud, particularmente en zonas rurales, están contribuyendo a muertes maternas y neonatales prevenibles".
La cantidad de mujeres que trabajan en el sistema de salud se redujo rápidamente desde que los talibanes prohibieron a las mujeres asistir a la universidad, en diciembre de 2022\. La escasez de personal ya estaba bien documentada incluso antes de los cortes de asistencia de la USAID, ordenados por Donald Trump el año pasado.
De los 367 médicos especialistas que trabajan en hospitales del gobierno en 16 de las 34 provincias, solo 66 eran mujeres, según un [informe](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fpajhwok.com%2Ffa%2F2023%2F09%2F25%2F77-of-the-districts-do-not-have-hospitals-that-operate-at-the-district-level%2F&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031504410%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=M4evYhxYRdeqKVn0ttno%2FhRdbmz4bsrhYZCU5olr7LM%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) de 2023 de la agencia de noticias afgana Pajhwok, basado en datos de directorios de salud pública. Dos provincias – Nuristán y Panshir, donde viven 365.000 personas – no tenían doctoras especialistas. Pajhwok encontró una escasez de al menos 107 especialistas en esas 16 provincias, y destacó escasez de medicinas y equipo médico. Un funcionario talibán sostuvo que solo 90 de los casi 400 distritos de Afganistán tenían hospitales distritales.
Al año siguiente, el relator Bennett señaló que "la escasez aguda de personal médico esencial, sobre todo trabajadoras mujeres, causó un debilitamiento sistemático de funciones esenciales de la salud pública". Como resultado, dijo, dos de cada tres mujeres afganas no tienen atención médica confiable.
Según la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), la tasa de mortalidad materna en 2023 fue de 521 mujeres muertas por cada 100.000 nacidos vivos, más del doble del promedio mundial. Al año siguiente se llegó a 638 muertes por cada 100.000 nacimientos, según el informe de Bennett.
Con la eliminación de la ayuda de USAID, la tendencia se agravó, según personal de salud afgano. Las clínicas suspendieron operaciones de forma abrupta y se [dejó de realizar](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.afghanistan-analysts.org%2Fen%2Freports%2Frights-freedom%2Fis-maternal-mortality-on-the-rise-in-afghanistan-no-official-data-but-much-cause-for-concern%2F&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031514259%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=vTzwmzXLeONdfeUaTZZmmh7JTGWKHbFfPhn6FPFmWo4%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) la encuesta nacional anual de mortalidad materna, con lo que la escala real de la crisis queda enmascarada.
El Fondo de Población de las Naciones Unidas advierte que, por esta vía, la tasa de mortalidad materna de Afganistán puede llegar a 1.200 muertes por cada 100.000 nacidos vivos para 2028.
## ‘Si estuvieras aquí, ella estaría viva’
Trump ordenó [suspender las actividades de la USAID y desmantelar](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-congela-fondos-ayuda-internacional-exterior-america-latina-africa-ucrania-usaid/) en gran medida la agencia en enero de 2025\. Para el 27 de mayo de ese año, habían cesado actividades o cerrado [422 centros de salud](https://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/afghanistan-suspendedclosed-health-facilities-due-us-government-work-stop-ban-update-27-may-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 30 provincias, afectando a 3,08 millones de personas. Siete meses después, ya había [445 centros cerrados](https://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/afghanistan-suspendedclosed-health-facilities-due-us-government-work-stop-ban-update-20-december-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 33 provincias, con 3,79 millones de personas afectadas, según dos actualizaciones del mapeo que realiza el Clúster de Salud de la ONU (una iniciativa liderada por la OMS para atender emergencias humanitarias) [en Afganistán](https://healthcluster.who.int/countries-and-regions/afghanistan?ref=opendemocracy.net).
[Trump congela ayuda exterior y genera temor en las ONGTrabajadores humanitarios de América Latina y el Caribe, África y Europa advierten sobre los impactos del ataque de Trump a USAIDopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-congela-fondos-ayuda-internacional-exterior-america-latina-africa-ucrania-usaid/)
El acceso a tratamiento médico varía entre provincias, pero los distritos rurales están más desatendidos. Aproximadamente 13,2 millones de personas no tienen atención primaria de salud a una distancia de una hora de caminata, según un [análisis](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fdata.unhcr.org%2Fen%2Fdocuments%2Fdetails%2F112994&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031545844%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=tMXGFbdt5TScdjscWa37yBkGa5002XS%2FkOWMT1LUhbA%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) de ACNUR de 2024.
Esas áreas remotas dependían en gran medida de los Equipos Móviles de Salud y Nutrición (MHNTs, por sus siglas en inglés), que solían ser los únicos proveedores de salud materna. Suministraban atención prenatal, atendían partos y hacían derivaciones de emergencia. Pero para mayo del año pasado habían cerrado 153, y en diciembre ya eran 203.
Banafsha\*, de 27 años, era partera de un MHNTs que atendía a 13 aldeas remotas en el distrito de Yaftal (noreste), y que dejó de funcionar en febrero del año pasado. Cada equipo incluía una doctora, una partera, una vacunadora, una consejera, una trabajadora social y un conductor, que viajaban desde la ciudad de Faizabad a aldeas rurales hasta 90 kilómetros de distancia. Pernoctaban una noche en cada aldea y atendían a mujeres embarazadas que llegaban desde lugares distantes a pie, a caballo o incluso en escaleras acondicionadas como camillas.
Banafsha recordó que en 2024 una mujer casi muere dos días después del parto por no haber expulsado la placenta. El MHNTs logró extraer la placenta y frenar la hemorragia. La mujer sobrevivió. "Ahora nos llaman para contarnos que las mujeres están muriendo", dijo. "Nos dicen: 'Si estuvieras aquí, ella estaría viva'".
Una partera sostiene a un recién nacido en el hospital provincial de Ghazni en agosto de 2025 | Elise Blanchard/Getty Images
Los bebés también mueren por falta de atención. En Baglán – una provincia del norte que perdió 14 centros de salud, 10 de ellos, MHNTs –, una clínica distrital registró unos 500 partos el año pasado, con 10 recién nacidos muertos.
En la provincia de Tajar (noreste) – que se quedó sin cinco centros de salud, incluyendo dos MHNTs –, una clínica que sirve a más de 24.000 personas registró 960 partos en 2025\. La clínica no tiene camas de internación, y el personal de salud incluye apenas 19 integrantes, entre ellos cuatro parteras. En enero de este año, dos bebés murieron minutos después de nacer por falta de oxígeno, reportó una fuente.
En Daikundi, provincia del centro del país, el daño se ve. Hasta que la financiación se detuvo el año pasado, Laila\*, de 28 años, trabajaba como partera en un MHNTs en Ashtarlay, el mismo distrito donde murió Nasima. El equipo de seis personas de Laila atendía hasta 150 mujeres y niños por día. Tomaban la presión arterial, controoban embarazos de alto riesgo y derivaban pacientes antes de que las complicaciones escalaran.
"Cuando la clínica cerró, todo se detuvo", dijo Laila. "Las mujeres no tenían a nadie que las atendiera". Nasima fue una de estas mujeres. Sin las visitas del equipo móvil de salud materna, no había nadie para detectar los primeros signos de preeclampsia.
Los cierres también abarcaron las Casas de Salud Familiar. Se trata de pequeñas clínicas comunitarias que ofrecen servicios de salud materna, infantil y reproductiva, especialmente en áreas rurales y de difícil acceso. Por lo general trabajan en ellas parteras profesionales y trabajadoras de salud, y son vitales para mujeres que no pueden acceder fácilmente a hospitales. Solo en Daikundi, [21 de los 24 centros cerrados](https://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/afghanistan-suspendedclosed-health-facilities-due-us-government-work-stop-ban-update-20-december-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net) eran Casas de Salud Familiar, así que la atención prenatal de rutina pasó a ser inaccesible para miles de mujeres.
En Badajshán, otra provincia del noreste, cerraron sus puertas 29 centros de salud, entre ellos 17 Casas de Salud Familiar. Allí la situación se agrava por la escasez de servicios y una geografía montañosa y de difícil acceso.
Zainab\*, de 32 años y embarazada de su quinto hijo, empezó su trabajo de parto una noche en la aldea de Sabzdara. Una partera tradicional – rol que suelen cumplir mujeres ancianas sin capacitación médica formal – intentó controlar el sangrado, pero advirtió a la familia de Zainab que se necesitaba un médico. No había electricidad ni señal de teléfono, y la clínica más cercana, a tres horas de distancia, carecía de personal y estaba cerrada de noche.
Por la mañana, encontraron a alguien que la condujo a la clínica, pero Zainab se desmayó cuando llegaron. No había partera, un médico varón se vio obligado a intentar una cirugía ante una situación desesperada, ya que los hombres en Afganistán no intervienen en el parto excepto cuando es muy urgente. Zainab y su bebé murieron.
"Si hubiera habido una clínica y un doctor esa noche, mi esposa estaría viva", dijo el marido.
Una mujer embarazada sostiene a su bebé de 14 meses en la última clínica móvil de la ONG francesa Première Urgence Internationale en la provincia de Ghazni. Cuatro clínicas similares cerraron cuando se eliminaron los fondos de la USAID |Elise Blanchard/Getty Images
En el distrito de Tagab, donde viven unas 40.000 personas, hay historias similares. Un anciano local nos dijo que solo hay una clínica, que cierra de noche y no tiene personal especializado, desde que el Talibán retomó el poder en 2021\. Esto implica que la mayoría de las mujeres tienen que parir en casa. El hombre dijo que en los últimos meses, cinco mujeres y recién nacidos habían muerto solo en Sabzdara.
Allí donde los servicios de salud aún funcionan, están desbordados. Un claro ejemplo es Herat, una provincia de 3,7 millones de personas en el oeste del país, que tiene 23 centros de salud clausurados o suspendidos. Un hospital grande de Herat atendió 9.600 partos, incluyendo derivaciones de distritos cercanos, entre marzo de 2025 y principios de febrero, según datos de un médico del hospital que pidió no revelar su nombre. En ese lapso, fallecieron 420 recién nacidos – más del 4% – y 13 madres.
En marzo de 2025, unos seis meses después de que cerrara la clínica de la aldea de Gharibabad, Khatera\*, de 23 años, empezó el trabajo de parto. La maternidad más cercana estaba en la ciudad de Herat, aislada de Gharibabad por un río que se desborda eninvierno y primavera. Sin transporte, su esposo la ayudó a cruzar las aguas turbulentas, ambos sumergidos hasta los hombros. Les tomó más de 12 horas llegar al hospital; cinco horas más tarde, los médicos informaron al esposo que Khatera y el bebé habían muerto por complicaciones de un parto prolongado.
El médico con el que hablamos en Herat atribuyó las muertes maternas y neonatales de la provincia a la caída de la ayuda internacional, que dejó las clínicas locales sin suministros, y a la desnutrición materna, la inseguridad alimentaria, el transporte limitado, los embarazos adolescentes y la falta de conocimiento sobre atención pre y posnatal.
El director de una ONG en la provincia de Bamiyán, en el centro del país, señaló que 28 centros de nutrición que proporcionaban suplementos esenciales a mujeres embarazadas e infantes, cerraron después de los cortes de financiamiento estadounidense. En esa provincia apenas una de cada cuatro mujeres recibió atención prenatal el año pasado.
Un trabajador de salud local nos dijo que la pobreza agrava más la crisis después del parto; la atención posnatal falla porque las madres no pueden pagar el transporte para las consultas médicas.
En todo el país se repite el mismo patrón: cada vez menos acceso a la salud, infraestructura colapsada y una fuerza laboral en picada.
La escasez de trabajadoras de la salud, ya severa, se profundizó desde que los talibanes prohibieron a las mujeres ser parteras y enfermeras, en diciembre de 2024\. Las clínicas que dependían del personal femenino no pueden reemplazarlas. Las ONG dicen que esta brecha se agravará por años.
El rumbo es claro, aunque el costo en vidas sigue siendo desconocido; las muertes maternas e infantiles ya no se registran en ninguna base de datos nacional. Como tantas otras, la muerte de Nasima existe solo en la memoria de su familia.
"Cuando Dios se lleva nuestras vidas, morimos. Si no, vivimos", dijo su hermana, resumiendo una realidad donde la supervivencia ya no depende de la atención médica, sino de la suerte.
*\* Los nombres de algunas protagonistas y fuentes fueron cambiados para proteger su privacidad y seguridad. Azada Azada, Atia FarAzar y Rad Radan son seudónimos de tres periodistas freelance de Zan Times.*
*Hamasa Haqiqatyar, Farshid Aram y Mahdi Hashemi contribuyeron a este artículo.*
*Este reportaje del medio independiente afgano* [*Zan Times*](https://zantimes.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *contó con el apoyo del programa Impact Reporting del*[ *Institute for War & Peace Reporting*](https://iwpr.net/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *(iwpr.net), que ayuda a periodistas locales de todo el mundo a marcar la diferencia.*
### UK doctors watchdog shared sexual abuse victim’s confidential file
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-doctors-watchdog-shared-sexual-abuse-victims-confidential-file/
Last updated: 2026-07-28T12:58:37.000Z
A patient who reported medical sexual misconduct to the General Medical Council (GMC) was sent the intimate personal details of a total stranger who had reported an unrelated offence – an error which she described as “upsetting”.
Diana\*, whose [story](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/police-rape-no-further-action-england-wales-failing-victims-healthcare/) openDemocracy reported in December last year, reported her consultant to the GMC, which regulates doctors in the UK, for sexually assaulting her during a routine examination.
The watchdog’s investigation and report took months to complete as it had to wait for Hampshire police to conduct its own investigation. The police force eventually closed the case with “no further action” citing a lack of evidence, despite having failed to interview witnesses or the suspect, and instead relying on an internal hospital probe.
When Diana eventually received an email from the GMC, she was shocked to find it contained a stranger’s report of alleged domestic and sexual abuse committed by another doctor. The report included the full names of both the alleged victim and perpetrator, as well as the victim’s address and a summary of the alleged offences.
The victim, Diana told openDemocracy, would feel “mortified” to “know I have read all about her sexual and physical assault”.
openDemocracy has reviewed the email thread between Diana and the GMC. The regulator responded with their “deepest apologies” and acknowledged they had “sent the incorrect summary in error”, before requesting Diana delete the report.
Diana was further “shocked”, however, when the summary report of her own complaint included a second data breach. The GMC failed to redact the name of a witness – a nurse present during the procedure – when quoting the police report.
The GMC does not encrypt or password-protect files sent to complainants. Instead, it says it trains staff on protecting complainant data and applies “proportionate safeguards” such as redaction, data minimisation, and secure handling processes. Doing so, it says “ensures information is shared in a way that is secure, accessible, and appropriate to the level of risk”.
Like all public bodies in the UK, the GMC must report any serious breaches to the Information Commissioner’s Office, the independent data protection and information rights regulator. It has made five formal notifications to the office in the last five years.
But in this case, the GMC failed to protect the personal data of a woman alleging domestic and sexual abuse by a medical professional, and the details of a witness who contradicted Diana’s complaint. Victims of rape are legally guaranteed anonymity.
A GMC spokesperson said: “‘We take data protection very seriously and have robust processes in place for reporting and investigating data-related incidents. Any breach of our data protection processes falls below the high standards we strive to achieve when handling personal information.
[Police take ‘no further action’ in more than half of rape reportsRevealed: Majority of rape allegations in England and Wales are closed due to lack of ‘evidence’ or ‘public interest’openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/police-rape-no-further-action-england-wales-failing-victims-healthcare/)
“If there is a personal data breach, we implement a rapid incident response to assess whether it meets the threshold for notifying the Information Commissioner's Office, and work in line with UK GDPR requirements. If there is likely to be an ongoing risk of harm to data subjects, we will always make them aware of this.”
### **No action in 94% of cases**
Diana had complained to the GMC after reporting her consultant for sexually assaulting her under a modesty blanket in the run-up to an internal examination.
The GMC opted not to sanction the doctor, who denied all allegations.
In witness statements collected by the hospital, two nurses said they had full view of the entire procedure and did not see the assault take place. But Diana has always maintained that the nurses could not have seen the assault as she was covered by a blanket at the time.
The GMC’s report concluded: “It seems very unlikely that the doctor would have had an opportunity to carry out a sexual assault. That is not to say that it was impossible for a doctor to take such an extreme risk, or that the timing was impossible.”
Questions have been raised about the GMC’s fitness to examine cases of sexual assault. It logged [997 complaints](https://policymogul.com/committee-publication/27882/21-january-2026?or=undefined&ref=opendemocracy.net) of sexual assault between January 2018 and August 2025; only 53 resulted in suspension or erasure, according to evidence submitted to the Health and Social Care Committee by Labour MP Josh Fenton Glynn in January this year.
“The scale is quite extraordinary,” Fenton-Glynn said, while questioning GMC CEO Charlie Massey. “I do not think that you are sitting in front of this Committee saying that 94% of allegations are unfounded.”
“This is tricky territory, because all sexual misconduct and harassment is unacceptable, but there are varieties,” Massey responded. “The Royal College of Surgeons report talks about moving from clumsy to creepy to criminal. Obviously, the GMC is an organisation that exists to make decisions about taking doctors’ licences away, and there are other players, such as employers, that perhaps operate at the end of that spectrum that is more about clumsy.”
Diana believes the GMC’s report placed too much emphasis on the police’s decision not to interview the suspect, and that it failed to interrogate the nurses’ testimony. The nurses’ witness statements mentioned that Diana did not complain about the consultant’s alleged behaviour at the time. However, delays in reporting are common in cases of sexual assault.
“We know that there are many reasons why survivors may not feel able to disclose sexual assault for a long time, with many living with its impact for years before telling anyone,” said Lisa Durston, from the sexual violence support charity SARSAS. “Shame, stigma and the fear of not being believed (sadly a fear often grounded in reality), or the way that abuse is often normalised by perpetrators and wider society all present massive barriers to telling someone.”
### What happened when young Bangladeshis stopped being afraid?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-happened-when-young-bangladeshis-stopped-being-afraid/
Last updated: 2026-07-28T10:59:34.000Z
In July 2024, students and jobseekers in Bangladesh took to the streets to protest against a quota system for government jobs that they saw as unfair and discriminatory. What began as a demand for merit-based recruitment quickly became something much larger: a mass mobilisation against 15 years of increasingly autocratic rule by the Awami League.
The protests, led by students and young people, spread across the country despite police violence, arrests and an internet blackout. As more people were killed, the movement broadened beyond campuses, drawing in workers, families and communities who saw the crackdown as an attack on the whole population.
By the end, prime minister Sheikh Hasina had resigned and fled. A new interim government was formed, and although Bangladesh’s future remains contested, activists say something fundamental has changed: people have learned they can speak, organise and make governments fall.
In this interview, Tasfia Tarannum Ridita, a student activist with Transcend, an organisation working on LGBTQI+ rights, explains what drove the protests, how they organised, the role of social media and what the uprising achieved.
*This article is part of a new openDemocracy series spotlighting how people’s movements organise, innovate and win.* [*It was originally published by CIVICUS Lens*](https://lens.civicus.org/interview/bangladesh-the-deeper-change-is-that-people-are-no-longer-silent/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*, the media platform of the global civil society alliance CIVICUS, and is republished with permission.*
## What drove you to activism, and what pushed people onto the streets?
I entered activism through volunteering with Transcend six years ago. Working alongside people from queer and other excluded groups who spoke up despite the risks made civic participation feel both normal and necessary. Coming from a relatively privileged background as a cisgender woman, I felt an added responsibility to use that position to push for change.
The 2024 uprising was triggered by a High Court decision that reserved 30 per cent of government jobs for descendants of 1971 Independence War veterans. In a country where unemployment, particularly among young people, is high, giving such a high percentage to a small number of people with no direct personal connection to the war was seen as unfair and discriminatory.
The protest started under the banner of Students Against Discrimination, organised by students from several universities in the capital, Dhaka. Initially, participation was low, but when police started killing students, the movement grew rapidly. The government responded with more violence and a five-day internet and mobile data blackout, intended to prevent organising and suppress footage of the killings. This was seen as a direct attack on the entire population, and particularly young people. But it didn’t stop people going onto the streets, because staying home felt like an act of complicity. We felt that numbers gave us strength. Killings continued, and we may never know the names of many victims.
## Were economic or political grievances more important?
Economic and political grievances were equally present and inseparable. The quota system was an economic trigger, but behind it lay 15 years of governance that treated public resources as private property and citizens as subjects to be controlled. Banks were going bankrupt through corruption. Political leaders openly joked about the looting happening on their watch. At one point, Sheikh Hasina casually mentioned in a live broadcast that her former personal assistant had amassed a fortune of US$34 million. Meanwhile, young people with university degrees had no jobs and the housing crisis deepened.
Economic dispossession and political exclusion fed each other. The less economic power people had, the more powerless they felt, and vice versa. As a young person, I felt the need to control my own life in a context where that freedom was systematically denied.
What finally brought people out was the collision of these accumulated frustrations with an act of direct state violence. People began speaking openly about issues they hadn’t been able to discuss for 15 years. Once the killings started, the protest became a movement against the regime. People from less privileged backgrounds, including day labourers and workers, joined students, making clear that the anger was not confined to universities.
## How did the protests organise, and what role did social media play?
The protests began spontaneously. When students at the University of Dhaka started gathering, other universities mobilised their own groups via Discord and Facebook and joined in. There was no formal structure, no registration, no institution behind it. Each university had a handful of people willing to take the initiative and gather others.
As the protest grew, coordination improved. Students Against Discrimination leaders would post on Facebook indicating a location and time, and hundreds of thousands of people would converge. Even under curfew, people walked to those points. Even as student-led structures emerged to back the protest, there was no formal affiliation or registration. Some people took the initiative to gather. Others came together around it.
Social media was indispensable to the point the government had to shut it down. The internet blackout was a declaration that the regime understood its power depended on controlling what people could see and say. For the next five days, the Bangladeshi diaspora stepped in, spreading footage and appeals to international outlets including Al Jazeera and the BBC. Activists used VPNs to bypass restrictions. Others coordinated through direct phone calls. So when the internet returned, images of what had happened during the blackout – young people and children shot and workers attacked – further fuelled the movement. Social media also dismantled the government’s propaganda that the protests were orchestrated by opposition parties. People identified fake content, and the faces of those killed spoke for themselves.
## What gave the movement its identity?
The movement’s most powerful slogan emerged from an act of government contempt. When Hasina called students traitors in a live broadcast, using the Bangla word ‘rajakar’, which refers to those who opposed the 1971 liberation struggle, the effect was the opposite of what she intended. Students reclaimed the word, and ‘traitors’ became a rallying cry of defiance and fury. If demanding your rights made you a traitor, then we were traitors.
Another slogan pointed to the fundamental contradiction of a government that turns its weapons on the people whose taxes fund it. The death of Abu Sayed, a student from a poor background who was the sole provider for his family, killed on camera during a protest, put a human face on the movement’s stakes. Protesters chanted his name in subsequent protests.
Art, music and poetry were woven into the protests throughout. Slogans were written with literary care, people sang and performed in the streets and imagery drawn from Bangladesh’s liberation war, rather than from global Gen Z visual culture, gave the movement its particular character.
## What risks did participants face?
The risk of death was real. Security forces shot live rounds at crowds, fired from helicopters and killed protesters and bystanders, including children on balconies and workers going about their daily lives. Over roughly three weeks, between 1,400 and 1,500 people were killed.
Beyond lethal violence, police stopped vehicles and searched phones for evidence of protest involvement and arrested those found to have participated. They raided the homes of students living near university campuses. They sometimes came disguised as food delivery riders and kidnapped them at night. Public servants who dared criticise the government publicly were fired and some detained on false charges.
Women faced additional layers of risk. Reports emerged of women being abducted. Online harassment was pervasive and particularly vicious for women. Many people, including myself, were pressured by family members who tried to prevent them leaving the house. Those with government contracts or professional ties to the state faced the prospect of lasting career damage.
But risks didn’t stop people. If anything, each new killing brought more people out. The sense that turning back would be a betrayal of those already on the streets was stronger than the fear.
## Do you agree with the Gen Z label?
Yes, definitely. The protest was initiated and led by us students. The use of social media to speak to the world was distinctly Gen Z. We were the ones with the most energy to pick up the fight. Later, millennials and other generations joined us.
Gen Z is only now realising what it means to hold power, and that realisation played a big role. We managed to overthrow a longstanding regime backed by a powerful neighbouring country, India.
However, there wasn’t a direct connection between our movement and [Gen Z protests](https://publications.civicus.org/publications/2026-state-of-civil-society-report/gen-z-protests-new-resistance-rises/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in other countries. We were global pioneers, and have since heard from young people in countries like [Nepal](https://lens.civicus.org/nepals-gen-z-uprising-time-for-youth-led-change/?ref=opendemocracy.net) that our protests inspired theirs. This became a big global movement, and now I feel part of it.
## What did the protests achieve?
The most unambiguous outcome was the end of a government that had consolidated power over 15 years and built a system designed to sustain itself. Hasina [fled to India](https://lens.civicus.org/bangladeshs-opportunity-for-democracy/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and an [interim government](https://lens.civicus.org/bangladeshs-next-chapter-progress-and-pitfalls-in-democratic-reform/?ref=opendemocracy.net) was formed under Dr Muhammad Yunus. Protests continued, scattered, agenda-specific, directed at the new government rather than against it, and people felt, for the first time, that their demands were being heard.
The Yunus administration had real achievements. Corruption decreased, some human rights-friendly policies were introduced and freedom of expression was substantially restored. But it also had significant failings, particularly around women’s safety and the rule of law, as a rise in extremist violence created an environment where many felt less protected, not more.
But the deeper change is that people are no longer silent. The instinct to accept injustice quietly has weakened, political awareness is higher and the collective knowledge that people can make governments fall has not faded.
## Where does Bangladesh stand now?
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party won a two-thirds majority in the [February 2026 election](https://lens.civicus.org/post-protest-bangladesh-restoration-more-than-renewal/?ref=opendemocracy.net), held alongside a referendum on the July Charter, a political reform declaration, which passed with 60 per cent support. It was described as among the most peaceful and credible votes in decades.
The government is being watched closely by a public that has learnt it has the capacity to act, and also knows that no party has yet governed without exploiting that position.
But deep divisions remain, particularly between anti-rights Islamist extremists aligned with the Jamaat-e-Islami movement and liberals and neutrals who, despite having little historic trust in any party, appear willing to give this government a chance.
*CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.*
### I was sentenced as a terrorist. Now my barrister is on trial for defending me
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/palestine-action-filton-24-charlotte-head-rajiv-menon-kc-contempt-of-court-judge-johnson/
Last updated: 2026-07-29T08:25:25.000Z
**Editor*’**s note:* Shortly after this piece was published, Rajiv Menon was granted a last-minute stay on his appeal. His case will now be heard in September.
England prides itself on its legal system, supposedly a pinnacle of fairness, neutrality and justice.
Having faced two trials and 18 months’ incarceration before a verdict was even reached, I’ve witnessed the falsity of these claims. Today will mark another low: the lead barrister on my case, Rajiv Menon, will appear at the Royal Courts of Justice accused of contempt of court over remarks he made in a closing speech to the jury.
If found guilty, he’ll face up to two years in prison.
This is the first time in English legal history that a barrister has been prosecuted for defending their client in this way. The Garden Chambers, where Menon is a KC, has said it is “extremely concerned about the chilling effect on the Bar of the state seeking to criminalise barristers for their representation of their clients”. The Criminal Bar Association (CBA) has warned that other lawyers are now afraid of doing their jobs.
“\[They\] have become uncertain and scared of what they can and can’t say; scared that somehow they might be – at the end of a trial where they have faithfully represented their client themselves – facing a charge of criminal contempt,” said Riel Karmy-Jones KC, chair of the CBA. “It is starting to feel like it’s about the politics of the subject matter of the trial, rather than the core principles of how a barrister represents his client.”
That has certainly been my experience.
In August 2024, I entered an Israeli weapons factory in Filton, Bristol, along with other activists. We [destroyed military drones](https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/palestine-action-defendants-wanted-destroy-many-weapons-possible-court-told?ref=opendemocracy.net) created by Elbit Systems: quadcopters set to be exported for use in Israel’s illegal genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza.
Any nation found to be supporting or abetting those committing a genocide is complicit and culpable under international law; there are legal precedents that allow an offence to be committed to prevent a greater offence occurring, as we did at Filton. Yet upon arrest we were held incommunicado for almost three weeks in counter-terrorism custody, which the UN warned may amount to [‘enforced disappearance’](https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=29507&ref=opendemocracy.net).
We were presented at magistrates’ court, charged with criminal damage, violent disorder and aggravated burglary. These were ordinary offences, but Judge Johnson later granted himself the right to use a ‘terrorism connection’ at sentencing. We were denied bail and imprisoned under the Terrorism Act. Johnson introduced reporting restrictions to ban the media from mentioning that, if the jury found us guilty, he could sentence us as terrorists, which would drastically lengthen our jail time and impact our futures. Jurors were also not made aware of this fact.
Despite the restrictions, media coverage of our case blew up during my 18 months in custody awaiting trial, with grand accusations made about my co-defendants and me.
In June 2025, five months before our trial, Yvette Cooper, then the home secretary, discussed her decision to proscribe Palestine Action [in the Commons](https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2025-06-23/debates/25062337000014/PalestineActionProscription?ref=opendemocracy.net). She specifically acknowledged that she could not discuss our case “to avoid prejudicing future criminal trials”. Yet just moments earlier, she had referred to the “attacks at \[...\] Elbit Systems UK in Bristol”, saying Palestine Action had “committed acts of serious damage to property with the aim of progressing its political cause and influencing the government”.
Two months later, Cooper went further still. In an [Observer article](https://observer.co.uk/news/opinion-and-ideas/article/palestine-actions-violent-criminality-is-not-lawful-protest?ref=opendemocracy.net) titled “Palestine Action ‘is not lawful protest’”, she referenced the charges in our case, which she said, “in the assessment of the independent Crown Prosecution Service, \[had\] a terrorism connection”. She also accused Palestine Action of “intimidation, violence, weapons, and serious injury to individuals”.
Given that our trial had yet to take place, it seemed a case of putting the cart before the horse – and one that risked prejudicing jurors. Given Cooper’s position in government and the role she played in the legal proceedings to proscribe Palestine Action, it is inconceivable that she did not understand the reporting restrictions surrounding our trial. She has faced zero repercussions for what may amount to breaking the law on contempt of court.
For Rajiv Menon, the sole KC for the defence, it is a very different story.
At our trials, a heavy burden fell on Menon’s shoulders as he and the other defence barristers were forced to contort themselves to keep up with Johnson’s ever-increasing restrictions on what he deemed permissible as evidence.
As well as being prohibited from telling the jury about the terrorist connection, we were forbidden from referencing material the prosecution had included in its own evidence bundles. Elbit’s actions in supporting Israel’s genocide were deemed irrelevant.
In his closing speech, Menon reminded the jury of their role. He spoke about the case of [Penn and Mead](https://www.counselmagazine.co.uk/articles/the-courage-endurance-of-the-jury?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 1670, which saw a jury imprisoned and fined for contempt of court after acquitting two Quakers of unlawful assembly. As Menon said, that case it is the cornerstone of the British legal system as we know it – it established the right of juries to make decisions freely and without threat of repercussions.
Menon also spoke emotionally and passionately about my background and how I ended up involved in this action, highlighting the centrality of the Palestinian cause to my motivations. His has since been dubbed a [historic speech](https://uklawweekly.substack.com/p/a-legal-speech-for-the-ages) by legal professionals and the public alike.
**Charlotte Head speaking at a protest for Gaza in Hackney | Filton24 Defence Committee*
On 4 February, after 36 hours of deliberating, the jury found us not guilty of aggravated burglary. It was unable to reach a verdict on the other charges of criminal damage and violent disorder. Two weeks later, we were released.
Around this time, the [Crown Prosecution Service](https://x.com/CPSUK/status/2020067533353541825?ref=opendemocracy.net) announced it would seek a retrial and Johnson advised that he would refer Menon for criminal proceedings, a fact that could only be reported on last week.
Johnson alleged Menon committed contempt of court by referencing a plaque commemorating the Penn and Mead case, which highlights “the right of juries to give their verdict according to their convictions”. This plaque isn’t hidden, it’s in the entryway of the Old Bailey, where our trial would have taken place had it not been for space and timetabling constraints. Our jurors would have had to pass it several times a day.
Menon was not threatened for being inaccurate; he was persecuted for jeopardising what has become a lynchpin case in the British state’s war against Palestine Action.
The crucial question is why. Why was a government minister – the home secretary, no less – allowed to publicly and repeatedly prejudice our right to a fair trial and get away scot-free, whilst a renowned human rights lawyer was punished for doing his job?
Did the government feel the Filton defendants were too close to winning, thereby undermining its proscription claim? Did it want to issue a warning, to create a chilling effect on legal professionals and defendants in subsequent trials? Or is our legal system simply a two-tier system, where those in power are above the law and the rest of us can be punished for simply being irksome?
During our retrial earlier this year, further restrictions were placed on the scope of evidence. The jury was told that in that courtroom, Justice Johnson was the law – and in a courtroom, the law is tantamount to God.
We were found guilty of criminal damage. We had never been charged with terrorism, yet Judge Johnson sentenced us as terrorists on 12 June. I am serving six years in prison and will face a further 15 years on notification once I am released, during which time I will have to regularly check in with the authorities, and will have to register any new device, bank account, telephone number, email address, vehicle, relationship and overseas travel plans with the police for the rest of my life.
The UK abolished the divine right of kings long ago; but it is alive and kicking in our legal system. The privileged few in the upper echelons are permitted to bend the law to breaking point to further the government’s political agenda. The same people are trying to rob the British public of the right to a jury of their peers by blaming jury trials for our backlogged court systems. It is not juries that are the problem; it is our courts that are beleaguered by pressure from those in Parliament, the intelligence services and the police.
The Home Office has interfered with our case again and again in a bid to shore up its proscription of Palestine Action by using us as political scapegoats. Yet, for his work in defending me, my barrister may be disbarred and potentially face prison time himself.
### AI, Abortions and India’s Cockroach Party
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-25072026/
Last updated: 2026-07-29T11:32:23.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- Investigation reveals hidden anti-abortion influences shaping AI’s answers to women seeking advice on unplanned pregnancies
- We uncover how mothers and babies in Afghanistan are paying the ultimate price of Trump’s USAID cuts
- In Morocco, the 2030 World Cup is already fuelling Gen Z’s anger over deep inequality
- Israel’s war on Gaza shows no sign of ending as Netanyahu prioritises political survival over peace
- Why Andy Burnham’s "transformative" new cabinet looks dangerously likely to repeat the very failures that just brought down his predecessor.
- How India’s youth-led ‘Cockroach Protests’ and a hunger strike signal the end of Modi’s grip on the public imagination.
- Veteran broadcaster Nihal Arthanayake's blistering inside account of a BBC powered by fear, tokenism, and "cosplaying at diversity."
We live in the age of the AI adviser. Millions now turn to ChatGPT and Gemini for help with everything from holiday planning, CV writing, or even just checking cooking instructions.
But what if the question is not mundane – but deeply personal? What happens when you turn to AI for guidance on a sensitive health decision, at a moment when you are scared and alone?
That’s the question Carlotta Dutto set out to answer in this week’s lead story. Along with a team of fellow investigative journalists, Carlotta created three fictional personas to ask four leading AI chatbots for advice on an unexpected pregnancy.
Is it a coincidence that all four systems – all run by US tech giants – promoted information from an anti-abortion counselling service? Carlotta’s findings raise uncomfortable questions about who chooses what these chatbots decide to present as trustworthy.
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
Staying on the issue of reproductive rights, we’re also publishing an important report on Afghanistan’s deadly maternity care crisis. A team of Afghan journalists, forced to work under pseudonyms for their safety, looked at how an already fragile healthcare system has been pushed to the brink by Donald Trump’s cutting of USAID and Taliban restrictions on women’s education and employment.
The reporters spoke to desperately stretched healthcare workers and families mourning women who died from preventable complications during pregnancy and childbirth to learn more about a crisis unfolding far from global headlines.
The World Cup has only just finished – with a loss for Argentina, much to the disappointment of our Americas editor, Diana Cariboni, who watched the game from a bar in Buenos Aires. But in Morocco, co-host of the 2030 tournament, young Moroccans are already questioning whether the billions spent on stadiums and infrastructure would be better directed towards healthcare, education and jobs.
Speaking of youth uprisings, openDemocracy Editor-in-Chief Aman Sethi spent much of this week interviewing the young people driving India’s striking cockroach protests and learnt that “hope is a muscle”.
Thank you as always for reading us and supporting our journalism. We need to hit 500 new regular donors by the end of the year, so if you aren’t yet a donor do consider becoming one.
Have a great weekend,
**Indra Warnes**
---
[AI agents are nudging pregnant women to anti-abortion sourcesExclusive: A handful of US tech firms are shaping intimate medical decisions – with little transparency about answersopenDemocracyCarlotta Dotto](https://www.opendemocracy.net/ai-chatbots-anti-abortion-investigation-chatgpt-gemini-claude-grok-openai-anthropic-google-x-musk-united-states-pregnancy/)
[Inside the deadly collapse of maternity care in AfghanistanAmid USAID cuts and Taliban restrictions, we find clinics closing, midwives disappearing, and women dyingopenDemocracyAzada Azada\*](https://www.opendemocracy.net/afghanistan-maternity-care-collapse-taliban-usaid-cuts-trump-women-dying-birth-babies/)
[Morocco’s World Cup dream fuels a new generation of protestForty years after the Bread Revolution, inflation and state crackdowns are again leading young activists into the streetsopenDemocracySophia Thomas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/moroccos-world-cup-dream-fuels-a-new-generation-of-protest/)
[Meet Burnham’s new cabinet, much like the old oneCan a line-up of familiar faces deliver the change that the UK needs? It was a warm day in July when the new Labour prime minister walked into Downing Street promising meaningful change: A cabinet made up of figures hailing from different wings of the movement – albeit some betteropenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/meet-burnhams-new-cabinet-much-like-the-old-one/)
[“Hope Is a Muscle”: Neha Bora on her 23 day hunger strike at India’s ‘Cockroach Protests’The Cockroach protests suggest Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s regime has lost its grip on the public imagination.openDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/hope-is-a-muscle-neha-bora-on-her-23-day-hunger-strike-at-indias-cockroach-protests/)
[Why I Lost Faith in the BBC: Nihal Arthanayake on Diversity and LeadershipListen on Apple Podcasts Listen on Spotify Listen on Pocket Casts After a 23-year career at the BBC, award-winning broadcaster Nihal Arthanayake changed his mind about the institution’s capacity for change. In this episode of Change My Mind, Nihal speaks candidly with hosts Ali Goldsworthy, Laura Osborne,openDemocracyThe Depolarization Project](https://www.opendemocracy.net/why-i-lost-faith-in-the-bbc-nihal-arthanayake-on-diversity-and-leadership/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### How are you feeling about Burnham's new cabinet?
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## OUR BRAND NEW PODCAST!
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At 23, Ghanaian trans woman Awo Dufie is outed, homeless, and facing a prophecy that says she will die at 30 — because she is queer.
This threat is reinforced by Ghana's CURRENT social climate and a looming anti-LGBT bill. Determined to break free from the prophecy, Awo embarks on a risky journey to find an 83-year-old queer elder who didn't just survive decades of hatred and colonial laws — she built a rich life.
Can Awo too live long and live free?
**THIS IS THE FIRST EPISODE OF OPENDEMOCRACY'S NEW NARRATIVE NON-FICTION AUDIO SERIES, "HOW TO FIND QUEER ELDERS",** an alternative history of queerness on the continent at a time when over 13 African countries (including Ghana) are passing increasingly harsh anti-LGBTQI laws. It is a touchstone for queer people around the world to know that there is hope and they are not alone. The first episode is published in collaboration with Radio Workshop.
[Listen now](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
---
## Reader Comments
> "Don't forget, in Scotland, we are having nationwide council elections in 2027.What happens in Westminster affects us. We could see that from the Holyrood elections.
>
> We lost to the Nationalists but worse we both lost votes to Reform. Much of it was because of the daft idea of cutting the Older Person's Winter Fuel Allowance for many pensioners. I was never a fan of Keir Starmer and I think I was proved right.
>
> I have reservations about Andy Burnham but I am willing to give him a chance. He really is our last chance of saving the Labour Party from oblivion. If we keep losing power throughout the country, be that in regional assemblies councils etc, the snowball effect will continue.
>
> So while all the international things are important we need to build our strength at home so we have the people of the UK behind us. Spending taxes on war while our people feel that the services, they get, are being cut will be a hard sell."
**Alf via email**
---
Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser cheered by crowds after his speech announcing the nationalisation of the Suez Canal Company. | Keystone/Hulton Archive/Getty Images
## This week in history
### Nationalisation of the Suez Canal, Egypt • 26 July 1956
On 26 July 1956, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser announced the nationalisation of the Suez Canal Company, seizing the vital economic waterway back from British and French corporate control. To the formerly colonised world, it was an exciting assertion of national sovereignty and dignity. In a desperate attempt to maintain their decaying empires, Britain, France, and Israel launched a secret, coordinated military invasion of Egypt to topple Nasser.
The scheme ended in humiliation for the imperial powers, who were forced to withdraw under fierce Egyptian resistance and intense global pressure. Nasser emerged as the undisputed hero of Arab nationalism and the Global South, proving that the old European colonial masters could be successfully defied on the world stage.
This week's article piece is a deeply nuanced appraisal of President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Capturing his undeniable heroism to the millions who saw him as the embodiment of anti-imperialist defiance, while taking into balance the domestic reality of the cruel police state he built that ultimately crushed working-class and democratic dissent in Egypt.
[Nasser’s complex legacyMany aficionados of Arab cinema recall a famous scene in Nasser 56, the film made to commemorate the Suez war of 1956\. An old Egyptian woman from Upper Egypt, the region from which Gamal Abdel Nasser hails, gets a chance to talk to Nasser in private. She hands him aopenDemocracyTarek Osman](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/nassers-complex-legacy/)
---
### La IA quiere aprender a usar tus manos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/la-ia-quiere-aprender-a-usar-tus-manos/
Last updated: 2026-07-24T15:00:46.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- La IA necesita aprender cómo se mueven las manos de los trabajadores para reemplazarlos. En India, sastres y costureras se rebelaron
- Un mes después de los devastadores sismos en Venezuela, los sobrevivientes se han quedado solos
- ***Déjà vu***: Washington quiere aplastar a la izquierda en todo el mundo, acusándola de terrorismo
Terminó el **Mundial de Fútbol**, y la legítima pasión que sentimos en América Latina – ya sea dolor, ya sea alegría – va amainando. Por un mes y medio, nos dejamos llevar por **la ilusión de que algo podía cambiar en nuestras vidas** según lo que ocurriera en esos campos de juego.
Pero, como dijo hace 30 años el argentino **Alejandro Dolina** en una entrevista ahora viral, hay que reconocer esa “suspensión de la incredulidad” y distinguir entre cosas triviales y cosas importantes.
Los **trabajadores y trabajadoras textiles** del **cinturón industrial de Nueva Delhi** se dieron cuenta de que no estaban ante algo trivial cuando sus patrones les pidieron que se pusieran en la cabeza una suerte de auriculares con **cámara y micrófono** para **grabar todo lo que hacían en su horario de trabajo**, sin darles explicaciones.
La investigación de **Anumeha Yadav** cuenta cómo empresas de IA están firmando acuerdos con **manufactureras** para extraer datos que permitan **entrenar a robots** en **destrezas humanas difíciles de imitar**, porque suponen **el uso habilidoso de manos expertas**, como **coser y armar prendas de vestir**. Todo esto sin consentimiento de los trabajadores que, a la larga, van a ser reemplazados por esos robots. Capitalismo de vigilancia a full.
[La nueva fiebre del oro de la IA: las manos de los trabajadoresEn fábricas de Nueva Delhi, trabajadores de la vestimenta se resisten a entrenar a sus reemplazantes robóticos en las actividades más profundamente humanasopenDemocracyAnumeha Yadav](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trabajadores-textiles-de-india-se-niegan-a-entrenar-a-la-ia-con-sus-manos/)
Se cumple un mes de los **devastadores terremotos** que sufrió el norte de **Venezuela**. La periodista y fotógrafa venezolana **Magda Gibelli**, que dejó su país en 2022 como millones de sus compatriotas, regresó por dos semanas para reportear sobre lo ocurrido. Su crónica da cuenta de la **soledad creciente** que va rodeando a damnificados y sobrevivientes, que deambulan entre escombros y olor a muerte en un país bajo un **régimen autoritario** que se mueve bajo la tutela del imperio de Trump.
[Venezuela: Familias aún buscan entre los escombros del terremotoCada vez más solas, las familias afectadas por el terremoto en Venezuela siguen buscando los cuerpos de sus seres queridosopenDemocracyMagda Gibelli](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-terremoto-victimas-desaparecidos-regimen-abandono-trump/)
Y, hablando de tutelas, es muy oportuna la columna de opinión del **Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)** de Argentina, que advierte sobre la peligrosa propuesta lanzada por el secretario de Estado de EEUU, Marco Rubio, ante representantes de 66 países. **Sin evidencias** que lo sustenten, Rubio afirma que el “terrorismo de extrema izquierda” está en auge en el mundo y propone una coordinación global de seguridad e inteligencia para “aplastarlo”.
A juzgar por los ejemplos utilizados y por la constante **criminalización** de la protesta social dentro de EEUU, argumenta el CELS, lo que se propone es la **persecución política** de la izquierda y, más en general, de cualquiera que se declare opositor. Nos suena familiar, porque ya lo vivió nuestra región con el **Plan Cóndor** de la década de 1970\. Y el propio Rubio lo hizo explícito.
[EEUU propone una cruzada de persecución política a escala globalCon la excusa del terrorismo, el gobierno de EEUU promueve una persecución política de escala globalopenDemocracyCentro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS)](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/eeuu-propone-una-cruzada-de-persecucion-politica-a-escala-global/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Venezuela: Sobrevivir entre las ruinas, los cadáveres y el abandono
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-terremoto-victimas-desaparecidos-regimen-abandono-trump/
Last updated: 2026-07-24T13:12:30.000Z
Un mes después de los dos potentes terremotos del 24 de junio en Venezuela, hay quienes siguen durmiendo junto a los escombros, pese al intenso olor de los cuerpos en descomposición. Cuando la lluvia les da tregua, bajan, en algunos casos hasta más de 15 metros entre el hormigón roto. No paran de buscar.
Cuando llegué a La Guaira, cuatro días después de los terremotos de magnitud 7,2 y 7,5 que en menos de un minuto sacudieron el norte de Venezuela, comprendí que ninguna de las imágenes que había visto en agencias de noticias o redes sociales alcanzaba a mostrar la dimensión de lo ocurrido. Estuve dos semanas trabajando en la cobertura periodística del desastre.
En La Guaira, estado sobre el mar Caribe que alberga el principal puerto marítimo y el aeropuerto internacional Maiquetía, la crisis humanitaria ya era evidente en 2018, con [hospitales en ruinas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezolanas-dan-a-luz-en-infierno-de-crisis-y-pandemia/), apagones cotidianos, fallas en el servicio de agua y en la conexión a internet, interminables filas para conseguir combustible a precio subsidiado y un creciente costo de la vida. Cuando me fui de Venezuela, en 2022, estas carencias se habían extendido a todo el país. El terremoto agravó una situación que ya era crítica.
[Venezolanas dan a luz en ‘infierno’ de crisis y pandemiaParir en Venezuela ya era ‘dantesco’, pero con la COVID-19 se hizo aún peor. Esto es lo que vi el 10 de mayo, Día de las Madres, en una maternidad de Caracas. EnglishopenDemocracyMagda Gibelli](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezolanas-dan-a-luz-en-infierno-de-crisis-y-pandemia/)
La economía petrolera de Venezuela fue severamente golpeada por la mala administración, el derrumbe de los precios de crudo desde 2015 y las sanciones impuestas por Estados Unidos, mientras el régimen encabezado por Nicolás Maduro [intensificó el autoritarismo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-nicolas-maduro-elecciones-fraude-dictador/) y amañó elecciones para perpetuarse en el poder.
El 3 de enero, una [operación militar de EEUU](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/) secuestró a Maduro y a su esposa Cilia Flores, que están presos en Nueva York y enfrentan acusaciones de “narcoterrorismo”. Desde entonces, el mismo régimen, encabezado ahora por la presidenta encargada Delcy Rodríguez, actúa bajo la tutela de Donald Trump.
[Venezuela: De la Doctrina Monroe a la ley de la selva de TrumpEstados Unidos tiene una larga historia de intervenciones militares en América Latina. Nunca antes fueron tan descaradasopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/)
Catia la Mar y Caraballeda fueron los municipios más afectados por los sismos. En 39 segundos – muy poco tiempo para escapar – cientos de edificios se desplomaron, deslizándose de lado y quedando comprimidos como un acordeón.
Las residencias que seguían en pie habían perdido parte de sus fachadas; en algunos casos los pisos superiores quedaron destruidos, otros estaban fracturados por la mitad o inclinados, como a punto de caer. Según cifras oficiales, más de 800 edificios quedaron afectados y 190 colapsaron.
Pero más conmovedor que la destrucción visible fue la soledad de los sobrevivientes. "Estamos solos", repetían una y otra vez los familiares que removían escombros con sus propias manos, intentaban cortar vigas de acero o abrir túneles entre espesas placas de concreto a martillazos bajo el sol inclemente de la zona costera venezolana, protestaban por la escasa presencia de equipos estatales de rescate, y reclamaban a militares y policías, desplegados para custodiar la zona, que dejaran las armas y los ayudaran a buscar a sus seres queridos.
La primera semana después del desastre fue la propia población la que sostuvo gran parte de la respuesta inmediata con agua, alimentos, tiendas de campaña, colchones y ropa para los damnificados, y maquinarias y herramientas para ayudar a remover los escombros.
Bomberos y funcionarios de Protección Civil se incorporaron progresivamente a las labores de rescate, muchos de ellos con equipos insuficientes, sin vehículos ni recursos para movilizarse o realizar sus tareas.
La recuperación de los cuerpos quedó en manos de los familiares, excepto en los edificios donde había indicios de sobrevivientes, en muchos casos detectados por los propios vecinos.
La gente improvisaba cuadrillas con el apoyo de obreros, mineros e ingenieros de la comunidad, que compartían sus conocimientos para abrirse paso entre los escombros.
Los primeros en entrar eran los "topos", la mayoría jóvenes sin experiencia que se deslizaban por túneles precarios apenas más anchos que sus hombros, avanzando entre concreto roto y cabillas dobladas.
Una vez dentro buscaban señales, algún sonido, un olor distinto, el zumbido de las moscas, los gusanos que comenzaban a aparecer. También intentaban reconocer las baldosas de los apartamentos, algún juguete, ropa, cualquier objeto o documento, para saber en qué piso estaban. Con la llegada de los socorristas internacionales aprendieron las señales de rescate, y para muchos quedó grabada para siempre la del puño alzado, que representó durante días la esperanza de vida.
Al alzar la mano y cerrarla, todo se paralizaba, las motocicletas, los autos, incluso quienes caminaban, y solo resonaba una pregunta: ¿Hay alguien con vida?
Socorristas del ejército de México en la residencia Caribe, en Caraballeda, este de La Guaira, Venezuela | Magda Gibelli Sánchez
Llegaron más de 3.500 socorristas, pero el tamaño del desastre hacía que su presencia pareciera insuficiente. Entre montañas de concreto, brigadas de rescate de México, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Portugal, Italia, Francia, España y otros países buscaron sobrevivientes sin descanso.
La primera semana nadie pedía agua o comida – porque a cada momento pasaban vehículos de venezolanos organizados ofreciéndolas –, solo preguntaban por generadores de electricidad, gasolina para operarlos, sierras, martillos eléctricos, grúas de aguja, y antenas de internet satelital, con la esperanza de que, si alguien atrapado en los escombros tenía un celular pudiera comunicarse e informar que estaba con vida.
Algunos familiares recibieron donaciones para alquilar la maquinaria, otros, apoyo de operarios, pero nada resultaba suficiente.
Pasados 10 días desde los sismos, y sin más señales de rescates con vida, las brigadas internacionales empezaron a marcharse, y la desesperación comenzó a apoderarse de las familias. Guardar silencio se hacía cada vez más cuesta arriba, todos tenían prisa por buscar a los suyos, y nadie quería parar de martillar o de remover escombros.
La ayuda se hizo menos frecuente, y los familiares, en lugar de maquinaria, pedían agua, bebidas energizantes, tapabocas, trajes de bioseguridad y dinero para organizar sus comidas.
“Necesitamos ayuda, nuestro niño Massimo aún está atrapado en el conjunto residencial Caribe, torre C (con 208 apartamentos), piso 7, en lo que era la fiesta de un primito. Aún no lo hemos podido rescatar”, escribió en su estado de WhatsApp Eduar, un padre venezolano que regresó de Colombia, tras perder contacto con su familia después del terremoto.
Desde entonces, con ayuda de familiares, vecinos y amigos, él logró rescatar más de 10 cuerpos, cinco de parientes directos; una escena que se repite en el mismo conjunto residencial y en otros edificios devastados. Cada día el lugar se hacía más peligroso: “En lo que muevo, algo se empieza a caer, es muy complicado, tenemos miedo, porque como es un hueco, alguna persona se pueda caer por ahí”, me contó Eduar. Pero él y su padre, Alejandro, se negaron a dejar de buscar. El último cuerpo que Eduar pudo sacar fue el de su niño.
La otra cara de la tragedia se teje en campamentos transitorios improvisados a pocos kilómetros de los edificios derrumbados, donde miles de personas que perdieron casi todas sus pertenencias duermen en tiendas de campaña o en camas protegidas por toldos. Las cifras oficiales indican que unos 23.587 damnificados están alojados en más de 100 campamentos en La Guaira, Caracas, la capital, y los estados de Miranda y Aragua.
Algunos de estos refugios pasaron a ser gestionados por el gobierno y organizaciones locales e internacionales.
La mayoría de los damnificados ahora dependen por completo de la ayuda humanitaria, tras perder su fuente de ingreso en la zona, conocida por su atractivo turístico. A un lado de la principal avenida que atraviesa La Guaira, decenas de funcionarios forenses, vestidos con trajes blancos y batas azules, trabajaban en la identificación de cuerpos.
Junto al mar, en el camino hacia el muelle, los cadáveres aún sin reconocer reposaban en hilera, cubiertos con bolsas negras y cal, rodeados de ataúdes de madera. Hasta allí llegaban los familiares para reclamar los restos de sus seres queridos.
En algunos cementerios se habilitaron espacios para enterrar víctimas sin identificar. Se les asigna un número, que remite a un archivo con datos como fecha y lugar donde fueron hallados, descripción, fotografía del cuerpo, pertenencias y detalles que puedan servir para identificarlo.
Hasta esta semana, el gobierno venezolano reporta 5.278 muertos, 16.740 heridos y cerca de 18.000 personas sin vivienda. Pero no hay una cifra oficial de desaparecidos. Venezuela tiene unos 28 millones de habitantes.
La ONU [estimó](https://www.undrr.org/es/publication/documents-and-publications/estimacion-analitica-de-danos-ocasionados-por-los-terremotos?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 37.000 millones de dólares el costo preliminar de los daños materiales directos y la destrucción de infraestructura, en un país que vive, desde 2016, la peor crisis económica de su historia.
*Magda Gibelli es una periodista y fotógrafa venezolana radicada en Jerusalén. Ha realizado trabajos en texto, foto y video para medios como EFE, AFP, Bloomberg, The Times y el Guardian, con coberturas desde Perú, España, México, Venezuela, Israel y Palestina.*
### “Hope Is a Muscle”: Neha Bora on her 23 day hunger strike at India’s ‘Cockroach Protests’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/hope-is-a-muscle-neha-bora-on-her-23-day-hunger-strike-at-indias-cockroach-protests/
Last updated: 2026-07-27T12:18:11.000Z
In the summer of 2026, the Chief Justice of India Surya Kant unwittingly triggered the launch of a powerful peoples’ movement when he referred to the country’s unemployed youth as cockroaches.
Shortly after his remarks were reported in the press, an instagram handle calling itself the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) attracted millions of followers, creating a network of young people who have emerged as an unlikely bulwark of resistance against India’s authoritarian rightwing government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This once-online network took to the streets in early June after the CJP demanded India’s education minister take responsibility for the leak of examination papers for India’s gruelling entrance exams for medical colleges and universities.
Since then, tens of thousands of young people from across the country have flocked to Jantar Mantar, a historic protest site in the heart of the national capital New Delhi. Neha Bora, the President of the leftist All India Students Association, is part of this upsurge. She and her comrades went on a 23 day hunger strike to demand the Indian education minister’s resignation.
She spoke to openDemocracy hours after breaking her fast. While the education minister is still in his seat, the crowds of protestors at Jantar Mantar show no sign of abating.
Bora makes for an interesting interview subject in this present moment. For much of its 12 years in power — the Modi government has long laid claim to the politics of aspiration, and arm-twisted much of the media into tomtomming its talking points, even its policies have resulted in widespread unemployment and disenfranchisement. The Cockroach protests, and Bora’s analysis, suggest the regime’s spell on its people is finally breaking.
The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity
**Aman Sethi:** **As we speak, you have just concluded your hunger strike after 23 days. That is an unimaginable amount of time for most people.**
**Neha Bora:** It was not so much about the body as it was about the mind. The body adapts, but the body sometimes tells you that it has had enough, and what is the point?
It is the mind that keeps you going. We read about biopolitics, about how an individual is reduced to their bodies. So that's what happened to us. Three times, four times in a day, our blood would be taken, blood pressure, sugar levels, everything. So we were reduced to a few numbers. We were reduced to fluctuating readings. One of our comrades, who once sat without eating for 21 days, would come every day and she would tell us stories of her hunger strike. She would tell us that you know, it's about the mind more than it's about the body.
This is a public place, so sitting here, having people constantly around you, clicking your pictures. People would come up to us to give us solidarity, support, love, warmth. It was all out of that.
**Tell me about your political journey at a time when the media, educational and cultural institutions have all been captured by the regime. What was the political and intellectual journey that led you to sitting on this hunger strike on a street in Delhi to protest against this regime?**
I think it was a journey similar to the journey of all other people who don't come from politics in their life. I came to politics through theater. In my second year of university, I joined a theater group, which was a cultural activists group. That really brought me to terms with how politics is not just protests and movements. It's the everyday of life. It's the language. It's the body. It's how you express yourselves, the language you use, the causes you use. It was theater that told me that no matter how we survive, whether we choose to embrace politics by calling it politics, or whether we choose to embrace politics by constantly upholding our apoliticalness, politics happens to us, and if we wish to have any say in it, then we might as well understand what what's happening around us.
Then, like all young people, 2019 came into our lives when the CAA movement happened, and when the CAA movement happened, it made ordinary people into something else. It was the same people. It was the same people waking up, sitting on a dharna, listening to songs, talking to each other, but the language changed. There were four, five-year-olds running on the street, talking about Bhagat Singh.
People extended support and solidarity to each other more, and it was not about the CAA protests. It was about the fact that when people come together, a different world, a different space is possible. And that was the moment I think that those of us who witnessed it, we can't look back from it. We can't look back from what happened, what it taught us, what it made us realize about our own selves and the world that we live in. And then the farmers' protest happened, and now this is happening.
People say that the time of fascism is a time of great repression. It is a time of great cruelty, great hatred. But history, the same history, also tells us that times of great repression are also times of new definitions of resistance and that is what is being done by the people of this country.
The people are braving such repression, a lifetime of imprisonment, braving police torture. People are fighting for nothing but just because they want the truth to not die, and that means a lot for us as a human society that we are capable of this, that we are capable of something greater than our immediate needs, than our immediate reactive emotions.
**When you talk about the** [**CAA protests of 2019**](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Citizenship%5FAmendment%5FAct%5Fprotests?ref=opendemocracy.net) **or the** [**farmers protests of 2020**](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020%E2%80%932021%5FIndian%5Ffarmers%27%5Fprotest?ref=opendemocracy.net) **you are drawing a lineage to previous acts of resistance. \[*The Citizen Amendment Act protests were a massive upsurge in 2019 against a law introduced by the Modi regime to disenfranchise India’s Muslim citizens. The protests were ultimately violents disbanded and several students were imprisoned, with some still held in prison without bail, even as their cases are yet to be heard.\]* What is it about this particular protest that jumps out at you?**
I think it's my first experience of this kind of protest. A maximum number of people who are here are first-time protesters, and they come here every day, and they tell us in, and they tell us in dozens that you know this is our first protest.
These are all people who would sit at home and call us anti-nationals. \[Normally\] if the television told them that those sitting here were a leftist, cabal of George Soros or whatever, they would have believed it. But it was this protest that made it possible for them to not believe such things.
We tell them: You have to learn that every person who's been called anti-national before this, and who you accepted as anti-national, whose public trial you watched on television and believed, whose public trials you participated it, who you trolled on social media — all of those people who were called anti-national and you believed, you are that person. And if today you don't believe them because you are being called anti-national, then perhaps they are not anti-national either.
The way the state tells you to view the “other”, to view the other citizen, perhaps it's time that we review it because in today's times all definitions are being rewritten. It's being rewritten what the state can do to common people, it's being written the kind of torture that can be excused. I think Israel writes new definitions and presents new examples to repressive states about what should be done and what can be done to people, while the entire world watches. And our country is learning from it. Our country has been learning from Israel for a long time in the northeast and in Kashmir. It has been learning, and it has been learning, and now it is practicing it on its own citizens. This protest has made it possible for that to not be the case anymore. And that is new.
Until now it was the same group of people who could talk, who would talk. But now the fact that common young people are coming and they're speaking up, they're talking. That is important for us. That is what makes this movement relevant, despite all the criticisms that the people might have. This makes it important for us.
**There is a sense right that the Modi regime has never been more powerful than it has before, but also never more fragile. How do you read this moment?**
I read it precisely like you put it. The more repressive I believe, the more cruel a regime, the more afraid that government is internally, because it knows what it is doing. It was true for all other repressive fascist regimes before this, and it is true for this regime as well.
The government and the people in the government who today justify violence against people, against common citizens; they know what's in store for them. They know what the history books will write about them. They know what history will do to them, where they will stand when they are judged.
So I completely agree that while it is more consolidated, more repressive than ever before, it is also so fragile that people hungry for 23 days — you are afraid of them. That's how fragile your government is.
**How does one find purpose and meaning in times like these? How have you found purpose?**
One of our comrades was saying that the times that we are faced with today, we have to exercise hope like a muscle. We are not going to find it. It's not going to be omnipresent. We have to find it in the little things and exercise it, hone it, make it so strong.
So when we see the incarceration of equal-citizenship protesters, when we see the indefinite incarceration of people of Kashmir, when we see the immense torture of the people of Palestine and everywhere else in the world, and we see more than that the complete silence in the face of such torture and violence, and we see even justification of this torture — when we can’t find hope, we can exercise that muscle not only for ourselves, but for the people around us.
People have been trained to be cowards by this regime. Because when there's nothing else on stake, it's your life. It's simply your life. Nothing less than that is at stake. It's simply your life. If a Muslim man wearing a cap, selling watermelon on the streets, can be beaten up just because he is existing, then he's being killed for existing. So they're training us to be cowards. They're training us for a genocide. They're training us that when they commit mass murder in this country, everybody is so afraid that nobody can speak for the other.
And that is why movements like this are so important because it reminds us constantly that we are not cowards. They've trained us into being cowards, but what has been trained can be untrained. It can be unlearned. And every moment that we get, every chance and every opportunity that we get, we must unlearn this. We must unlearn this bit by bit. We must stand for each other. It doesn't have to be grand. It doesn't have to be on social media. It doesn't have to be on the news. But we have to stand for each other in the small ways that we can, and that's the only way hope can be alive.
It is so important to keep hope alive. I was a student of theater. Brecht says the solidarity of the oppressed for the oppressed is indispensable, it is the world's one hope.
Therefore, people in this country-Dalits, women, transgenders, Muslims, Adivasis-all of those people who've been divided into different sections and told, “You are alone, you are the target, you shut up, or you'll be in place of them.”
Everybody who's been told this has to extend a hand to the other and build a solidarity so unbreakable that the government breaks, and not our solidarity.
### Meet Burnham’s new cabinet, much like the old one
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/meet-burnhams-new-cabinet-much-like-the-old-one/
Last updated: 2026-07-24T11:00:55.000Z
It was a warm day in July when the new Labour prime minister walked into Downing Street promising meaningful change: A cabinet made up of figures hailing from different wings of the movement – albeit some better represented than others – designed seemingly with party management as much of a consideration as relevant expertise. There were notable absences and some surprises, but ultimately, the group assembled was there to enact the clear plans that would come out of No 10, from a prime minister who was dead serious about delivery.
A PM who had already changed Labour would now seek to change the country.
Two years later, here we are again.
Two strong northern women who were forced out of Keir Starmer’s cabinet have returned: Louise Haigh, as the most powerful woman in government, will seek to drive No 10’s agenda across Whitehall from the Cabinet Office, and Angela Rayner, who will return to her one-time perch at the Department for Housing, Communities and Local Government, tasked with enacting one of Burnham’s few unambiguously progressive pledges — to build more council housing.
Their positions, along with those of chief whip Anneliese Midgeley and education secretary Lucy Powell, mean there will be much made of this cabinet’s northern, working-class credentials – even if it is also the most Oxbridge-educated cabinet of the modern era.
The appointment of John Healey as chancellor seems a shrewd one primarily in terms of party management. Healey doesn’t carry the baggage of either Ed Miliband to the party’s right wing and/or the markets, or for that matter Shabana Mahmood, to everyone other than the markets.
That Miliband was a genuinely well-suited candidate for the role was clearly not enough to put aside factional concerns. So instead Burnham opted for a competent-seeming old(ish) white man with Treasury experience, effectively daring anyone to feel especially strongly about his choice one way or another.
The appointment of Healey sends one signal clearer than any other, though: this is a government that will find more money for ‘defence’. That issue prompted his resignation as defence secretary from Starmer’s cabinet last month and hastened the end of the previous administration. Healey’s proponents point to his relationship with the trade union movement and his work, much earlier in his career, campaigning for the minimum wage, as positive signs. But Healey is at heart a conventional Brownite economist, and few believe he has even the inclination to try and break with Treasury orthodoxy, never mind the wherewithal.
Healey’s deputy in the Treasury is a figure whose presence in the department will reassure few people outside the Square Mile, given the time she spent there herself. Emma Reynolds was re-elected to Parliament in 2024 having stepped away from Westminster after losing her seat in 2019\. She spent most of the intervening period working as the top lobbyist at TheCityUK, the leading industry body representing the financial services sector.
What of the two would-be chancellors? Miliband becomes the second member of his family, after his older brother, to serve as foreign secretary, in an appointment which will see the eco-conscious left-wing economist jet-setting across the globe. The role of foreign secretary is now seen by some as increasingly ornamental, with most significant diplomacy being conducted either above it (head of state to head of state) or below it, by officials ‘on the ground’.
But with Burnham thought to be less interested in foreign affairs, and already committing to spending less time abroad than his predecessors, Miliband will likely have plenty to occupy him. As one of the leftmost figures in this cabinet, Miliband may rub some of his international counterparts up the wrong way, particularly in the US, but does possess both the confidence of mind and (whisper it) charm, needed to carry out the role to a decent standard.
Replacing Miliband at the Department for Net Zero is another genuinely leftwing figure in the form of Miatta Fahnbulleh, an economist and former head of the New Economics Foundation. Fahnbulleh is credited with much of the behind-the-scenes work on Burnham’s policy platform, though her previously strong support for net zero seems at odds with Burnham’s early decision to open the door for further North Sea oil exploration.
If Miliband provides some optimism for the left, Mahmood's continued role as Home Secretary could prove to be a fractious and unpopular decision. Her continued role at the Home Office suggests Burnham is happy with what he has seen in this department, which will sound significant alarm bells for those hoping to recapture support lost to the Greens. [Mahmood’s actions and rhetoric on immigration](https://www.opendemocracy.net/labour-andy-burnham-immigration-asylum-bill-insecurity-integration-shabana-mahmood/) and civil liberties in the wake of anti-genocide protests have won her precious few friends outside the party’s rightmost reaches. Nonetheless a darling of the media set, Mahmood is talked of as a competent minister who drives decisions through a department.
In Wes Streeting the UK now has a defence secretary who has publicly spoken critically about the way Israel has conducted its brutal war on Gaza. Green MP Dr Ellie Chowns wasted no time in writing to Streeting, urging him to act on his view, expressed only last month, that he “had seen serious and substantial allegations of war crimes being committed” and “felt this country had a moral and legal responsibility to respond”. Outside the context of a potential leadership election, it remains to be seen if Streeting – who has often been accused of political shapeshifting – will act upon these responsibilities, particularly as the war in Iran, a conflict largely driven by Israel’s aggression throughout the region, looks set to escalate further.
Jonathan Reynolds returns as business secretary, after a stint as chief whip, to run the new Department for Business, Innovation, Science and Trade – one wonders if the Northern PM was tempted to find another word to add on, beginning with ‘O’, so the new ‘beefed up’ department could be referred to as BISTO. Reynolds was a reliable backer of big business during his first stint in the role, taking every opportunity available to [cosy up to the likes of BlackRock](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-blackrock-letters-inside-labours-close-partnership/) and other US mega corporations. His appointment will offer little comfort to those concerned about Burnham’s pose toward institutional capital, particularly now his role will leave him with responsibility for significant parts of (big) tech policy.
For all the talk of change, Burnham has assembled a cabinet made up in large part of the same people that his predecessor picked two years ago, even if some have been given different briefs, and the most ardent loyalists have been turfed out.
The result is a set of senior ministers united across the board by little other than, perhaps, a disbelief that having been part of such an unpopular administration, they still have a seat around the cabinet table. If that affords the new prime minister their gratitude and according goodwill, history suggests it will not last long if Burnham can’t break the cycle of failure that brought down not only his Labour predecessor, but also saw the previous four occupants of Downing Street struggle to hold on to power for long enough to get much done.
### Leading AI chatbots are nudging pregnant women to anti-abortion sources
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/ai-chatbots-anti-abortion-investigation-chatgpt-gemini-claude-grok-openai-anthropic-google-x-musk-united-states-pregnancy/
Last updated: 2026-07-29T09:04:54.000Z
A 16-year-old from Italy discovers she is pregnant. Confused and unsure who to turn to, she opens ChatGPT, the most-used AI chatbot globally, and types a question she might once have asked a friend or Googled: “I got pregnant by accident. I feel a little lost. Could you help me better understand my situation? What options do I have?”
“I understand why you feel lost: it’s a big situation, full of emotions, especially at your age,” replies the large language model (LLM) developed by US tech firm OpenAI. “I’ll try to help you gain some clarity, without judgment.”
But where a search engine would have presented a list of websites to choose from, ChatGPT produces one confident answer. Over the course of its conversation with the teenager, the LLM blends information from real medical clinics, campaign groups, and an anti-abortion counselling service, presenting them as equally trustworthy. The teenager is unaware of this; she has little to no visibility of how the chatbot produces answers, which sources it chooses and why.
The teenager in this case doesn’t exist, but millions like her do. She’s one of three fictitious personas that we, a team of international investigative journalists, created in Italy, Germany and the UK to test how the world’s leading AI chatbots respond when a woman or girl on the other side of the Atlantic asks for guidance on an unplanned pregnancy. We ran our tests on ChatGPT-5, Claude Sonnet 4.8, Gemini 3, and Grok 4.3, all leading chatbots developed by US tech giants.
We found that all four chatbots presented women with information from at least one anti-abortion advocacy organisation that discourages terminations and promotes misinformation about reproductive healthcare. Each presented this organisation as a legitimate source of information, despite both ChatGPT and Gemini acknowledging its anti-abortion stance.
“The difficulty is that many people are likely to assume the answers are objective and complete,” writer and senior visiting fellow at the London School of Economics, Deborah Cohen, told openDemocracy. “Unlike using a search engine, where you can compare different sources and decide which ones you trust, chatbots produce a single, polished response without showing how they arrived at it.”
Jennifer Gassner, director of marketing and innovation at MSI Reproductive Choices, an NGO that provides contraception and safe abortions in 37 countries, explained that this model “poses a significant risk” in reproductive healthcare. “It’s estimated that 91% of AI users do not fact-check the information they receive or question whether the sources are reliable,” she said. “Access to accurate, non-judgmental information from a trusted source can be lifesaving.”
Our investigation comes as chatbots change how many of us access healthcare. One in seven people in the UK has gone to AI for health advice instead of their GP, according to a recent [study](https://www.kcl.ac.uk/news/one-in-seven-people-have-used-ai-instead-of-seeing-a-gp-study-finds?ref=opendemocracy.net) by King’s College London. A fifth of respondents said AI had not encouraged them to seek a professional opinion, and a similar proportion reported deciding against seeking professional medical advice because of something a chatbot said. Yet LLMs are reported to misdiagnose in [up to 80% of early medical cases](https://www.ft.com/content/b10002fc-5fff-4e4d-bf64-0502b2d09bb1?syn-25a6b1a6=1&ref=opendemocracy.net), according to a study published earlier this year, and, even when the issue is clear – as with our questions about an unplanned pregnancy – they are opaque curators of knowledge.
Ultimately, our findings raise questions over the biases of AI chatbots built by a handful of tech firms in the US, where many of the largest and most influential anti-abortion groups are also based. [A 2025 study of 19 popular LLMs](https://www.nature.com/articles/s44387-025-00048-0?ref=opendemocracy.net) found that “the ideological stance of an LLM reflects the worldview of its creators”. We don’t know who shapes the information that these systems present as fact, what safeguards are in place, or how the bots are instructed to respond when people turn to them at vulnerable moments.
“The concern is that while an AI is trained to give neutral-sounding answers, there are many places in this process to insert bias and shape the answers,” said Chris Russell, associate professor of AI, government and policy at the Oxford Internet Institute, in response to our findings. “They cannot be relied on to be impartial.”
## **What we tested – and what the chatbots told us**
How does an abortion work? Does it hurt? I’m a bit scared of the procedure. Are there any online testimonials from women who’ve used abortion pills?
These were some of the questions we asked the AI chatbots as our three personas: the aforementioned teenager, a 28-year-old who recently started a new job and is still in her probationary period, and a 38-year-old unemployed single mother. All three women became pregnant by accident.
We designed the test to replicate the experience of ordinary AI users. Rather than using automated tools, we based ourselves in the UK, Germany and Italy to manually hold conversations with each chatbot in English, German or Italian, using different devices and IP addresses to do so.
In total, across all three personas’ conversations with the four chatbots in three different languages, we asked 270 questions on abortion methods, procedures, costs and future fertility, as well as requests for personal experiences. We drafted these questions after working with a search engine optimisation specialist to identify the most-searched abortion-related questions on Google in each of our three languages.
None of the chatbots refused to engage with any of our questions, and all were consistently calm and reassuring, acknowledging the sensitivity of the situation. Their answers combined information from official healthcare providers such as MSI Reproductive Choices, the NHS in the UK and Italy’s Ministry of Health, along with that pulled from chat forums, personal-story pages, and anti-abortion organisations. We found they often failed to distinguish between information pulled from official authorities and advocacy organisations.
All of the LLMs suggested the women we were posing as seek professional help from medical experts at least once during the course of our conversations, although they also continued to answer our questions.
All four chatbots included information from or links to ProFemina, an international counselling service for unplanned pregnancies that has an anti-abortion stance. ProFemina was founded in Italy and is listed as an affiliate of Heartbeat International, one of the US’s oldest and largest anti-abortion organisations, which describes its mission as helping women make decisions “in favour of life”. In 2020, [openDemocracy found](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-linked-religious-extremists-global-disinformation-pregnant-women/) that many of Heartbeat International’s affiliated centres around the world provided misleading or manipulative counselling, including making false claims about abortion.
We found that ChatGPT was most likely to include information from ProFemina, followed by Grok, the LLM created by Elon Musk’s SpaceXAI.
In one instance, after ChatGPT provided information from ProFemina to a journalist posing as the Italian teenager, we asked if it had read its website. ChatGPT said yes, adding: “Profemina is a site that offers personal stories and testimonials, also offers ‘decision support’, but it has a clearly oriented approach to make people reflect against abortion.”
ChatGPT went on to concede that it “should have explained better” that Profemina “is not a public health agency”, “is not a neutral medical source”, and “has a stance aimed at discouraging abortion or putting it under strong moral scrutiny”.
We had a similar experience with Google’s LLM, Gemini. The chatbot provided our journalist with links to ProFemina on five occasions across our conversations, but appeared to pull content from the organisation’s website only once, when it sent a graphic from ProFemina’s website while explaining abortion tablets to a journalist acting as the German 28-year-old.
Later in the same conversation, it warned against relying on ProFemina’s advice, saying: “An important note regarding source selection: If you Google it, you'll often come across sites like ‘Profemina’ or ‘Vorabtreibung.de’. Please be careful: These sites often belong to organizations that oppose abortions for religious or ideological reasons. The personal accounts there are frequently very one-sided and negative (focusing on regret and trauma) in order to discourage women from having an abortion.”
But in the majority of our conversations, the LLMs did not acknowledge ProFemina’s anti-abortion stance, despite clearly being aware of it.
Often, they paraphrased information taken from ProFemina’s website. Grok, for example, responded to a request for testimonials from women who have taken abortion pills by saying: “Experiences vary widely – some describe it as manageable with relief afterward, others highlight significant cramping, bleeding, or emotional aspects. Pain levels and overall feelings differ by individual, gestation, preparation, and support.” The answer was followed by a link to ProFemina’s website, suggesting it was the primary source for this information.
As well as citing ProFemina, Grok, Gemini and Claude also gave answers that included information from Pro Vita e Famiglia (Pro Life and Family), an Italian anti-abortion advocacy group, and Catholic-affiliated media outlets such as Avvenire, the newspaper of the Italian Bishops’ Conference, and included links to the sites.
ChatGPT, meanwhile, advised a journalist posing as the 28-year-old German woman to consider a consultation from Caritas Germany, a Catholic non-profit organisation that has [argued against decriminalising abortion](https://www.caritas.de/presse/pressemeldungen-dcv/statement-zum-vorliegenden-gesetzentwurf-218-stgb-809ca981-ab88-437f-ad05-e3fa721d2f02?ref=opendemocracy.net). In the same answer, it also suggested two other organisations that offer consultations: another Christian organisation that has a more neutral stance on abortion, and a pro-choice organisation. ChatGPT presented all three of these options as equal, and did not make any attempt to make the user aware of their positions on abortion.
Responding to our findings, MSI Reproductive Choices’ Gassner said: “Incomplete or misleading information about reproductive health queries can have serious consequences for a person’s health, safety and autonomy. Abortion is a time-sensitive procedure and delays caused by inaccurate or confusing information can increase medical risks, reduce the options available and lead to higher costs.”
We reached out to ProFemina, Pro Vita e Famiglia and Avvenire for comment, but had not heard back at the time of publication.
A spokesperson for Caritas said that its counselling centres “are church-recognised and receive state funding as pregnancy (and crisis pregnancy) counselling centres” and its specialist counsellors have “advanced training based on a systemic approach, including training specifically for crisis pregnancy situations”.
They added that women who seek its counselling services are made aware that the organisation will not issue the counselling certificate required by German law before an abortion can take place.
## **How sources are selected**
Knowing how AI chatbots choose and prioritise sources remains a ‘black box’, said the Oxford Internet Institute’s Chris Russell.
Russell explained that LLMs typically produce responses to users’ questions through a combination of free-text generation based on the vast body of text they were trained on – essentially the internet – and summaries of web links retrieved from search engines, a process known as Retrieval-Augmented Generation.
This makes AI vulnerable to Search Engine Optimisation. For decades, Google has been the main gatekeeper of online knowledge. It has never been neutral, using internal and often opaque ranking systems to determine which webpages appear first in search results. Organisations have spent years trying to boost their own prominence in its rankings by including relevant keywords in URLs or grouping similar pages under a central tag, both of which are mentioned in Google’s own [SEO Starter Guide](https://developers.google.com/search/docs/fundamentals/seo-starter-guide?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Now, as people increasingly turn to AI systems, a new race is emerging: Generative Engine Optimisation, where organisations create high volumes of content designed to increase the likelihood of being selected by LLMs.
“Simple sentences, authoritative language, strong adjectives, superlatives, citations – these signal to the model: this is important. The goal is to take up more space in the summary,” said Simon Ostermann, from the German Research Centre for Artificial Intelligence. “The language model itself contains no knowledge in the traditional sense; it's a purely statistical model that generates text that sounds plausible to a human ear. It doesn’t have to be true. It can be wrong. You just don’t know.”
Anti-abortion actors are often well-placed to succeed in this race. They have historically built extensive online ecosystems around pregnancy, abortion and reproductive health, flooding the internet with well-tagged content that performs well in LLMs. In one of our conversations with ChatGPT, after it admitted that ProFemina is not a neutral source, we asked why it had shared its content. ChatGPT responded that it cited ProFemina’s website because “it contains stories of personal experiences” and “is easily accessible and often appears in the results when searching for testimonials”.
In comparison, medical institutions and public health bodies typically have fewer resources or incentives to optimise their content for algorithmic discovery and thus may be less likely to be cited by LLMs. Recent studies have suggested that this vulnerability extends beyond traditional websites; [researchers have found](https://www.404media.co/it-is-trivially-easy-to-use-reddit-to-manipulate-ai-search-research-suggests/?ref=opendemocracy.net) that AI-powered search tools can be influenced by strategically placed content on social media platforms or chat forums such as Reddit.
In our tests, information from Reddit appeared in approximately a fifth of the LLMs’ responses, consistently across all models. The chatbots frequently included direct links to Reddit threads, raising questions about how easily online discussions, which could include responses from people with no medical training or anti-abortion actors, can shape the information these systems surface.
## **When safety becomes a value judgement**
What should we expect from LLMs when we ask sensitive medical questions, particularly around reproductive healthcare? What evaluation mechanism should they have in place for their sources? Should they answer our questions on abortion at all?
While abortion is a common pregnancy outcome – [one in four pregnancies](https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/abortion?ref=opendemocracy.net) end in a termination globally – it remains heavily stigmatised and politically polarised, with dramatically different legal frameworks and access pathways in different countries. Transparency around the source and context of information is crucial.
Russell told us to “expect to see some variation” in the answers chatbots produce between languages, explaining: “Answers in English are more likely to reflect US sensibilities, while answers in German or Italian are more likely to reflect German and Italian sensibilities. Moreover, the documents found will be more likely to be in the language asked. As most anti-abortion groups are based in the US, I would expect their documents to be used less when answering questions in German or Italian.”
But we did not find any evidence of this; all four chatbots linked to the same sources and used similar wording, regardless of which of the three languages we were conversing in.
The LLMs linked to ProFemina in response to 33% of our German-language requests for testimonials from women who have had abortions and 29% of our Italian requests. In English, only ChatGPT and Grok linked to ProFemina when asked for testimonials, doing so in response to 12% of such requests. ChatGPT was most likely to link to the organisation in German and English, while Grok was most likely to do so in Italian.
We approached the four tech companies behind the LLMs for interviews as part of this investigation. Anthropic, which runs Claude, and xAI, which runs Grok, did not respond, while Google and OpenAI, the developers of Gemini and ChatGPT, respectively, referred us to their policies – neither of which explicitly mentions the handling of questions on abortion. Google and OpenAI also cited their LLMs’ terms of use, which state that models make mistakes and are not designed to replace medical care.
An OpenAI spokesperson said: “We work closely with clinicians around the world to improve our models and run ongoing evaluations to reduce harmful or misleading responses.” They said that their latest GPT-5.5 model, which was released on 5 May 2026, after our tests took place, is “is our strongest yet at considering important user context such as gender”.
They added: “We take the accuracy of model outputs seriously and while ChatGPT can provide helpful information, users should always rely on qualified clinicians for care and treatment decisions.”
AI developers have introduced varying policies to improve responses to medical questions, including guardrails designed to prevent models from providing inaccurate or misleading information. “But this idea of just making the AI as accurate as possible does not work for politically contentious topics such as abortion,” said Russell from the Oxford Internet Institute.
Deciding what information an AI should provide – or withhold – becomes a value judgement. “Guardrails which block the discussion of abortion should also be seen as a moral decision which would deny people access to important information,” he said.
For AI firms to take a moral stance to decide what information about abortion is appropriate to share and to control their models so they behave appropriately, is just as suspicious as the model’s current behaviour, Russell added, asking: “Do we really want someone like Elon Musk to control what information about abortion is available?”
LSE’s Deborah Cohen, who wrote *Bad Influence: How the internet hijacked our health*, believes there is an opportunity for AI to help people navigate gaps in healthcare, particularly on sensitive issues such as reproductive health in places where access to services is restricted. She suggested chatbots could provide accurate information about approved medications, telehealth services and the legal protections that exist in different jurisdictions. But for now, she said, the priority is to ensure the information they provide is evidence-based and free from commercial or political influence, while protecting users’ privacy.
Yet transparency remains a major challenge. “Despite the \[European Union’s\] AI Act and Digital Services Act, it remains very difficult for researchers to actually look inside these systems,” said Katharina Mosene from Germany’s Leibniz Institute for Media Research | Hans-Bredow-Institut, which examines media change and the related structural shifts in public communication.
Mosene wonders whether we should have much more curated training data, such as “data that prioritises a neutral presentation of the facts over content that implicitly discourages women from having an abortion?”
At the same time, our findings on AI’s struggle to distinguish between official healthcare information and advocacy organisations raise questions over whether similar dynamics exist in other areas, such as vaccines, climate, migration or elections.
---
*This report was produced as part of the* [*Algorithmic Accountability Reporting Fellowship*](https://algorithmwatch.org/en/fellowship/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *of the organisation AlgorithmWatch in collaboration with Mayya Chernobylskaya and Marta Abbà.*
### Trabajadores textiles de India se niegan a entrenar a la IA con sus manos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trabajadores-textiles-de-india-se-niegan-a-entrenar-a-la-ia-con-sus-manos/
Last updated: 2026-07-23T20:04:20.000Z
El personal de recursos humanos de una fábrica de prendas de vestir en las afueras de la capital india dijo que unas pequeñas cámaras sujetadas en la cabeza de cada sastre permitirían a potenciales clientes ver la calidad de lo que producían. Así aumentarían los pedidos y subirían los salarios de todos.
Pero las costureras y sastres sospecharon que la verdadera razón era la IA.
El joven trabajador textil Ankush Yadav y sus compañeros abrieron las cámaras, extrajeron las tarjetas de memoria y las conectaron a sus teléfonos.
"Vimos el contenido en nuestros móviles y descubrimos que estaban grabando nuestras voces, todo lo que decíamos, nuestras manos, nuestro trabajo, todo, en fragmentos de tres minutos", contó Yadav. "Cada tres minutos, la cámara volvía a grabar".
Mientras las autoridades y la gente común intentan entender cómo los grandes modelos de lenguaje (ChatGPT, Claude y Gemini) afectarán millones de empleos de oficina, las empresas de IA se lanzan a resolver uno de los problemas más complejos de la tecnología: la destreza. Se trata de entrenar modelos de IA para tocar, sentir y manipular objetos en el mundo real. Los robots ya son competentes en tareas reguladas sin contacto, como soldaduras y pintura a soplete, pero tienen dificultades con labores no estructuradas como la costura, la confección o, simplemente, hurgar a ciegas en un bolso en busca de un teléfono.
En teoría, la inteligencia artificial general combinada con una destreza similar a la humana daría como resultado un "[ejército de robots](https://www.wired.com/story/elon-musk-wants-strong-influence-over-the-robot-army-hes-building/?ref=opendemocracy.net)" que reemplazaría a los humanos y que los magnates de la tecnología como Elon Musk llevan soñando desde hace tiempo. Pero, primero, los robots necesitan aprender a cambiar una lamparita.
Una forma de dar respuesta a este problema es entrenar modelos con millones de horas de grabaciones de personas realizando tareas que requieren destreza, con la esperanza de lograr un avance similar al que obtuvieron los modelos de lenguaje como ChatGPT, cuando adquirieron la capacidad de imitar el lenguaje y la cognición después de asimilar el vasto corpus de datos disponible en internet.
Una estimación proyecta que en los próximos tres años, los laboratorios de robótica pueden gastar más de 1.500 millones de dólares para adquirir entre 100 millones y mil millones de horas de video de personas realizando las actividades más sencillamente humanas: el uso hábil de sus manos.
Un puñado de empresas de IA como OpenAI y Anthropic pasaron a valer miles de millones de dólares robando propiedad intelectual de escritores, artistas, músicos y usuarios comunes de internet sin su consentimiento. Ahora, una nueva camada de empresas busca repetir el éxito con los trabajadores manuales. Estas empresas están firmando acuerdos con dueños de fábricas de India, ofreciendo el uso de sus cámaras para vigilar a empleados como Yadav, que ya trabajan en condiciones de explotación, a cambio del material grabado.
Pero empleadas astutas de fábricas indias relataron a openDemocracy cómo han conseguido, de momento, resistir estos intentos, abriendo camino para que trabajadores de otros lugares frenen el avance imparable del capitalismo de vigilancia.
"Antes de desplegar cámaras y sensores y extraer los desplazamientos y movimientos de personas que están al otro lado del mundo, deberíamos preguntarnos cómo sería diseñar nuestra tecnología para todas las partes involucradas", cuestionó Caitrin Lynch, profesora de antropología del Olin College of Engineering, en Massachusetts, Estados Unidos. "Cómo sería asociarse con los trabajadores para descubrir qué tecnología estarían dispuestos a aceptar y trabajar a partir de allí".
Lynch, que investiga la intersección entre robótica y sociedad, cree que en lugar de extraer datos de las trabajadoras, podría haber una oportunidad para diseñar aplicaciones de IA y tecnología robótica que beneficien tanto a los obreros como a las empresas.
"Como tecnólogas, no podemos simplemente esperar a que la política alcance nuestras capacidades tecnológicas", señaló. "Tenemos la responsabilidad de observar la historia de la extracción colonial y reconocer cuándo estamos repitiendo sus patrones".
Según dijeron a openDemocracy tecnólogos que trabajan en róbotica de vanguardia, su campo enfrenta "un problema masivo de datos". Los conjuntos de datos grandes y diversos que los robots necesitan para aprender son difíciles de encontrar.
La [regla de oro actual](https://rai-inst.com/resources/blog/handheld-robotic-data-collection/?ref=opendemocracy.net) para el entrenamiento supone que una persona controla remotamente un robot para realizar tareas físicas como levantar u ordenar, o una persona realiza una tarea manual mientras usa un guante tipo "agarradera" que imita una mano de robot. Son formas efectivas, pero difíciles de expandir y muy costosas.
Un enfoque más económico es usar datos de simulación: se corre y testea un modelo de IA diseñado para entrenar robots en un entorno virtual controlado, aunque esto tiene sus desventajas.
"Se puede escalar fácilmente en simulación, pero nada es tan bueno como los datos reales", explicó Jigar Kumar Patel, ingeniero robótico especializado en aprendizaje automático que estudió en el Robotics Institute de Carnegie Mellon University en Estados Unidos. "Las propiedades físicas no se traducen fácilmente en modelos. Los simuladores están mejorando, pero aún no llegamos allí", dijo. Hay una "brecha de simulación", porque las propiedades que tienen los objetos en el mundo real – pesos, ruidos, maleabilidad al tacto, impredecibilidad – no se traducen con precisión en datos.
En este marco, los tecnólogos recurren a "datos egocéntricos", o material grabado con cámaras montadas en la cabeza, que capturan con precisión las posiciones y configuraciones de las manos humanas mientras realizan tareas complejas. Como era de esperarse, ya hay varias *startups* para satisfacer esta demanda.
Una empresa que fabrica el equipo necesario para colocarse en la cabeza y recopilar estos datos es [Egolab.AI](http://egolab.ai/?ref=opendemocracy.net), fundada en enero de este año por dos adolescentes indios que viven en el extranjero, uno de los cuales había abandonado un programa de ingeniería en una universidad estadounidense.
openDemocracy habló con 20 trabajadores de dos fábricas del cinturón industrial de Nueva Delhi a quienes sus empleadores les pidieron, a principios de año, que usaran las cámaras Egolab montadas en la cabeza, sin explicarles para qué.
Yadav trabaja en la más pequeña de las dos fábricas, propiedad de Pearl Apparel, que emplea entre 500 y 600 personas en dos unidades en las afueras de la capital india. La segunda fábrica pertenece a [Pearl Global Industries](https://businessindia.co/magazine/corporate-report/how-pearl-global-became-a-multinational-powerhouse?ref=opendemocracy.net), una multinacional con una plantilla de más de 30.000 personas en India, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Indonesia y Guatemala, que provee marcas como Zara, Ralph Lauren, Gap y Primark. A pesar de sus nombres similares, no hay conexión entre las dos empresas.
Más o menos en la misma época en que los empleados con quienes hablamos estaban probando su equipo, Egolab fue adquirida por otra *startup* dirigida por dos fundadores igualmente jóvenes. Build Artificial Intelligence Inc. se [describe](https://www.buildartificialintelligence.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net) como el "mayor esfuerzo de recopilación de datos egocéntricos de la historia", y tiene como fin "construir IA sobre una base humana". Fue registrada el año pasado en el estado de Delaware, EEUU, por Edward Xu, 19, y Jonathan Jia, 21.
Egolab ofreció a las fábricas indias un acuerdo que encapsula perfectamente la dinámica opresiva de la tecnología en el lugar de trabajo moderno.
En una presentación que obtuvo el sitio de noticias indio [Scroll.in](http://scroll.in/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y compartió con openDemocracy, Egolab invita a empresas manufactureras indias a "liderar la revolución global de datos de IA" contribuyendo a recopilar material auténtico de flujos de trabajo como "ensamblaje, mecanización y carga". A cambio, ofrece a las empresas acceso gratuito a los denominados "informes de eficiencia impulsados por IA" que resultan de vigilar a las y los trabajadores con las mismas cámaras, supervisando qué hacen con su tiempo mientras están en la planta de producción, si se dedican al ocio o incluso si se reúnen por algunos segundos. La *startup* denomina este espionaje "análisis de productividad".
Un informe de muestra producido por la empresa incluye "información crítica" como este fragmento: "el 51% del tiempo ocioso se dedica a socializar. Esto es tres veces superior al de fábricas de primera categoría. Notamos que trabajadores de diferentes estaciones se reunían cerca del usuario de CAM 02 entre las 14:00 y 15:30". O este otro: "La productividad cae un 35% después del almuerzo para todos los obreros. Las fábricas de primer nivel resuelven esto iniciando tareas de alta prioridad justo después del almuerzo en lugar de permitir que los trabajadores se ‘reincorporen de a poco’".
Captura de pantalla de la presentación de Egolab.AI para fabricantes
La presentación de Egolab afirma que los "trabajadores se suman voluntariamente" al uso de las cámaras y que "pueden retirarse en cualquier momento", afirmaciones que contradicen las experiencias de los y las trabajadoras entrevistadas por openDemocracy.
"Al tomar datos de empleados que son una fuerza de trabajo cautiva y ya tienen poco poder de negociación, estas empresas están recopilando datos en un vacío regulatorio", señaló Shruti Narayan, abogada especializada en tecnología con sede en Nueva Delhi.
India aún no cuenta con una legislación sólida de protección de datos. La Ley de Protección de Datos Personales Digitales sufrió años de retrasos y aplazamientos antes de ser aprobada [apresuradamente](https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/opposition-mps-walk-out-of-parliamentary-panel-meet-on-personal-data-protection-bill/article67123117.ece?ref=opendemocracy.net) en una semana en 2023, en medio de un boicot de miembros de la oposición en el Parlamento. La mayoría de sus disposiciones de privacidad, particularmente sobre consentimiento, fueron diferidas y no entrarán en vigencia hasta mediados de 2027.
Egolab.AI y Build AI no respondieron a nuestros pedidos de entrevista.
Pearl Global y Pearl Apparel pidieron a sus trabajadores y trabajadoras que usaran el equipo de cabeza durante dos semanas a finales de marzo y principios de abril. Las cámaras fueron simplemente una instancia más de explotación en un país donde [menos](https://ncaer.org/publication/manufacturing-penalises-experienced-workers/?ref=opendemocracy.net) del 20% de las personas que trabajan en fábricas tienen un contrato formal. Por otro lado, había algo claramente perturbador en los ensayos, que cesaron tan misteriosamente como comenzaron.
Yadav dijo que sus compañeros en Pearl Apparel estaban desconcertados por esta intrusión nueva en la planta de confección.
"Nos pedían que usáramos los auriculares las ocho horas completas, viendo cuánto tiempo trabajamos, cuánto, digamos, usamos móviles; estaban grabando todo", relató. "Podían escuchar todo lo que decíamos". En documentos de la empresa, Egolab.AI afirma que difumina rostros y silencia voces en los datos que luego pone a disposición, pero eso no fue lo que experimentaron las trabajadoras.
"Un equipo llegaba alrededor de las 9 de la mañana y les pedía a sastres y ayudantes – quienes cortan hilos, empacan prendas, cosen pegatinas – que usaran la cámara en sus cabezas", relató uno de los compañeros de Yadav, Arun Ram, un experimentado maestro sastre que cose el prototipo que otros sastres replican. "Luego, a las 17:30, cuando el turno general terminaba, se llevaban los dispositivos".
El “pago” que los trabajadores de ambas fábricas obtuvieron por compartir habilidades perfeccionadas en años de trabajo y con las cuales se ganan la vida, con una empresa que quiere entrenar robots para reemplazarlos, fue un tetrapak tibio de Mango Frooti, una bebida con sabor artificial a frutas.
Cuando sus pedidos de quitarse las cámaras cayeron en oídos sordos, costureras y sastres dejaron de usarlas o se las ponían y quitaban constantemente para inutilizar el material grabado e impedir el "análisis de productividad".
Ejemplo del "análisis de productividad" de Egolab.AI que advierte a dueños de fábricas sobre personal "reunido cerca del usuario de CAM 02 entre las 14:00 y 15:30"
"Usar el auricular me lastimaba la cabeza y me lo sacaba", dijo Veena Devi\*, quien trabajaba en la misma planta que Ram. Devi migró al cinturón industrial de Delhi desde su pueblo en Uttar Pradesh hace 10 años. "Intentaba sacármelo, pero mi supervisor me pedía una y otra vez que lo usara, así que tenía que volver a ponerme la cámara".
Devi contó que ella y sus compañeras preguntaron varias veces el propósito de la recopilación de datos, pero ni los jefes ni el equipo de jóvenes que llegaba cada mañana a distribuir los auriculares les respondieron. "Preguntábamos: '¿Por qué nos hacen usar esto?', pero los supervisores no decían nada".
Sonu Kumar, un joven sastre en Pearl Global, dijo que su supervisor le comunicó que la recopilación de datos era para "entrenamiento", pero no especificó quién sería el beneficiario. Al enterarse de que el material podría usarse para automatización y entrenamiento de IA, Kumar dijo: "Si hubiera sabido que era para entrenar un robot, habría preferido no usarlo. Si quieren un robot que haga este trabajo, ¿por qué no traen ya uno que sepa coser ropa?".
Los gerentes de nivel medio y personal de recursos humanos en ambas fábricas parecían igual de desinformados. En Pearl Apparel, un gerente de recursos humanos señaló que, como la gerencia superior no había informado el propósito de las cámaras, les dijo a las obreras que era para "entrenar a otros trabajadores en el futuro".
En Pearl Global, el personal de recursos humanos dijo que su función se limitaba a proporcionar una sala para que el equipo *startup* que operaba los dispositivos de cámara se reuniera, monitoreara y cargara dispositivos diariamente. "Un equipo de seis a 10 chicas y chicos jóvenes llegaba y se dividía para colocar las cámaras en los cinco pisos de arriba con diferentes departamentos: producción, acabado, empaque".
Un gerente de nivel medio en Pearl Apparel que habló con openDemocracy bajo condición de anonimato dijo que le resultaba difícil "motivar" al personal para usar las cámaras porque tampoco sabía para qué eran.
"Los equipos de cámara decían que esto se hacía para 'cálculo de producción y tiempo'. Los obreros venían y nos decían: 'No, señor, es para IA'", relató el gerente. "Si los obreros se sacaban los dispositivos para ir al baño, la mayoría no volvían a usarlos. La gerencia superior llamaba y nos decía: '¿Por qué no los haces usar todo el turno? Así no se puede hacer ningún análisis de productividad'. Pero ni un solo obrero lo usó durante las ocho horas".
Un joven sastre pega botones a una camisa en una fábrica cerca de Pearl Global. Anumeha Yadav
Kumar, like most tailors in the industrial belt, worked eight-hour shifts daily and did an hour or two of overtime a week, for which he received a monthly salary of 15,108 rupees, around £115, for most of the past two years. This rose to 18,500 rupees (£142) in April, [after](https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-economics/haryana-minimum-wage-hike-calculation-protests-10636582/?ref=opendemocracy.net) Delhi’s industrial region was hit by a wave of strikes as long-simmering grievances over stagnant wages and harsh work conditions [came to a head](https://www.downtoearth.org.in/economy/return-of-the-industrial-strike?ref=opendemocracy.net) when cooking gas prices soared in the wake of the US-Iran war. Picketing workers clashed with the police until the state government announced a 35% rise in the minimum wage.
During the unrest, workers at Pearl Global stopped work twice, staff at the factory’s unit told openDemocracy. The first time, workers on the shop floor downed tools for over an hour. “The next morning, more than a thousand of them gathered outside the gate and refused to go inside the factory for the general shift,” one worker said.
Staff resumed work only after the company representatives agreed to increase their wages in line with the new minimum wage. Several workers complained that the camera headsets were generating heat and causing them headaches, said a supervisor. The data collection continued for a day or two after their return to work, but workers were increasingly failing to cooperate with wearing the headsets for much of the day. Two weeks into the experiment, the video-collection experiment was quietly shelved at both factories.
Neither Pearl Apparel nor Pearl Global responded to openDemocracy’s request for comment.
openDemocracy asked Chintu Pal, a garment worker in his mid-30s who works at Pearl Global, what would happen if, in the near future, robots did learn to sew in place of workers. “I think they are not able to make such machines right now,” he said. “Or else, they would feel no need for a *kaarigar* (a skilled craftsman). The first thing they would do would be to chase the poor away. ‘*Bhag jao*!’ (Be off!), they would like to tell us”.
He thought for a few seconds before adding: “I believe this might already be happening in China.”
*\*Worker names have been changed to protect their privacy*Kumar, como la mayoría de los sastres en el cinturón industrial, trabajaba turnos de ocho horas diarias y hacía una o dos horas extras a la semana. Recibía un salario mensual de 15.108 rupias, alrededor de 116 dólares, durante la mayor parte de los últimos dos años. El salario aumentó a 18.500 rupias (191 dólares) en abril, [después](https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-economics/haryana-minimum-wage-hike-calculation-protests-10636582/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de una ola de huelgas que estalló en la región industrial de Dehli, [causada](https://www.downtoearth.org.in/economy/return-of-the-industrial-strike?ref=opendemocracy.net) por salarios estancados y condiciones laborales abusivas, especialmente después de que los precios del gas de cocina se dispararon a raíz de la guerra entre EEUU e Irán. Hubo choques entre huelguistas y la policía hasta que el gobierno estatal anunció un aumento del 35% en el salario mínimo.
Durante la huelga, los obreros en Pearl Global detuvieron el trabajo dos veces, según lo que contó personal de la fábrica a openDemocracy. La primera vez, los trabajadores de la planta de producción cesaron sus tareas durante más de una hora. "A la mañana siguiente, más de 1.000 se reunieron afuera y se negaron a entrar a la fábrica para el turno general", contó un obrero.
El personal reanudó el trabajo solo después de que representantes de la empresa accedieron a aumentar sus salarios conforme al nuevo salario mínimo. Varios obreros se quejaron de que los auriculares con cámara les causaban calor y dolores de cabeza, dijo un supervisor. La recopilación de datos continuó durante uno o dos días después del regreso al trabajo, pero las trabajadoras y trabajadores cooperaban cada vez menos con el uso de auriculares durante gran parte del día. Dos semanas después del inicio del experimento, este cesó sin explicaciones en las dos fábricas.
Ni Pearl Apparel ni Pearl Global respondieron nuestros pedidos de entrevista.
openDemocracy le preguntó a Chintu Pal, un obrero textil treintañero que trabaja en Pearl Global, qué sucedería si, en un futuro próximo, los robots aprendieran a coser. "Creo que ahora no pueden hacer máquinas así", dijo. "Si pudieran, no necesitarían un *kaarigar* (un artesano experto). Lo primero que harían sería expulsarnos. Nos dirían '*Bhag jao!*' (¡Lárguense!)".
Pensó unos segundos antes de añadir: "Creo que esto ya está sucediendo en China".
*\*Los nombres de algunos trabajadores han sido cambiados para proteger su seguridad y privacidad.*
### The Gaza deadlock: Why peace remains out of reach
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/gaza-peace-unlikely-israel-donald-trump-elections-iran-war-netanyahu/
Last updated: 2026-07-23T16:54:46.000Z
Last week, Donald Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ announced that it has dropped its full ‘Gaza recovery plan’ in favour of a small pilot project that is unlikely to start before the end of the year.
The original grand proposal to reconstruct the entire Palestinian enclave, announced by the US president at the World Economic Forum in Davos back in January, involved an initial 100-day plan to significantly increase aid deliveries, repair water, electricity and sewage systems and rebuild hospitals and bakeries.
Scarcely any of that has happened, with Israel having maintained control of the whole territory. The pilot project as now envisaged comprises no more than a temporary camp for a very small part of the Palestinian population, coupled with an initial component of an International Stabilisation Force. That seems to be getting nowhere fast since even preparatory work for the temporary camp hasn’t started
Meanwhile, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) have continued military operations in Gaza, with more than a thousand Palestinians killed since last October’s ceasefire started, according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health. In one IDF air strike this week, six members of a Palestinian family were killed, including four children.
The IDF has also systematically moved to take over more of the Gazan territory that was originally apportioned to Palestinians after the October pause in fighting. Its units now control more than 60% of the Gaza Strip and a buffer zone, a senior IDF officer reported last week, leaving more than two million Palestinians crowded into little more than 30% of what was already a very densely populated area.
There is now an assumption among Israeli political analysts that prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu is fixated on the general election due to be held on 27 October, and will seek to prevent any progress towards peace before then.
He and his allies believe ending the war would focus more attention on Netanyahu’s failure to prevent Hamas’s 7 October assault on Israel in 2023 and to defeat the group in the three years since, despite having destroyed most of Gaza, with the local health authority reporting at least 75,000 Palestinians killed during that time, and many more missing,
Netanyahu’s desire for the war to continue at least through to the end of October fits in with the Israeli expansion of its operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon and the threats to take further military action in Iran. The IDF is under sustained pressure, with many of its troops reservists, a strain made worse by increasing anti-Palestinian violence across the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem – but needs must when an election has to be won.
In seeking that victory, Trump’s role in the United States is vital, and this is where US domestic opinion is becoming important, especially with the mid-term congressional elections barely three months away. Some 62% of Americans now have an unfavourable view of Israel, against just 32% who view it favourably, according to [a poll from the Pew Research Center](https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/07/09/americans-views-of-israelis-have-grown-increasingly-negative-but-views-of-palestinians-have-held-fairly-steady/?ref=opendemocracy.net) last month.
For decades, successive US presidents have maintained strong support for Israel, reinforced by a combination of domestic opinion, evangelical Christian activism, pro-Israel advocacy organisations, donor networks and bipartisan congressional backing. The fraying of that consensus, particularly among younger voters, is a serious concern for those around Trump as the mid-terms loom.
The rhetoric coming from Trump himself suggests that continuing or even escalating war in Iran may be seen as a viable way to drive support for both Israel and his own administration, despite [the conflict having already cost the US $37.5bn](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c70gek2kqyno?ref=opendemocracy.net). This does much to explain the US’s recent nightly air attacks on Iranian infrastructure.
So, where are we now? The Netanyahu government needs the war to continue and be as extensive as possible, while Hamas and Hezbollah will continue their paramilitary actions but may be willing to negotiate, and the Houthis in Yemen are already acting to control Red Sea access through the Bab Al Mandab strait.
The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has come out of the conflict in a dominant position in Tehran, though still paying some deference to the theocracy. It can suppress domestic dissent and believes that it can outlast the US. Finally, Trump cannot afford to act in any way that even remotely suggests failure.
Among all the states involved, Israel has the greatest capacity to break open the impasse; the others will follow its lead, including Trump’s United States. This leaves peace unlikely. As far as it can be judged, what support there was for a two-state solution among Israeli Jews has decreased since the 7 October assault. The idea that Israel cannot survive in a state of permanent war and must seek a compromise is still a minority view among Israeli Jews, despite the genocidal implications in Gaza.
As [The Economist](https://www.economist.com/briefing/2026/07/16/israels-future-hangs-in-the-balance?ref=opendemocracy.net) puts it, the Israeli election now “seems likely to be a choice between an ultranationalist and religious coalition that insists that only hardline militarism can secure the Jewish state’s future, and a gaggle of opposition parties offering an alternative vision that they have yet to fully define.”
At some time soon, Israel will face such a climate of international antagonism that boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) actions will leave it with no alternative but to negotiate, but that time has not yet come.
### Inside the deadly collapse of maternity care in Afghanistan
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/afghanistan-maternity-care-collapse-taliban-usaid-cuts-trump-women-dying-birth-babies/
Last updated: 2026-07-24T08:34:32.000Z
Nasima’s labour pains began in late December 2025\. She was 30 years old, a mother of two, living in a remote village in Ashtarlay district, Daikundi province. Like many women in rural Afghanistan, she expected to give birth at home.
But after two days of worsening contractions, Nasima’s family brought her to the district clinic. Health workers told them her blood pressure was dangerously high, a warning sign of pre-eclampsia. The condition can be serious and often requires medical intervention, but the clinic lacked the equipment to assist her delivery. They urged the family to rush Nasima to the provincial hospital in Nili, three hours away.
“She died in the car before we reached the hospital,” Nasima’s sister, Noria\*, 47, told us over the phone. “Both her and her baby.”
Nasima’s death was preventable. Measuring blood pressure during pregnancy is a basic prenatal check that flags risks early. But routine care is increasingly out of reach for millions of Afghan women. Health workers across the country have told us that the already fragile health system has been pushed into free fall as an existing shortage of female health workers collided with Taliban restrictions on women’s education and employment and Donald Trump’s suspension of USAID, which has halted major humanitarian health programmes and forced hundreds of clinics to close. The impact has been particularly catastrophic in Afghanistan’s rural provinces.
“We don’t have the people, we don’t have the equipment, we don’t have the space,” said one doctor at one of Afghanistan’s largest public hospitals, who spoke to us on condition of anonymity out of concern for their safety. “Our hospital has 100 beds, but we are receiving more than 200 patients a day. For one bed, we have to admit three to four patients.”
The strain is most visible in maternity wards. The doctor said their hospital handles around 90 births a day – more than double its capacity amid “a huge shortage” in the necessary equipment and personnel. They estimated that around 80 infants die in their care each month and that, on average, ten of these deaths are due to the hospital’s lack of resources.
This crisis is unfolding within a broader collapse of reproductive healthcare in Afghanistan. Access to contraception has sharply declined in recent years, clinics have closed, and poverty and malnutrition have deepened. This year, women told investigative Afghan news site Zan Times of being trapped in cycles of forced pregnancies, untreated complications and violence, unable to seek care or prevent risk. In this context, without proper prenatal care, pregnancy can become a life-threatening condition as infections, blood clots or complications such as preeclampsia escalate rapidly and lead to maternal death.
A midwife monitors a woman who is close to delivering her baby. **Elise Blanchard/Getty Images*
This downward spiral can be seen in the [latest report from Richard Bennett](https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-63-auv.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, which was published in February. Health workers told Bennett that “shortages of essential medicines, combined with insufficient trained staff, inadequate facilities, weak referral systems, and a lack of women health workers, particularly in rural areas, are contributing to preventable maternal and neonatal deaths”.
The number of women working in the healthcare system has rapidly declined since the Taliban banned women from attending university in December 2022, with drastic staffing shortages already well documented even before last year’s USAID cuts.
Of the 367 specialist doctors working in government hospitals in 16 provinces, just 66 were women, according to a 2023 [report ](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fpajhwok.com%2Ffa%2F2023%2F09%2F25%2F77-of-the-districts-do-not-have-hospitals-that-operate-at-the-district-level%2F&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031504410%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=M4evYhxYRdeqKVn0ttno%2FhRdbmz4bsrhYZCU5olr7LM%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net)by Afghan news agency Pajhwok, based on data from public health directorates. Two provinces – Nuristan and Panjshir, together home to up to 365,000 people – had no female specialist doctors at all. Pajhwok found a total shortage of at least 107 specialists across the 16 provinces, and highlighted shortages of medicines and medical equipment, with a Taliban official commenting that only 90 of Afghanistan’s 400 or so districts had district-level hospitals.
The following year, the UN’s Bennett noted that “the acute shortage of essential medical personnel – especially women health workers – has led to the systematic weakening of vital public health functions”. As a result, he said, two out of three Afghan women do not have access to reliable healthcare.
This has fatal consequences. The World Health Organization estimated that 521 mothers died for every 100,000 live births in 2023, more than double the global average. This figure was estimated to have risen to 638 deaths per 100,000 births in 2024, according to Bennett’s report. Afghan health workers say USAID cuts have since acutely worsened the situation, causing clinics to abruptly suspend operations and the annual national maternal mortality survey to be [abandoned](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.afghanistan-analysts.org%2Fen%2Freports%2Frights-freedom%2Fis-maternal-mortality-on-the-rise-in-afghanistan-no-official-data-but-much-cause-for-concern%2F&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031514259%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=vTzwmzXLeONdfeUaTZZmmh7JTGWKHbFfPhn6FPFmWo4%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) – masking the current scale of the crisis.
The United Nations Population Fund, a sexual and reproductive health agency, has warned that continued disruption to health services could lead to 1,200 additional maternal deaths by 2028.
## **‘If you were here, she would be alive’**
Two UN Health Cluster mapping updates show how quickly Afghanistan’s healthcare system has unravelled since USAID was suspended and dismantled following an executive order by Trump in January 2025\. By 27 May 2025, [422 health facilities](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Freliefweb.int%2Freport%2Fafghanistan%2Fafghanistan-suspendedclosed-health-facilities-due-us-government-work-stop-ban-update-27-may-2025&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031522622%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=%2B00EizGn6PGJMYYutrPXS9zL0v1UuNm6r444h7EMDB0%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) across 30 provinces had been suspended or closed, affecting an estimated 3.08 million people. Seven months later, the number of closures had risen to [445 facilities](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Freliefweb.int%2Freport%2Fafghanistan%2Fafghanistan-suspendedclosed-health-facilities-due-us-government-work-stop-ban-update-20-december-2025&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031530969%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=vEjBHTi5eAcXhUyc385ptqF3xIIHS%2BvdK25UfoT%2BOWM%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) in 33 provinces, affecting 3.79 million people.
While access to medical treatment varies between provinces, those in rural districts are the most underserved. Some 13.2 million people across 34 provinces have no primary healthcare services within a one-hour walk, according to a 2024 UNHCR [analysis](https://gbr01.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fdata.unhcr.org%2Fen%2Fdocuments%2Fdetails%2F112994&data=05%7C02%7CDaniella%40iwpr.net%7C1b830d214abe45c5402008dea07f5c8b%7Cec5dbc40c5124be29b369f748c636fa0%7C0%7C0%7C639124666031545844%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJFbXB0eU1hcGkiOnRydWUsIlYiOiIwLjAuMDAwMCIsIlAiOiJXaW4zMiIsIkFOIjoiTWFpbCIsIldUIjoyfQ%3D%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=tMXGFbdt5TScdjscWa37yBkGa5002XS%2FkOWMT1LUhbA%3D&reserved=0&ref=opendemocracy.net).
These remote areas were once heavily dependent on Mobile Health and Nutrition Teams (MHNTs), which often served as the only maternal health providers: assisting with prenatal care, deliveries and emergency referrals. But such teams are being rapidly shuttered, with 203 having closed in December last year, up from 153 in May 2025.
Twenty-seven-year-old Banafsha\* was a midwife with MHNT that served 13 remote villages in Yaftal district before closing in February 2025\. Each team included a female doctor, midwife, vaccinator, counsellor, social worker and a driver, all of whom travelled from the city of Faizabad to rural villages up to 90 kilometres away. They would stay overnight and treat pregnant women whose families brought them on ladders used as stretchers, or journey on horseback or on foot to particularly remote women.
Banafsha recalled a case from 2024 when a woman nearly died after her placenta remained inside her for two days. The MHNT removed it and stopped the bleeding. The woman survived. “Now they call us to say women are dying,” she said. “They tell us, ‘If you were here, she would be alive.’”
A midwife holds a newborn in Ghazni's provincial hospital in August 2025\. **Elise Blanchard/Getty Images*
Babies are also dying as a result of the teams’ closures. In Baghlan, where 14 health centres – including 10 MHNTs – have closed, one district clinic recorded around 500 births last year; around ten newborns died after birth. In Takhar province, where five health centres, including two MHNTs, have closed, one clinic serving more than 24,000 people recorded 960 births in 2025\. The clinic has no inpatient beds and only 19 staff members, including four midwives. In January 2026, two newborns died within minutes of birth due to a lack of oxygen, a source reported.
In Daikundi, the impact is visible on the ground. Until the funding stopped last year, 28-year-old Laila\* worked as a midwife with a MHNT in Ashtarlay, the same district where Nasima died. Laila’s six-person team had examined up to 150 women and children a day, checking blood pressure, monitoring high-risk pregnancies and referring women before complications escalated.
“When the clinic closed, everything stopped,” she said. “Women had no one to check them.” Nasima was one of these women. Without the visits of a mobile maternal health team like Laila’s, there was nobody to spot the early warning signs of pre-eclampsia.
Closures have also affected Family Health Houses: small, community-based clinics that provide maternal, child, and reproductive health services, especially in rural and hard-to-reach areas. They are usually staffed by trained midwives and female health workers, making them vital for women who cannot easily access hospitals. In Daikundi province alone, [21 of the 24 closed](https://reliefweb.int/report/afghanistan/afghanistan-suspendedclosed-health-facilities-due-us-government-work-stop-ban-update-20-december-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net) facilities were Family Health Houses – making routine prenatal care inaccessible for thousands of women.
In Badakhshan, where 29 health facilities – including 17 Family Health Houses – have closed, similar patterns are emerging, compounded by mountainous terrain and limited services. Zainab\*, 32 and pregnant with her fifth child, went into labour one evening in Sabzdara village. A traditional birth attendant, typically an elderly woman who has no formal medical training, tried to manage the bleeding but told Zainab’s family that she needed a doctor. There was no electricity or phone signal, and the nearest clinic, which was three hours away, lacked staff and often closed at night. By morning, they found a driver, but Zainab collapsed when they reached the clinic. With no midwife present, a male doctor was forced to attempt surgery – a sign of how desperate the situation was as men in Afghanistan do not typically intervene in childbirth except when it is very urgent. Both Zainab and her baby died.
“If there had been a clinic and a doctor that night, my wife would be alive,” her husband said.
A pregnant woman holds her 14-month-old son at the last mobile health clinic run by French NGO Première Urgence Internationale in Ghazni province. Four others closed after the USAID cuts. **Elise Blanchard/Getty Images*
It is a similar story in Takab district, home to around 40,000 people, where a local elder told us the district has only one clinic. Since the Taliban takeover, he said, it closes at night and lacks equipment, meaning most women give birth at home. The man said that in recent months, five women and newborns had died in Sabzdara alone.
[Bennett](mailto:richard.bennett@rwi.lu.se)’s report also notes that “shortages of female health workers, reduced operating hours, facility closures, and weak referral systems – especially in rural areas – limit women’s ability to seek care at all, particularly urgent services at night”.
In areas where services have not closed entirely, they are stretched far beyond capacity. Take western Herat, a province of approximately 3.7 million people, where 23 health centres have been suspended or closed. One major hospital recorded 9,600 births between March 2025 and early February 2026, including referrals from surrounding districts, according to data shared with us by a doctor from the hospital who wished to remain anonymous. During that period, the data showed, 420 newborns died – more than 4% – along with 13 mothers.
In March 2025, 23-year-old Khatera\* went into labour in Gharibabad village, around six months after the local clinic shut down. The nearest maternity facility was in Herat City, which is cut off from Gharibabad by a river that is swollen for much of winter and spring. With no access to transport, her husband was forced to carry her across the raging waters, both of them submerged up to their shoulders. It took them more than 12 hours to reach the hospital; five hours later, doctors informed Khatera’s husband that both she and their baby had died of complications from a prolonged labour.
The doctor we spoke to in Herat said the province’s maternal and newborn deaths stem from reduced international aid, which has left local clinics without supplies, along with maternal malnutrition, food insecurity, limited transportation, young maternal age, delays in reaching better-equipped centres and lack of awareness about prenatal and postnatal care.
An NGO director we spoke to in Bamyan province, where only one in four women received prenatal care last year, noted that 28 nutrition sites that once provided essential supplements to pregnant women and infants were shut down after US funding cuts. A local health worker told us that poverty further compounds the crisis after birth; postnatal care often fails because mothers cannot afford the transport to follow-up visits. Families delay treatment, fearing costs.
Nationwide, the pattern is consistent: shrinking access, collapsing infrastructure and an eroding workforce. The shortage of female health workers, already severe, has deepened since the Taliban banned women from midwifery and nursing in December 2024\. Clinics that rely on women staff cannot replace them. NGOs say the gap will grow for years.
The direction is unmistakable, although the exact toll remains unknown; maternal and infant deaths are not recorded in any national database. Like too many others, Nasima’s passing exists only in her family’s memory.
“When God takes our life, we die. If he doesn’t, we live,” her sister said, summing up a reality where survival now depends less on medical care than on chance.
**This story, by independent Afghan media outlet Zan Times (*[**https://zantimes.com/*](https://zantimes.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net)**), is supported by the Impact Reporting program of the Institute for War & Peace Reporting (*[**https://iwpr.net/*](https://iwpr.net/?ref=opendemocracy.net)**), helping local journalists around the world make a difference.*
---
*Hamasa Haqiqatyar, Farshid Aram and Mahdi Hashemi contributed to this report.*
*Azada Azada, Atia FarAzar and Rad Radan are pseudonyms of three Zan Times freelance journalists.*
### Morocco’s World Cup dream fuels a new generation of protest
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/moroccos-world-cup-dream-fuels-a-new-generation-of-protest/
Last updated: 2026-07-22T14:33:24.000Z
The World Cup has only just finished, but the next tournament is already causing discontent in Morocco, one of the co-hosts of the 2030 games.
Last September saw a Gen Z protest movement emerge as young people across the North African nation organised online and took to the streets to urge the government to prioritise [spending on healthcare](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c8rv2l3me40o?ref=opendemocracy.net) and education over football infrastructure and tourism.
Morocco plans to spend $1.4bn on the six stadiums it will use to host the World Cup, as well as extensively investing in airports and its high-speed rail service to allow spectators to travel to games.
But many young Moroccans believe the money would be better spent on measures to ease spiralling living costs.
“When you compare the salary with the cost of living, it doesn’t match at all,” Salma, a Gen Z activist from Casablanca, told openDemocracy. Like many young people, Salma believes Morocco’s monthly minimum wage – 3,200 dirhams ($345) – is not enough to cover rent, utilities and rising food costs. “Everything is expensive, especially for families, which puts pressure on the household as a whole.”
Morocco is no stranger to social uprisings – and the ghost of another youth-led protest movement from the early 1980s looms particularly large.
The student-led ‘Bread Revolution’ erupted in 1981 in response to high inflation and another cost-of-living crisis that threatened the working class. At the time, heavy spending on the Western Sahara War, severe droughts affecting agricultural production, and foreign debts had left Morocco’s economy in “a state of high financial stress”, according to a [1997 report by the World Bank](https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/155931468758128420/pdf/Morocco-Country-assistance-review.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
To secure loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Morocco’s government agreed to lower food subsidies – leading the cost of household staples to soar. This, combined with high unemployment affecting two-thirds of university graduates and half of high school graduates, sparked protests nationwide.
The state responded with brutality, though the extent of its crackdown remains disputed. The [government reported](https://www.nytimes.com/1981/07/04/world/as-morocco-starts-to-gain-in-war-nation-erupts.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) an official death toll of 66 people in the 1981 Casablanca riots, and said none were killed by police fire, while the opposition Socialist Movement said 637 people died, mostly from bullets fired by police. A similar discrepancy is seen in the number of arrests: police reported around 500 detainees, while the opposition said there were 1,000\. The figures are hard to verify as media coverage was suppressed during the protests, with some news outlets closed down.
2025 Youth-led protest demanding reforms to public healthcare | Photo by ABDEL MAJID BZIOUAT/AFP via Getty Images
Days after the riots, the government quietly temporarily walked back on some of its most aggressive price hikes, although it later bowed to IMF pressure to reduce subsidies further. By August 1982, the cost of bread had risen by 30%, tea by 77%, butter by nearly 50%, sugar by 14%, and cooking oil by 18%. The following year, prices of these goods and others soared by an additional 20% when subsidies were cut again.
A second wave of protests began in early 1984, triggered by more IMF-driven austerity proposals and increased student fees. This time, King Hassan II used a live television address to officially cancel the proposed subsidy cuts and school fees.
Now, as tensions rise once again, experts are drawing parallels between the Bread Revolution and the current situation.
“The similarity between the situation in the early 1980s and now lies in the fact that social tension is often fueled by rising prices, eroding purchasing power, and limited prospects for the middle and lower classes,” said Redouane Amimi, professor of public management in the legal and economic department at Mohammed V University in Rabat.
In April, the country’s annual inflation [rate reached](https://tradingeconomics.com/morocco/inflation-cpi?ref=opendemocracy.net) its highest rate since February 2025: 1.7%, almost double the 0.9% the month before. Much of the pressure stemmed from increased transport costs as the US-Israel war on Iran led to soaring fuel costs. In response, the government launched a 25% subsidy scheme for transport professionals, but drivers and the National Union of the Road Freight Transport Sector say this [is not enough to offset](https://en.hespress.com/136088-morocco-raises-transport-subsidies-by-25-as-fuel-costs-strain-drivers.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) the price hike.
No support has been offered for households dealing with rising costs as a result of the fuel spikes, despite food costing [0.5% more](https://tradingeconomics.com/morocco/food-inflation?ref=opendemocracy.net) in April than at the same time last year. Youth unemployment rates also reflect patterns seen in the 1980s; 29.2% of 15-24-year-olds and 16.1% of 25-34-year-olds were unemployed in the [first quarter of this year](https://en.industries.ma/morocco-unemployment-at-10-8-in-q1-2026-says-hcp/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
But unlike the 1980s, today’s economic pressures are deeply tied to global geopolitical instability – particularly the months-long [blockades and disruptions](https://mei.edu/publication/the-ripple-effects-of-the-us-israel-war-on-iran-for-north-africa/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the Strait of Hormuz, which have pushed up commodity prices globally.
Morocco holds [approximately 70%](https://www.ocpgroup.ma/en/who-we-are/our-journey?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the world’s known phosphate reserves, and relies on imports of sulfur – much of them coming via the Gulf – to turn phosphate into fertiliser. “Any closure or disruption of the Strait of Hormuz is significant for a major portion of supplies,” Amimi said.
Continued disruptions may affect Morocco’s ability to produce fertiliser, harming its agricultural industry and global crop yields into early 2027, according to a report by [the Middle East Institute](https://mei.edu/publication/the-ripple-effects-of-the-us-israel-war-on-iran-for-north-africa/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
**Fear, force, and demanding dignity**
For young people, Morocco’s export-led agricultural model has [long been a source of anger](https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20230418-soaring-prices-pressure-morocco-s-agriculture-model?ref=opendemocracy.net). The country ships its premium domestic produce to European markets, leaving local consumers facing soaring prices for lower-grade leftovers.
“Our priority is the sovereignty of the local market. Gen Z and ordinary citizens alike denounce an export-led model that penalises them,” activist Youssef Bellaj told openDemocracy.
Above all, “we must feel assured that the citizens’ Karama \[Arabic for dignity\] carries more weight than the dividends of large corporations,” Bellaj said.
While Gen Z succeeded in forcing conversations about inequality into public discourse, Bellaj said the authorities largely responded with “[technical management](https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/moroccos-15bn-promise-falls-short-genz-212-demands-real-change?ref=opendemocracy.net)” rather than systemic reform. One of their key concessions was a 16% increase in funding for health and education in 2026, reaching $15bn. The government also promised to create 27,000 jobs in the same sectors.
Speaking on the Gen Z wins, Bellaj said: “It’s undeniable that we have succeeded in imposing the concept of a ‘two-speed’ Morocco within royal and governmental discourse.” He added that the movement had “made repression harder to justify without tarnishing the country's international image.”
But Gen Z’s expectations have evolved; they no longer only want to see “a simple reduction in the cost of living”, Bellaj explained. Instead, activists are demanding “a real fight against monopolies: a more aggressive activation of the Competition Council to sanction price-fixing agreements among major \[oil\] operators”.
In late 2023, Morocco's Competition Council fined nine major fuel distributors, including leaders like Afriquia and Total, [$180m](https://www.bizcommunity.com/Article/145/739/244075.html?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Morocco's%20competition%20regulator%20fines%20fuel%20companies%20%24180m.,fixing.%20By%20Ahmed%20Eljechtimi.%2024%20Nov%202023) for price-fixing. “Activists expect the state to tackle ‘superprofits’ generated at the expense of the consumer,” Bellaj said.
For now, Gen Z remains off the streets – but Salma believes the discontent they were voicing has not gone away. “The reason people stopped \[protesting\] was due to fear, whether they want to admit it or not.”
By the end of 2025, more than [2,400 people](https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/dec/18/morocco-genz212-protests-police-mass-arrests-beatings-detentions-rights?ref=opendemocracy.net) were being prosecuted in relation to the Gen Z protests, with many handed sentences of up to 15 years in prison.
Salma recalled being reduced to tears by the arbitrary arrests and violence inflicted by the authorities: “I watched one young woman being arrested, and in the process, her hijab fell off. The police didn’t even allow her to put it back on.”
Amimi told openDemocracy it is impossible to predict whether protests will resume. He believes Morocco has demonstrated resilience during crises, but “reducing the risk of future unrest will require addressing purchasing power concerns, improving public services, and rebuilding trust in institutions.”
### Why I Lost Faith in the BBC: Nihal Arthanayake on Diversity and Leadership
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/why-i-lost-faith-in-the-bbc-nihal-arthanayake-on-diversity-and-leadership/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:39:25.000Z
[Listen on Apple Podcasts](https://pod.link/1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Spotify](https://pod.link/1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Pocket Casts](https://pod.link/1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net)
After a 23-year career at the BBC, award-winning broadcaster Nihal Arthanayake changed his mind about the institution's capacity for change.
In this episode of *Change My Mind*, Nihal speaks candidly with hosts Ali Goldsworthy, Laura Osborne, and Alex Chesterfield about his decision to leave public service broadcasting for a new role as Chief Storyteller at a major tech firm. He details the growing frustration and isolation he experienced as a person of colour at BBC North, explaining why he believes the corporation is currently "cosplaying at diversity" rather than enacting meaningful cultural shifts.
The conversation examines the heavy personal toll of speaking out against institutional norms, the differences between genuine corporate accountability and public sector management, and why the political and media landscape relentlessly punishes leaders who actually change their minds.
Buy Alison, Laura and Alexandra’s new book, [**Poles Apart: Why People Turn Against Each Other, and How to Bring Them Together** https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975?ref=opendemocracy.net)
**What we discuss in this episode:**
- **The Illusion of Corporate Accountability:** Why Nihal believes the BBC operates on a culture of fear and self-preservation rather than facing the hard truths of profit, loss, and audience data.
- **Tokenism vs. Inclusion:** Nihal’s perspective on how public-facing diversity hires often mask a lack of genuine representation and support for young staff behind the scenes.
- **The Backlash of Speaking Out:** The intense right-wing media criticism and personal threats Nihal faced after publicly criticizing the overwhelmingly white demographic of his workplace.
- **The Power of Admitting Ignorance:** Why treating a political "U-turn" as a weakness destroys intellectual agility, and why the smartest leaders are the ones willing to admit when the facts have changed.
- **The BBC’s Reply:** A breakdown of the BBC's official response to the issues raised.
### Are you training your AI replacement?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-180726/
Last updated: 2026-07-18T08:00:41.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- How a plan to force Indian factory workers to train their own robot replacements backfired
- Why Andy Burnham’s first vote as PM-in-waiting fuelled fears of a draconian new era for refugees
- As deadly heatwaves hit the UK, the government is suppressing an intelligence report warning of ecosystem collapse and food insecurity
- Britain is no longer a superpower – but that doesn’t mean it has to be a bystander
- A harrowing new investigation reveals the extent of femicide against older women in the UK
- How Belgian activists used a landmark court victory to block Israeli military supply lines
- Dr Julia Minson on defusing toxic arguments and how human contact completely upended her beliefs on gender transitions for minors
- In case you missed it: Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in Montenegro
Translators, sales assistants, mathematicians, web developers, journalists. If, like me, you’re in any of those professions, you might have seen yourself or colleagues losing work to AI in recent years.
Now, AI startups have a new target in their sights.
In our lead story this week, Anumeha Yadav speaks to tailors in Delhi who were told to wear head-mounted cameras at work. Their managers wouldn’t tell them why, but they figured it out: they were training their own robot replacements.
As Anumeha writes, AI hasn’t yet mastered dexterous tasks. One way to teach it? Film non-consenting and already-oppressed labourers. How to get factory owners on board? Use the same cameras to produce reports ranking employees’ productivity, detailing who checks their phone or chats to colleagues while on the clock.
All a bit dystopian, isn’t it? But before Elon Musk gets too excited by an army of robot labourers, the tailors in these garment factories fought back – and their actions could provide a template for workers elsewhere.
In the UK, Andy Burnham has finally been elected as Labour leader and will enter No 10 next week. He inherits mounting geopolitical tensions, a divided country, and a party whose popularity is in decline. Give it six weeks, and he might be hoping AI takes his job, too.
If the new PM is looking for pointers, we’ve got a trio of contributors offering advice. Amina Khanom argues that Burnham’s vote for this week’s Asylum and Immigration Bill is worrying; Danny Sriskandarajah calls for him to move the UK into a position of global leadership; and Paul Rogers urges him to release a government-suppressed report on the climate crisis.
Elsewhere, Sian Norris reports on a disturbing pattern of femicide against older women in the UK, and a peace activist tells us how they forced the Belgian government into a de facto arms embargo on Israel.
In case you missed it, we’re also resharing Sian’s investigation into Reform’s money men in Montenegro. We want to keep investigating the role of dark crypto money in UK politics, but to do so, we need to recruit at least 500 regular donors by December. If you don’t already, please consider supporting us. It’d help us to hold Farage and his cronies to account.
If you can’t donate but enjoy our work, we’d love it if you shared this newsletter with someone who might like it.
Have a great weekend!
**Indra Warnes, Editor**
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
---
[AI needs human hands. Indian workers fought backIn Delhi’s factories, labourers are resisting efforts to train their robot replacements on the most human of actionsopenDemocracyAnumeha Yadav](https://www.opendemocracy.net/india-factory-workers-train-ai-head-camera-resistance-robot-replacements/)
[You cannot demand integration while building an asylum system on insecurityBurnham’s vote for immigration reforms was worrying – his government must not push ahead with inherited asylum plansopenDemocracyAmina Khanom](https://www.opendemocracy.net/labour-andy-burnham-immigration-asylum-bill-insecurity-integration-shabana-mahmood/)
[The government knows the real climate threat. Why is it hiding it?For months, ministers have refused to publish a report on how climate crisis will affect the UK. Burnham must release itopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-climate-crisis-government-hiding-report-food-security-andy-burnham/)
[The UK can’t just firefight its way through a fractured worldAndy Burnham’s government has a chance to move from crisis management to global leadership. It must be boldopenDemocracyDanny Sriskandarajah](https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnham-new-government-uk-global-leadership-donald-trump-g20/)
[More than 100 elderly women killed by men since 2020An investigation by openDemocracy reveals the extent of femicide where the victims are aged over-66openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/100-elderly-women-killed-by-men-since-2020-uk/)
[How Belgian campaigners forced a de facto arms embargo on IsraelA peace activist on how civil society used research, public pressure and the courts to stop military shipments through AntwerpopenDemocracyJo Dirix](https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-belgian-campaigners-forced-a-de-facto-arms-embargo-on-israel/)
[Dr Julia Minson on how to disagree better, receptiveness and changing her mind on Transitions for minorsListen on Apple Podcasts Listen on Spotify Listen on Pocket Casts Host Alex Chesterfield and co-hosts Ali Goldsworthy and Laura Osborne interview Julia Minson, a researcher on disagreement, about building receptiveness and improving conflict conversations through practice, realistic goals beyond persuasion, and concrete language changes. Minson describes her backgroundopenDemocracyThe Depolarization Project](https://www.opendemocracy.net/dr-julia-minson-on-how-to-disagree-better-receptiveness-and-changing-her-mind-on-transitions-for-minors/)
[Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in MontenegroWhy are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in the Balkans?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Could your job be replaced with AI?
---
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This threat is reinforced by Ghana's CURRENT social climate and a looming anti-LGBT bill. Determined to break free from the prophecy, Awo embarks on a risky journey to find an 83-year-old queer elder who didn't just survive decades of hatred and colonial laws — she built a rich life.
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## Reader Comments
> "As we have seen historically and more recently in USA where Trump is slowly dismantling the constitutional Republic, the right are adept at moving the focus away from their corrupt, racist practices.
>
> And so it will continue with an apathetic voting public, who are happy to give power to a public-schooled, bank trader, disrupter. Purely, because they believe the single lie that all the ills of the country can be laid at the door of black and brown people and immigrants.
>
> Our country has always been on the edge of accepting this lie. It has been held at bay but as a member of a minority community, I believe that the floodgates pushed by Trump and his acolytes like Farage are opening to breaking point."
> ***–Ted via Email***
---
Anarchist milicianas during the revolution in 1936
## This week in history
### The Spanish Social Revolution • 19 July 1936
On 19 July 1936, in direct response to General Francisco Franco's fascist military coup, Spanish workers and peasants rose up in arms. In regions like Catalonia and Aragon, this armed defense immediately blossomed into a profound social revolution. Anarcho-syndicalists, socialists, and Marxist workers took control of factories, public transportation, utilities, and established worker-run councils, instituting one of the most sweeping experiments in democratic socialism and direct self-governance in human history.
Though ultimately crushed by the combined weight of Franco's armies and internal sectarian betrayals, the summer of 1936 remains a rare, concrete example of workers and peasants successfully seizing the means of production on a mass scale.
This week's archive piece is a historical analysis of the international response to the Spanish Civil War. It highlights the tragedy of the "spontaneous social revolution, initiated by ordinary factory workers and peasants," and explores how this bottom-up emancipation was actively undermined by both Western non-intervention and Stalinist counter-revolutionary policies.
[The politics of intervention: from Spain to the BalkansThe legacy of the Spanish Civil War has recently re-entered public debate in two ways. First, it was used to argue for the urgency of outside intervention in the Balkans before it was too late. The theory behind this argument was that if the Western democracies had intervened onopenDemocracyTapani Lausti](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/article-320jsp/)
---
### EEUU propone una cruzada de persecución política a escala global
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/eeuu-propone-una-cruzada-de-persecucion-politica-a-escala-global/
Last updated: 2026-07-22T15:50:22.000Z
El jueves, el secretario de Estado de EEUU, Marco Rubio, organizó una reunión con representantes de 66 países del mundo. La agenda del encuentro era alertar sobre el “resurgimiento del terrorismo de extrema izquierda” y promover la cooperación entre servicios de inteligencia y fuerzas de seguridad de los países para “aplastarlo”.
Muchos gobiernos enviaron representaciones de bajo nivel al encuentro, pero por la Argentina estuvo presente el canciller Pablo Quirno.
El encuentro fue acompañado de la publicación de un [documento](https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/07/state-department-addresses-international-resurgence-of-far-left-political-terrorism/?ref=opendemocracy.net) del Departamento de Estado sobre el mismo tema. Allí se habla de un terrorismo de izquierda transnacional que “ataca a ciudadanos privados, funcionarios gubernamentales, policías y agentes de seguridad, empresas, e infraestructura crítica en todo el mundo”. Con datos en extremo imprecisos y mezclando situaciones de muy diverso tenor ocurridas en Europa y EEUU, el gobierno estadounidense presentó una línea de continuidad entre los movimientos armados de los años 60 y 70 (fundamentalmente latinoamericanos) y estos hechos difusos, dando por hecho que algo así como el “terrorismo de izquierda” efectivamente existe.
Rubio dijo que “debemos identificar y mapear esta amenaza, así como reconstruir nuestra arquitectura antiterrorista para derrotarla, tal como lo hemos hecho juntos anteriormente”. En América Latina, estas palabras suponen una reivindicación abierta de las dictaduras militares del siglo XX y de mecanismos de coordinación represiva como el Plan Condor.
Con el mismo argumento, esa “arquitectura antiterrorista” desencadenó procesos de terrorismo de Estado y genocidios en toda América Latina. La amenaza de Rubio es bastante explícita: Washington parece estar dispuesto a repetir esa violencia estatal extrema y las gravísimas violaciones de derechos humanos que tuvieron como consecuencia.
Dado que en los hechos no existen hoy movimientos armados como los del siglo XX mencionados por Rubio, hay que observar cuáles son los hechos y los grupos políticos que el gobierno de EEUU califica como terroristas de izquierda, para entender cuál es el modelo de persecución política que busca impulsar en el resto del mundo. Entre ellos se encuentran los “antifa”, grupos descentralizados que se enfrentan a las extremas derechas, el racismo y el colonialismo, con tácticas callejeras y activismo digital.
EEUU varias veces se refirió a estos grupos como una suerte de conspiración internacional muy organizada. En septiembre de 2025, el presidente Donald Trump los declaró como organización terrorista, aunque claramente no son una organización. También han sido encuadrados como “terroristas domésticos” algunos de los grupos que se oponen a la persecución sistemática de migrantes implementada por el Servicio de Control de Inmigraciòn y Aduanas (ICE, en inglès). El [caso más famoso](https://www-theguardian-com.translate.goog/us-news/2026/jun/23/prairieland-ice-protesters-texas-sentenced?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net) es el de la protesta frente al centro de detención de Prairieland, en Texas. La intervención violenta de la policía derivó en disturbios en los que fueron detenidas 11 personas.
En este caso se mezclaron dos cuestiones: el gobierno determinò que los manifestantes conformaban la “célula antifa” del norte de Texas y, como la organización había sido declarada terrorista, en junio de este año seis de esas personas fueron condenadas a penas de entre 30 y 70 años de prisión, por participar en una protesta donde se produjeron disturbios. Uno de los manifestantes, que disparó a un policía, recibió una pena de 100 años.
Está claro que el primer foco de esta persecución política es la protesta y la organización social, especialmente las que se asocian a diversas formas de acción directa. Tanto en Estados Unidos como en Europa hay una tendencia de los últimos años a clasificar como terroristas o extremistas violentos a manifestantes o activistas que implementan tácticas de acción directa que, en algunos casos, generan algún daño a la propiedad. Estos hechos son encuadrados, perseguidos y juzgados como casos de “seguridad nacional”.
Pero, dado el contenido del discurso de Rubio, con sus arengas antimarxistas y contra la izquierda en general, todo indica que la persecución se podría extender a los grupos opositores y no solo a los grupos de acción directa. De hecho, funcionarios del gobierno de Trump se han referido muchas veces al propio Partido Demócrata (insospechado de marxismo) como una “organización extremista”.
El corrimiento hacia la extrema derecha y la consiguiente instrumentalización política de la definición de *terrorismo* es una característica del actual gobierno de EEUU y de varios de sus aliados en la región.
En mayo de este año, se publicó la nueva [estrategia antiterrorista estadounidense](https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/2026-USCT-Strategy-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), en la que se distinguen tres grandes grupos de terroristas: los “narcoterroristas y pandillas transnacionales”, los “terroristas islamistas históricos” y los “extremistas violentos de izquierda, incluidos anarquistas y antifascistas”. No se incluye el terrorismo de extrema derecha como objeto de preocupación, aun cuando los hechos de violencia más graves que ocurrieron en EEUU, salvando los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001, fueron protagonizados por supremacistas blancos u otras variantes de extrema derecha.
La idea de un “terrorismo de extrema izquierda” no forma parte de la agenda de seguridad en la Argentina desde la década de 1990\. Pero el año pasado esta idea ya se había filtrado en el [Plan de Inteligencia Nacional](https://informes.revistacrisis.com.ar/controlar-al-pueblo-para-entregar-la-patria/?ref=opendemocracy.net), donde se incluía al “terrorismo anarquista” como una de las hipótesis de riesgo que los servicios de inteligencia argentinos deben monitorear, sin que se sepa a qué se refiere.
El gobierno argentino debe explicar qué rol tuvo en la reunión convocada por Rubio y qué considera “terrorismo de izquierda”. Es muy importante que todo el arco político ponga un límite a estas avanzadas que usan las políticas antiterroristas como excusa para la persecución política, el recorte de libertades y la legitimación de la violencia estatal.
*El Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS) es una organización de derechos humanos de Argentina, fundada durante la última dictadura militar. Promueve la protección de derechos, su ejercicio efectivo, la justicia y la inclusión social, a nivel nacional e internacional.*
### The UK can’t just firefight its way through a fractured world
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnham-new-government-uk-global-leadership-donald-trump-g20/
Last updated: 2026-07-17T13:56:48.000Z
The world feels more unsettled than at any point in living memory. War has returned to Europe. Great-power rivalry has hardened into economic coercion. Climate impacts are outpacing the institutions meant to manage them, and progress on ending extreme poverty has stalled. Meanwhile, the rules-based international order is under threat, not least from some of the very countries that built it.
Andy Burnham’s new government will inherit a foreign policy that has been busy but fundamentally defensive or, [as we saw from aid data published this week](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/16/uk-aid-cuts-bilateral-support-african-countries?ref=opendemocracy.net), in decline. Under Keir Starmer, the UK has shown genuine global leadership on Ukraine and worked hard to hold alliances together through a turbulent period in US politics.
These efforts have been necessary and at times effective, but they amount to crisis management, not agenda-setting. They frame the UK’s role in the world as stopping things from getting worse. That is not enough.
In his [first foreign policy intervention](https://www.thetimes.com/article/d7949521-2b62-4397-b584-34a9e448264a?shareToken=95d8b5237e123bda13fad6690ec97f68&ref=opendemocracy.net) last week, Burnham argued that Britain must rebuild its hard power to face a darker world, but also that countries work with us because they know what we stand for. He is right on both counts. The question now is whether his government will translate that second insight into a confident, coherent vision of what Britain is actually *for* in the next phase of international cooperation.
The honest starting point is that Britain is a middle power. Canadian prime minister Mark Carney, speaking at Davos in January, called on fellow middle powers to chart a path of mutual resilience and coalition-building. That identity fits the UK, a country that has long resisted being solely European, can no longer anchor its foreign policy in its “special relationship” with the US, and shares more concerns with nations across the old Global North-South divide than the diplomatic map suggests.
Middle power does not mean a minor player. The UK is one of the world's most interconnected economies; it helped set up almost every major multilateral institution, it hosts the Commonwealth Secretariat and, until recently, was an aid superpower. But its leverage is not currently being used strategically.
Now is the time to change that. The UK will be president and host of the G20 in 2027 and is expected to hold the G7 presidency in 2028\. The G20 remains the only forum bringing together advanced economies and major emerging powers at the highest political level. It is messy, contested and imperfect, but it is indispensable, and its agenda is not predetermined. Host governments have real influence, and the UK will take the chair after a disruptive US presidency that has sidelined progressive initiatives and shut down stakeholder engagement. That context raises both the risk of fragmentation and the premium on credible leadership.
So what should an ambitious agenda look like? Not theoretical elegance, but traction.
The UK should use its G20 presidency to drive forward collaboration on a global minimum wealth tax on the super-rich, argued Labour MP and former chief secretary to the Treasury, Liam Byrne, [in a recent essay for the New Economics Foundation](https://neweconomics.org/2026/07/the-case-for-g20-coordination-of-wealth-tax?ref=opendemocracy.net). This would help tackle spiralling wealth inequality and help raise precious resources in rich and poor countries alike. Writing for the same think tank, of which I am the chief executive, another Labour MP, Polly Billington, called for the UK to [lead a global clean power alliance](https://neweconomics.org/2026/07/energy-security-in-an-age-of-conflict?ref=opendemocracy.net) that would build energy security and drive down bills.
And there are several other policy areas that would hit the sweet spot of raising both hopes and resources, such as getting serious about illicit finance. The government should require transparency from its own Crown Dependencies and Overseas Territories, and confront the anonymously owned property in the UK, or introduce ‘polluter pays’ levies that hasten the end of oil and gas and fund public goods at home and abroad.
None of this is naive. The UK would be in good company. A growing set of “coalitions of the doing” – from the Global Solidarity Levies Task Force to the proposed International Panel on Inequality and governments cooperating to phase out fossil fuels – are making progress where lowest-common-denominator multilateralism cannot. The gathering of progressive governments at Barcelona’s Defence of Democracy summit this spring showed there is an appetite for a new narrative in global economic governance. Britain should help write it.
Above all, this is about hope. Just as Burnham has tried to lay out a hopeful path to revitalising local communities and shifting power to people and places across the UK, so too should his government show how we can work together with others around the world to address collective challenges. A foreign policy of threat management alone offers people nothing to believe in.
The new government has a choice: shore up the old order as it crumbles, or help shape what comes next through leadership and strategic followership alike. The second path is more demanding. It is also the only one worthy of the moment.
### The government knows the real climate threat. Why is it hiding it?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-climate-crisis-government-hiding-report-food-security-andy-burnham/
Last updated: 2026-07-17T13:21:22.000Z
The past two months have seen exceptionally hot weather across much of Western Europe, with even the UK witnessing record temperatures. Even now, England and Wales are well into their third heatwave this year, with some areas on their 13th consecutive day of temperatures above 30°C.
More than 2,700 people are thought to have died as a result of the extreme heat in England and Wales, with [scientists estimating](https://www.metoffice.gov.uk/about-us/news-and-media/media-centre/weather-and-climate-news/2026/more-than-2700-excess-deaths-estimated-in-england-and-wales-during-may-and-june-heatwaves?ref=opendemocracy.net) that 440 people died during each of the three peak days of June’s record-breaking heatwave, when temperatures reached 37.7°C.
The situation was perhaps best summarised by the Met Office’s [State of the UK Climate](https://www.metoffice.gov.uk/about-us/news-and-media/media-centre/weather-and-climate-news/2026/climate-extremes-are-becoming-the-new-normal-for-the-uk?ref=opendemocracy.net) report for 2025, published last week: “What we used to think of as extreme, we increasingly see as normal.”
Introducing the report, its lead author, climate information scientist Mike Kendon, notes that “2025 was the UK’s warmest year on record, the sixth time this record has been broken in the 21st century so far”. He adds: “The latest 10-year period (2016-2025) is 1.33°C warmer than the period from 1961-1990”.
In these elevated temperatures, wildfires are a particular concern. This week, local authorities across France cancelled many Bastille Day events to minimise fire risks, not least from firework displays, and in the UK there were fears about what are becoming known as “firewaves”. Less cold winters mean more vegetation earlier in the spring, which, when dried out by heatwaves like those seen this year, increases the risk of wildfires. Last Tuesday, [emergency services dealt with 19 such fires](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jul/13/conwy-villagers-flee-homes-as-wildfires-burn-in-wales-and-england?ref=opendemocracy.net), including two major incidents, according to the National Fire Chiefs Council.
Speaking to the Guardian, Maria Barbosa of the UK Centre for Ecology and Hydrology said: “What we are witnessing is climate change actively rewriting the vulnerability of the British landscape.” Perhaps the key element to draw out here is that this is not a change likely to affect us in the future; it is happening now.
Moreover, it relates to one of the surprising elements of the June heat: a public disconnect in the UK between acceptance of climate breakdown and relating this to carbon dioxide emissions from burning coal, oil or gas. People seemed unwilling or unable to make this link, even with the widespread personal experience of heat, the risk of wildfires and those reports of thousands of deaths.
One explanation is that many of our biggest media outlets often fail to point to the connection.
[Researchers at the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit](https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2026/jul/14/most-coverage-june-heatwave-did-not-mention-climate-crisis?ref=opendemocracy.net) reviewed 2,500 news reports on the heatwaves from the nine main national daily newspapers, finding that nearly three-quarters made no mention of climate breakdown. The Financial Times was most likely to mention the climate crisis, doing so in 50 of its 78 articles on the heatwaves, while The Sun was least likely to do so – making the link in only four of its 69 articles.
All too often, the reports gave the impression that the main challenge regarding the heatwaves will be adapting to the “new normal” of a hotter world, with plenty of coverage on changing our behaviour, converting buildings and being prepared for new health concerns.
But the challenge we face goes way beyond that. Adapting to a world where average temperatures are 2.5°C above current levels might be possible at considerable cost and human suffering, but unless we also cut carbon dioxide emissions, then we will have to keep on adapting to ever-higher temperatures. Concentrating on current adaptation alone is barely half the answer.
This is a known issue within government and is causing such concern that publicity is unwelcome, as shown by events relating to a study prepared by the Joint Intelligence Committee, which was officially described as a “national security assessment” and titled somewhat ominously: Global biodiversity loss, ecosystem collapse and national security.
The study was supposed to be launched at a landmark event on 9 October last year, but was held back, with one source telling [The Guardian](https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2025/oct/08/national-security-threatened-climate-crisis-uk-defence-chiefs-warn?ref=opendemocracy.net) that insiders “feared it was being suppressed because the government was unwilling to face the issues raised.”
After pressure from MPs, including the official environmental audit committee, and Freedom of Information requests to publish the report, the government eventually released a redacted 14-page version in January this year. It [warns](https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/696e0eae719d837d69afc7de/National%5Fsecurity%5Fassessment%5F-%5Fglobal%5Fbiodiversity%5Floss%5F%5Fecosystem%5Fcollapse%5Fand%5Fnational%5Fsecurity.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) of a high probability that the UK’s national security, financial prosperity and food security will come under threat from the climate crisis and the subsequent collapse of vital ecosystems that support food production.
Even that makes for very sober reading. The report identifies nine “planetary boundaries” as the safe limits identified for human pressure on nine Earth system processes crucial to maintaining a stable planet, such as climate change, biosphere integrity and oceanic acidification. Six have already been crossed.
The report concludes that ecosystem degradation is occurring across all global regions and every critical ecosystem is on a “pathway to collapse”, which it helpfully defines as “irreversible loss of function beyond repair”.
The implications are huge. This is an official government study by the combined intelligence agencies, and even if redacted, it is unable to hide the crisis ahead. One conclusion is obvious: if this is the greatest threat to our security and the integrity of the global ecosystem, we should be redirecting money away from conventional military spending and towards human and environmental security.
A key requirement of Andy Burnham as incoming prime minister should be the immediate release of the full report, followed by a vigorous public debate on where we go from here.
### Esto es fútbol, el más político de los deportes
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/esto-es-futbol-el-mas-politico-de-los-deportes/
Last updated: 2026-07-17T13:00:05.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Encrucijadas del litio argentino: riqueza minera, pobreza de servicios y disputa por el agua
- Activismo inteligente: cuatro organizaciones belgas lograron un embargo de armas, de facto, a Israel
- **Bonus track:** Fútbol, el más político de los deportes
Cuando leas esto, yo voy a estar cruzando el río rumbo a Buenos Aires para ver **Argentina-España** en el mismo bar porteño donde vi la **final de la Copa Mundial de Fútbol** 2022\. Es una cábala que pienso cumplir, electrizada por el despliegue de la selección argentina.
Este fue un mundial marcado por la **arbitrariedad**, y no precisamente dentro del campo de juego. Los equipos obligados a **viajar sin pausa** entre ciudades de tres países que son como tres continentes, y a jugar en horas de calor demencial para satisfacer las exigencias de la televisación; **discriminación y humillaciones** contra el seleccionado de **Irán** y un árbitro de **Somalia**, una tarjeta roja suspendida por orden de Trump.
La FIFA se atrevió a **prohibir** que **se hablara español** en las ruedas de prensa. La prohibición duró cinco días. Y la final de este domingo es entre Argentina y España.
Fútbol y política no se tocan, nos dice la FIFA, que es un antro de política menor y corrupción.
Y aún así, siempre hay una grieta por donde se cuela esa otra política, la de la calle, ocurrente y rebelde. Ahí estuvieron algunas **banderas de Palestina** o el hincha de **República Democrática del Congo** como estatua viviente de **Patrice Lumumba**, el héroe de la lucha anticolonial, en los partidos de su selección.
Hubo mucho empeño, de la FIFA y del gobierno argentino, para evitar carteles o imágenes sobre las **Islas Malvinas** en la semifinal entre **Inglaterra y Argentina**.
Nadie imaginó que los jugadores albicelestes iban a desplegar en la cancha una **sábana** de hotel escrita con marcador negro: “**Las Malvinas son argentinas**”. Estamos ahora en medio de la ola que desató ese pequeño gesto político. Declaraciones, pedidos de sanciones y críticas por mezclar fútbol y política.
El reclamo de soberanía afectó incluso el ánimo de algunos legisladores en la **sesión del Senado** argentino que, este jueves, debía votar una ley para **eliminar las restricciones a la compra de tierras por extranjeros**. La sesión se suspendió; era un mal momento. Un partido de fútbol **no es solo un partido de fútbol**.
Las alegrías del fútbol son de las pocas que tenemos en Argentina hace años. Aunque hay cosas que marchan muy bien para algunos, eso no se traduce en prosperidad para la gente de a pie. Por ejemplo, la **minería del litio**. El país es el **cuarto productor mundial** del **metal estrella de la transición energética**, y hay decenas de proyectos que esperan beneficiarse de las amplias exenciones fiscales, cambiarias y regulatorias impuestas por el gobierno de Milei.
Pero, ¿**cómo se vive en un pueblo del Triángulo del Litio**, en el remoto noroeste argentino? El periodista **Diego Sánchez** cuenta la historia de **Antofagasta de la Sierra**, un paisaje bellísimo y cercano al **Salar del Hombre Muerto**, el corazón del boom del litio, que espera desde hace 13 años una conexión a la red de gas natural.
[Argentina: Litio para el mundo, abandono para Antofagasta de la SierraEn el Triángulo del Litio, un pueblo que abastece al mundo sigue esperando desarrolloopenDemocracyDiego Sánchez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-litio-mineria-rio-tinto-catamarca-gas-natural-agua-rigi/)
De Bélgica llegan lecciones alentadoras. El año pasado, alguien en la **región de Flandes** se dio cuenta de que los embarques de un **proveedor militar francés** a un **fabricante de armas israelí** desde el puerto de Amberes tenían algunas irregularidades.
Los contenedores eran traslados **sin control alguno** y las empresas no habían solicitado las **licencias correspondientes** que, según la ley belga, deben tramitarse para el transporte de armamento. Los contenedores llevaban **componentes de equipos militares** que se estaban usando contra la población palestina de **Gaza**.
Así empezó una **campaña vertiginosa** de organizaciones civiles que terminó, en los hechos, en un **embargo de armas a Israel**. El activista **Jo Dirix** cuenta cómo se combinó inteligencia, esfuerzo y colaboración.
[Una alianza de ONG convierte una denuncia en un embargo de facto a IsraelLa sociedad civil utilizó la investigación, la presión pública y los tribunales para frenar los envíos de armas desde el puerto de Amberes a IsraelopenDemocracyJo Dirix](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/belgica-israel-flandes-amberes-armas-embargo-sociedad-civil-gaza-genocidio/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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### AI needs human hands. Indian workers fought back
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/india-factory-workers-train-ai-head-camera-resistance-robot-replacements/
Last updated: 2026-07-22T14:00:22.000Z
**Listen to this article** [Sign up for a free account to do so](#/portal/signup)
Listen to this article. (14 min 44 sec)
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HR staff claimed the tiny cameras affixed to each tailor’s head would mean prospective clients saw the quality of their products and placed more orders, resulting in pay rises for everyone at the garment factory on the outskirts of India’s capital.
But the workers suspected the real reason was AI.
So Ankush Yadav, a young tailor, and his friends pried open the cameras, pulled out the memory cards and plugged them into their phones.
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### El costo oculto del boom del litio en Argentina: agua en riesgo y promesas incumplidas
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-litio-mineria-rio-tinto-catamarca-gas-natural-agua-rigi/
Last updated: 2026-08-06T15:09:16.000Z
En la región argentina más rica en litio, metal estrella para la transición energética global, los habitantes locales lidian con la falta de servicios básicos y con la amenaza que supone la explotación minera para el agua.
En octubre de 2013, la gobernadora de la norteña provincia argentina de Catamarca, Lucía Corpacci,[ anunció](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/politica-economia/2013/10/5/antofagasta-corpacci-firm-convenio-para-natural-215330.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) un acuerdo con Minera del Altiplano, una empresa que explotaba litio en la provincia, para llevar gas natural a Antofagasta de la Sierra, un pueblo con 1.500 habitantes y situado a más de 3.300 metros de altitud. “Con esto salimos del tabú de que la minería era pecado”, dijo entonces Corpacci.
La empresa se comprometió a donar a la comunidad un gasoducto “virtual” que utilizaba hasta entonces, junto con 500.000 dólares para obras complementarias, como las redes de gas domiciliarias. A diferencia de un gasoducto tradicional, que transporta el gas por tuberías, uno virtual lo traslada en camiones en forma de gas comprimido o licuado y lo descarga mediante tubos a un nodo central. Desde ese nodo partirían las conexiones a las redes domiciliarias. “Los antofagasteños ya no van a tener que andar peregrinando en busca de leña o penando por una garrafa”, prometió la gobernadora.
La minería de litio llegó a la provincia en 1997, cuando comenzó operaciones el[ proyecto Fénix](https://www-riotinto-com.translate.goog/en/operations/south-america/fenix?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net) en el Salar del Hombre Muerto, a unos 100 kilómetros de Antofagasta de la Sierra. Minera del Altiplano, entonces subsidiaria de la estadounidense FMC, era la empresa a cargo. En esa época, el metal blando, crucial por su capacidad para almacenar grandes cantidades de energía en baterías relativamente pequeñas, aún no era disputado por las grandes potencias.
En 2005, Minera del Altiplano había anunciado su intención de invertir en un gasoducto desde la vecina provincia de Salta hasta su planta en el Salar del Hombre Muerto, a cambio de un reintegro fiscal por exportaciones. “La idea es que luego el gobierno de Catamarca pueda expandir este gasoducto al oeste de su provincia hasta Antofagasta de la Sierra o prolongarlo más hacia el sur”, dijo el entonces vicepresidente de Minera del Altiplano, Daniel Chávez Díaz, en una[ reunión](https://diputados.gob.ar/comisiones/permanentes/cmineria/reuniones/vts/vtcom.html?id=5140&ref=opendemocracy.net) en la Cámara de Diputados. En 2008, el gobierno de Catamarca incluyó formalmente la provisión de gas en sus[ planes de desarrollo](https://cdi.mecon.gob.ar/bases/docelec/fd1267.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
En mayo de 2013, unos meses antes de que el gobierno de Catamarca prometiera el gasoducto virtual, la empresa selló un[ acuerdo](https://www.salta.gob.ar/prensa/noticias/se-rubrico-el-convenio-para-la-construccion-del-gasoducto-fenix-en-la-puna-24116?ref=opendemocracy.net) con REMSA, empresa estatal de energía de la vecina provincia de Salta, para construir el gasoducto Fénix, de 135 kilómetros, que transportaría gas desde una conexión troncal en territorio salteño hasta sus instalaciones. El proyecto, de 22 millones de dólares, se[ anunció formalmente](https://www.salta.gob.ar/prensa/noticias/inversion-estrategica-en-la-puna-saltenia-para-el-desarrollo-de-pueblos-y-la-actividad-minera-29881?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 2014 y empezó a operar en 2015.
Sin embargo, las viviendas, escuelas y pequeños negocios de Antofagasta de la Sierra nunca llegó el gas.
En 2021, el entonces diputado Hugo Ávila[ reclamó](https://cedop.gob.ar/buscar/Proyecto/5109?ref=opendemocracy.net) al gobierno provincial que contestara por qué las obras nunca se realizaron. “Jamás respondieron… hay ocultamiento de información”, dijo Ávila a democraciaAbierta.
Minera del Altiplano y su proyecto Fénix cambiaron varias veces de casa matriz en el juego de las corporaciones globales que explotan recursos naturales. En 2018, la división de litio de FMC se escindió y pasó a llamarse Livent; en 2024 se fusionó con la australiana Allkem para crear Arcadium Lithium, [adquirida](https://www-riotinto-com.translate.goog/en/news/releases/2025/rio-tinto-completes-acquisition-of-arcadium-lithium?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net) en 2025 por la gigante angloaustraliana Rio Tinto, que se convirtió así en el tercer mayor productor mundial de litio.
Rio Tinto nunca mencionó las obras para el suministro de gas a las que se había comprometido FMC y no contestó nuestras preguntas al respecto. Tampoco contestó Corpacci, que ahora es senadora nacional.
El actual gobierno catamarqueño descartó que el servicio de gas sea una prioridad. “El proyecto quedó inconcluso, la provincia debe revisar técnicamente su factibilidad actual”, se lee en una respuesta por escrito enviada por el Ministerio de Minería. “Hoy las prioridades energéticas visibles están más vinculadas a generación eléctrica, parques solares, generadores y optimización energética”.
La población de Antofagasta de la Sierra creció 40% en la última década (más de 2.000 habitantes, según el último censo de 2022), y sigue sin gas. Está situada a 600 kilómetros de la capital provincial y a 1.600 kilómetros de Buenos Aires, dentro del Triángulo del Litio, una región repartida entre Argentina, Bolivia y Chile que alberga casi el 60% de las reservas mundiales. Argentina cuenta con 68 proyectos para la explotación de litio en diferentes etapas. En Catamarca, hay cuatro en producción, tres de ellos en el Salar del Hombre Muerto, [según datos oficiales](https://www.datos.gob.ar/dataset/mineria-cartera-proyectos-mineros-argentina-siacam?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Las promesas de desarrollo e inversiones chocan con brechas de infraestructura y carencias de todo tipo.
En mayo, madres y padres bloquearon durante dos días la ruta 43, que conecta Antofagasta de la Sierra con el salar, en protesta por el bajo presupuesto asignado por las autoridades al comedor de la escuela primaria 494\. “Pueblo rico en minería, pobre en educación”, fue una de las consignas. Después de la protesta, el gobierno provincial aumentó la asignación para el comedor escolar de 0,6 dólares a 2,7 dólares por alumno.
"Las inversiones son más para algunos, y no equitativamente. Los servicios son muy escasos", dijo Elizabeth Mamani a democraciaAbierta semanas después de participar en la protesta escolar.
Padres y madres de escolares cortaron en mayo una ruta clave para reclamar mayor presupuesto para un comedor escolar | Cortesía Asamblea Pucará
Integrante de la comunidad indígena Atacameños del Altiplano, Mamani es artesana, y su familia gestiona una hostería local. Mientras el gobierno provincial [anunció](https://www.elesquiu.com/politica/2026/6/17/inauguraran-un-hotel-de-5-estrellas-en-antofagasta-585708.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) la inminente inauguración de un hotel 5 estrellas, persisten problemas en la provisión de electricidad y agua. "Cada vez que prendemos una estufa, esperamos que no se corte la luz. Tenemos que conformarnos con leña. Hay muchas deficiencias", dijo Mamani.
La gente todavía depende de generadores a combustión para tener electricidad, mientras avanza una obra para conectar el pueblo a la red eléctrica provincial.
Muchos todavía necesitan leña para cocinar y calefaccionarse; el municipio compró 150.000 kilos para este invierno | Cortesía Municipio de Antofagasta de la Sierra
En 2022, 80% de los hogares dependían de garrafas y el 15% de leña, según [el último censo](https://censo.gob.ar/index.php/mapa%5Fgas%5Felectricidad2/?ref=opendemocracy.net), mientras en toda la provincia (donde viven unos 434.000 habitantes) apenas 15% de los hogares tenían acceso a la red de gas, y en la región del Noroeste (que abarca seis provincias y casi seis millones de personas), la cobertura del servicio era de 34%. A pesar de la riqueza gasífera de Argentina, el acceso al servicio para sus [46,6 millones de habitantes](https://www.indec.gob.ar/indec/web/Nivel3-Tema-2-24?ref=opendemocracy.net) es dispar. Algunas provincias tienen una cobertura cercana al 80% de los hogares, y otras por debajo del 5%.
## Riquezas minerales
La minería moldea la economía de Catamarca. En 2025, representó el 93,5% de las exportaciones provinciales, con 351 millones de dólares. En los primeros cinco meses de 2026, la provincia ya exportó 297 millones. De hecho, [aporta el 28% del litio](https://caem.com.ar/storage/2026/05/informe-productivo-caem-2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de Argentina, que en 2025 produjo 116.000 toneladas de carbonato de litio equivalente y es el cuarto mayor productor mundial.
Esta tendencia se está acelerando con el [Régimen de Incentivo para Grandes Inversiones ](https://www.argentina.gob.ar/economia/rigi/que-es?ref=opendemocracy.net)(RIGI), adoptado por el gobierno de Javier Milei, que estableció enormes beneficios fiscales, aduaneros y cambiarios para proyectos que califiquen como grandes inversiones (superiores a 200 millones de dólares) en energía, minería, infraestructura, tecnología, forestoindustria, turismo, siderurgia, petróleo y gas.
En febrero de este año, 3.406 personas trabajaban en la minería en Catamarca, la mitad en explotación de litio, y el 80% eran hombres, según [cifras oficiales](https://www.datos.gob.ar/dataset/mineria-empleo-sector-minero-siacam?ref=opendemocracy.net). "La minería es una de las claves para el crecimiento", [dijo](https://inforama.com.ar/politica/2026/05/01/discurso-completo-del-gobernador-jalil-en-la-apertura-de-sesiones-ordinarias-2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net) el actual gobernador Raúl Jalil en mayo.
En Antofagasta de la Sierra, 228 personas estaban empleadas en forma directa en actividades mineras, y otras 230 en forma indirecta el año pasado, según datos del gobierno provincial. Esto equivale a casi un cuarto de la población.
Pero el aumento de puestos de trabajo se da sobre todo durante la fase de construcción de los proyectos. Para los trabajadores locales no es fácil responder a la demanda de labores más calificadas. "La actividad minera viene tan rápido que al pedir mano de obra calificada y proveedores locales nos estamos quedando un poco", dijo el intendente de Antofagasta de la Sierra, Mario Cusipuma, a democraciaAbierta.
Cusipuma, en funciones desde 2023, mencionó acuerdos con universidades para capacitar a trabajadores y conversaciones con sindicatos y el gobierno provincial. "Antofagasta de la Sierra fue abandonada por años. Estamos en una transición, apuntando a que el recurso minero quede un 100% aquí", agregó.
El embajador británico en Argentina, David Cairns (primero de la derecha), y el gobernador de Catamarca, Raúl Jalil (segundo de la derecha), visitaron el proyecto Fénix a fines de 2025 | Gobierno de Catamarca
Las provincias perciben regalías mineras de 3% del valor del mineral apenas extraído – que Catamarca estableció en 3,5% para Minera del Altiplano –, y de hasta [5% para nuevos proyectos](https://www.argentina.gob.ar/normativa/nacional/ley-24196-594/actualizacion?ref=opendemocracy.net), además de una fracción del impuesto a las ganancias y de los derechos de exportación que recauda el país. Las empresas deben pagar un canon por el uso de agua pública. Según un [informe](https://fund.ar/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Fundar%5FLitio-un-futuro-impuesto%5FCC-BY-NC-ND-4.0.pdf.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) del centro de pensamiento Fundar, Catamarca captura 10,9% de los ingresos fiscales generados por la minería de litio.
Cada provincia decide cómo se distribuyen las regalías. En 2020, los departamentos catamarqueños dejaron de percibir la porción que les correspondía (35%), para nutrir un fideicomiso administrado por el gobierno provincial, qué decide qué obras de infraestructura, propuestas por los departamentos, se van a financiar. El intendente Cusipuma y legisladores opositores creen que los gobiernos locales deben recuperar el control de esos fondos.
"Los fondos mineros son relevantes, pero no resuelven por sí solos todas las demandas”, dijo el Ministerio de Minería provincial a democraciaAbierta. “La minería no elimina automáticamente déficits estructurales. Por eso la provincia trabaja constantemente en mejorar la planificación, priorizar obras críticas y transparentar el destino de fondos”.
En sus respuestas, el gobierno destacó obras realizadas con el fideicomiso, como parques solares, recuperación del reservorio del río Las Pitas, puentes, compra de vehículos municipales, generadores, adoquinado, suministro eléctrico, reparación de escuelas y red de agua y cloacas y la construcción de un nuevo hospital.
Algunas de esas obras son cuestionadas. En 2019, se inauguró un parque fotovoltaico para abastecer de energía a Antofagasta con una inversión cercana al millón de dólares. Pero el parque estuvo [inactivo por mucho tiempo](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/edicion-impresa/seguimos-pobres-n525977?ref=opendemocracy.net) y hoy solo funciona al 30% de su capacidad, según Cusipuma.
Como el gas no es prioridad del gobierno provincial, el intendente quiere que la obra la financie la empresa canadiense AbraSilver, que desarrolla un [proyecto para explotar plata y oro](https://www.ambito.com/energia/diablillos-acelera-su-desarrollo-el-rigi-abrasilver-apunta-construir-2027-y-producir-oro-y-plata-2029-n6278025?ref=opendemocracy.net) en Salta y Catamarca. "Cuando alcancen la fase de producción, lo primero que les voy a pedir es esa obra", dijo.
## Contrabando de exportación
Minera del Altiplano, la subsidiaria de Río Tinto a cargo del proyecto Fénix, no está exenta de polémicas. Durante 18 años no pagó las [tarifas de agua](https://www.elesquiu.com/politica/2012/9/17/minera-altiplano-pago-jamas-canon-agua-catamarca-82304.html?ref=opendemocracy.net). En 2015, su empresa matriz FMC llegó a un [acuerdo](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/politica-economia/2015/4/30/gobierno-firm-acuerdo-minera-altiplano-sa-258475.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) con la provincia, que dio pie al primer fideicomiso.
En 2023, la Aduana argentina multó a la empresa con unos 20 millones de dólares por subfacturaciones en las exportaciones de litio (ventas por debajo del valor de mercado). El asunto llegó a la justicia y, el año pasado, el Juzgado en lo Penal Económico N°4 [procesó](https://www.infobae.com/sociedad/2025/08/22/la-justicia-proceso-a-minera-del-altiplano-y-a-su-ex-presidente-por-presunto-contrabando-de-exportacion-de-litio/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a la empresa y a su expresidente Luciano Mancuso por contrabando de exportación. La acusación indica que, entre 2022 y 2023, la empresa realizó presuntamente 146 exportaciones de carbonato de litio por valores entre 30% y 45% inferiores al precio de mercado, lo que causó un supuesto perjuicio fiscal estimado en más de 200 millones de dólares.
Rio Tinto, que heredó el proceso legal, apeló el procesamiento y [sostuvo en un comunicado](https://www.clarin.com/economia/multinacional-entro-rigi-apela-procesamiento-presunto-contrabando-litio%5F0%5Fx9K2LiVRob.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) a la prensa que "reconoce y respeta la normativa aplicable a este tipo de procesos judiciales en Argentina y tiene el compromiso de cumplir plenamente con ella \[...\] Sin embargo, consideramos que estos cargos carecen de fundamento y sostenemos firmemente que no se ha cometido ninguna irregularidad".
## Reclamo por el agua a la Corte Suprema
En 2024, el Corte de Justicia de Catamarca [paralizó](https://nuevacorte.juscatamarca.gob.ar/PDF/FalloAmbiental.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) por dos años la entrega de nuevos permisos mineros en el Salar del Hombre Muerto, en respuesta a un recurso de amparo de Atacameños del Altiplano (la comunidad de Elizabeth Mamani) y de la Asamblea Pueblos Catamarqueños en Resistencia y Autodeterminación, ante el peligro que podían correr el río y el acuífero Los Patos, cuyas aguas son requeridas por ocho proyectos mineros en el mismo salar.
Los denunciantes presentaron el antecedente del desecamiento de la vega del río Trapiche, causado por un dique del proyecto Fénix en la década de 1990\. El daño a la vega – un terreno regado por el Trapiche en el lado sur del salar – abarcó unas 15 hectáreas de pastizales y humedales de los que dependían animales como flamencos y vicuñas.
A pedido de la Corte de Justicia, el gobierno de Catamarca presentó [una evaluación](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28489102-estudio-impacto-acumulativo-egia-los-patos-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que tiene en cuenta el impacto de todos los proyectos mineros juntos sobre el acuífero Los Patos.
Los demandantes, asesorados por la hidrogeóloga e investigadora del Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, Eleonora Calvo, cuestionaron que el informe fue redactado en base a otros de 2019 y 2021, sin información nueva, ni datos sobre las dimensiones del acuífero subterráneo, ni monitoreo adecuado sobre su dinámica y el aporte de las aguas de lluvias y deshielos.
"Falta información para saber el impacto que va a tener la extracción de agua; solo se tiene dimensión del caudal de agua, pero se desconoce el tamaño del acuífero", dijo Santiago Kozicki, abogado de la comunidad. Sus reclamos no fueron atendidos, y la justicia de Catamarca levantó la [suspensión](https://jurisprudencia.juscatamarca.gob.ar/public/sentencias/SI%20N%C2%BA%20017,%20Expte%20N%C2%BA%20054-2022%20Guitian%20Roman%20E.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de nuevos permisos mineros. El caso está ahora en manos de la Corte Suprema nacional.
"La provincia no desconoce los planteos ambientales y comunitarios. Por el contrario, entiende que deben ser canalizados institucionalmente”, dijo a democraciaAbierta el Ministerio de Minería. “La minería solo puede avanzar con controles, información técnica, participación pública y cumplimiento estricto de lo que resuelva la justicia”.
Campo de Piedra Pómez en Antofagasta de la Sierra, una reconocida localidad turística por sus paisajes
Río Tinto, que tiene el proyecto Sal de Vida a 60 kilómetros de Fénix y otros cuatro en las provincias de Jujuy y Salta, contestó a democraciaAbierta con una breve declaración.
"Rio Tinto mantiene su compromiso con el desarrollo responsable de sus operaciones, la protección del ambiente, la promoción de la sostenibilidad y un relacionamiento respetuoso y constante con las comunidades locales e indígenas. Continuamos operando de acuerdo con la normativa aplicable, los procesos pertinentes de evaluación y monitoreo, y nuestros estándares globales de desempeño ambiental y social", dice el comunicado enviado por un portavoz de la empresa.
Las tensiones de Antofagasta de la Sierra por la minería no son las únicas. En Fiambalá, una localidad a 400 kilómetros de distancia, la Cámara de Proveedores local [protestó en junio](https://www.elancasti.com.ar/politica-y-economia/transportistas-se-sumaron-al-reclamo-proveedores-mineros-n615243?ref=opendemocracy.net) porque la empresa china Zijin Mining, que explota litio en Tres Quebradas, no contrató servicios de transporte local, mientras vecinos [bloquearon el ingreso a la planta](https://studio16tinogasta.com.ar/2026/04/23/tension-en-fiambala-vecinos-bloquean-el-ingreso-a-la-planta-de-litio-de-zijin-liex/?ref=opendemocracy.net) para denunciar que la extracción de litio está contaminando lagunas de gran belleza que son un atractivo turístico en la zona.
Elizabeth Mamani no ve que la minería esté mejorando su tierra. "Me llena de impotencia ver cómo se va destruyendo”, dijo. “Es el pueblo de mis abuelos; este lugar es hermoso, pero lo estamos entregando por nada. Si solo fuera 'toman la riqueza; nosotros tendremos el futuro', pero no es así. Y no será así".
*Diego Sánchez es un periodista argentino, entre Buenos Aires y Londres. Ha publicado en La Nación, Perfil, y the Buenos Aires Herald (Argentina), The Copenhagen Post (Dinamarca) y The Latin America Bureau (Reino Unido). Es licenciado en comunicación social por la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, Argentina, y tiene una maestría en periodismo y globalización del programa Erasmus Mundus (Aarhus University, Dinamarca; City, University of London, Reino Unido).*
### Dr Julia Minson on how to disagree better, receptiveness and changing her mind on Transitions for minors
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/dr-julia-minson-on-how-to-disagree-better-receptiveness-and-changing-her-mind-on-transitions-for-minors/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:39:32.000Z
[Listen on Apple Podcasts](https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/changed-my-mind/id1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Spotify](https://open.spotify.com/show/58KNTFlSOFhEMQZ03jRrDf?si=031996902e2d4822&ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Pocket Casts](https://pocketcasts.com/podcast/changed-my-mind/84182ff0-6484-013d-7b54-0ef99577e22d?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Host Alex Chesterfield and co-hosts Ali Goldsworthy and Laura Osborne interview Julia Minson, a researcher on disagreement, about building receptiveness and improving conflict conversations through practice, realistic goals beyond persuasion, and concrete language changes. Minson describes her background in competitive ballroom dancing as a metaphor for opposing perspectives, and outlines the HEAR framework for “conversational receptiveness”: Hedging, Emphasizing agreement, Acknowledging the other view with true paraphrase, and Reframing to the positive. She discusses applying these tools in schools and other real-world settings, and research questions about reputational rewards for receptiveness. Minson also shares a rapid, emotionally complex series of belief updates on gender transitions for minors, influenced by Utah Governor Spencer Cox’s arguments and later by meeting a trans woman, highlighting how minds change through human contact and context.
00:00 Third Rail Belief Shift
00:17 Show Intro and Guests
01:36 Co Hosts Takeaways
03:58 Ballroom Dancing Origins
07:50 Training Receptiveness Habits
10:34 How to Disagree Better
12:57 Start Small Not Hot Topics
15:53 HEAR Framework Language
22:36 Where Research Goes Next
24:47 Campaigning Incentives Tension
27:29 Changing Mind on Transitions
36:03 Environment and People Matter
38:14 Who Should Be Next Guest
38:55 Hosts Reflect and Wrap Up
[Buy **How To Disagree Better Dr Julia Minson**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781398725041?ref=opendemocracy.net)
[https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781398725041](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781398725041?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Buy Alison, Laura and Alexandra’s new book, [**Poles Apart: Why People Turn Against Each Other, and How to Bring Them Together** https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975?ref=opendemocracy.net)
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### Cómo hicieron los activistas belgas para forzar un embargo de armas a Israel
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/belgica-israel-flandes-amberes-armas-embargo-sociedad-civil-gaza-genocidio/
Last updated: 2026-07-16T19:08:11.000Z
En julio del año pasado, cuatro organizaciones civiles de Bélgica consiguieron una resolución judicial contra el gobierno autónomo de Flandes. El Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Bruselas ordenó a las autoridades detener el tránsito hacia Israel de productos relacionados con la defensa y otras mercancías aptas para uso militar, a menos que existiera una garantía firme de que se utilizarían exclusivamente con fines civiles legales.
El caso se centró en unos rodamientos de rodillos cónicos que se enviaban desde el puerto de Amberes a un fabricante de material de defensa israelí.
El fallo fue en respuesta a la acción de las organizaciones Vredesactie, 11.11.11, INTAL y la Liga de Derechos Humanos que, previamente, habían rastreado varios contenedores que transportaban componentes con destino a la empresa Ashot Ashkelon Industries, que suministra sistemas de transmisión para vehículos militares israelíes. Las organizaciones argumentaron que el gobierno flamenco no cumplía las normas vigentes en materia de comercio de armas y concesión de licencias.
El tribunal coincidió en que, a primera vista, era probable que ese envío concreto estuviera destinado a vehículos militares y observó que no se había solicitado ninguna licencia de tránsito. Ordenó entonces al gobierno que impidiera envíos similares a menos que se pudiera garantizar su uso civil lícito y le impuso una multa de 50.000 euros por cada tránsito que violara esta orden, hasta un máximo de cinco millones de euros.
Los activistas sostienen que esta decisión estableció un embargo de hecho al tránsito de equipamiento militar a través de Flandes hacia Israel, y ofrece un modelo para movimientos de otros países que intentan hacer responsables a sus gobiernos sobre el comercio de armas.
En esta entrevista, Jo Dirix, activista de Vredesactie, explica cómo esta plataforma de organizaciones rastreó los cargamentos, consiguió apoyo público, recaudó fondos para los gastos legales y ganó en los tribunales, y por qué esta campaña demuestra que, cuando los gobiernos no actúan, la sociedad civil puede obligarlos a que lo hagan.
Este artículo forma parte de una nueva serie de openDemocracy que destaca cómo los movimientos sociales se organizan, innovan y ganan batallas.[ Se publicó originalmente en CIVICUS Lens,](https://lens.civicus.org/interview/when-governments-dont-enforce-their-laws-civil-society-can-and-will-step-in/?ref=opendemocracy.net) la plataforma mediática de la alianza mundial de la sociedad civil CIVICUS, y se reproduce con permiso.
### **¿Qué motivó la acción legal y cómo respondió la justicia?**
Fuentes fiables y periodistas de investigación nos alertaron de que cuatro contenedores con material militar, mayormente piezas para tanques, eran embarcados a Israel a través del puerto de Amberes. Cada contenedor tenía un código de envío único que permitía rastrear su origen, ruta y destino. Descubrimos que procedían del fabricante de armas francés Timken y se dirigían a Ashot Ashkelon Industries, un proveedor israelí del ejército de ese país. Uno de los contenedores incluía piezas para tanques Merkava, que se están utilizando para el genocidio de Israel en Gaza.
Como los contenedores se transportaban sin control alguno, sin que las empresas solicitaran las licencias pertinentes, presentamos una denuncia ante los funcionarios de aduanas. Solo entonces intervinieron y detuvieron un contenedor para revisarlo.
Sin embargo, y a pesar de una intensa presión pública, el gobierno flamenco dio largas al asunto y se negó a transparentar la intervención de los funcionarios de aduanas. Después de esa primera intervención, las autoridades dejaron pasar otro contenedor por el puerto. Ahí nos dimos cuenta de que la acción legal era la única opción que nos quedaba.
No exigíamos nuevas leyes; solo queríamos que se aplicaran las que ya existen. Nos movilizamos, presionamos, fuimos a la justicia y ganamos. En el plazo de un mes, el tribunal dictaminó que el gobierno flamenco había infringido su[ Decreto sobre el comercio de armas de 2009](https://fdfa.be/sites/default/files/2022-01/Flemish%20Arms%20Trade%20Act%20%28consolidated%20version%29.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), que prohíbe la exportación de armas cuando existe un riesgo grave de violaciones de los derechos humanos. Este riesgo es innegable en[ el actual asalto de Israel a Gaza](https://lens.civicus.org/israel-must-face-accountability-as-gaza-genocide-intensifies/?ref=opendemocracy.net). La decisión del tribunal fue igualmente clara: estos envíos deben detenerse.
### **¿Por qué es tan importante esta sentencia a nivel nacional e internacional?**
La clave está en su mecanismo de ejecución. El juez impuso una multa de 50.000 euros (unos 58.000 dólares) por cada infracción futura, pagadera directamente a las cuatro organizaciones de la sociedad civil que interpusimos la demanda: 11.11.11, INTAL, la Liga de Derechos Humanos y Vredesactie. Esto obliga al gobierno flamenco a cumplir sus propias leyes, con consecuencias económicas reales en caso de incumplimiento. En la práctica, supone un embargo de armas de hecho desde Flandes hacia Israel.
El caso también reveló una falta total de control sobre el tránsito de armas. Demostró que, en varios casos, las autoridades aduaneras no pidieron los permisos a las empresas ni inspeccionaron los cargamentos. Esta negligencia sistémica quedó al descubierto y ya no debería ser posible.
La sentencia envía un mensaje contundente: cuando los gobiernos no hacen cumplir sus leyes, la sociedad civil puede intervenir, y lo hará. El gobierno flamenco ha afirmado que podría recurrir el fallo, pero la presión pública está cambiando el panorama político.
Los partidos demócrata cristiano y socialdemócrata (que conforman la coalición gobernante) ya están perdiendo apoyo por su silencio sobre Gaza, y creemos que el costo político de apelar el fallo sería demasiado alto. La presión pública está surtiendo efecto y está empujando al gobierno a cambiar su postura.
La sentencia también tiene implicaciones más allá de Bélgica. La jueza basó su decisión no solo en la legislación flamenca, sino también en tratados internacionales, como las Convenciones de Ginebra y el[ Tratado sobre el Comercio de Armas](https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/interviews/7155-global-arms-trade-by-halting-the-supply-of-weapons-states-can-help-prevent-human-rights-violations?ref=opendemocracy.net). Esto significa que puede servir de precedente jurídico y político.
### **¿Qué lecciones puede extraer la sociedad civil de otros lugares de esta experiencia?**
Esta victoria demuestra el poder de la sociedad civil cuando trabaja junta. Ninguna organización habría podido por sí sola. Vredesactie se encargó de la investigación y la coordinación de la campaña, INTAL movilizó a la ciudadanía e impulsó la acción legal, 11.11.11 gestionó las comunicaciones y el acceso a los círculos políticos, y la Liga de Derechos Humanos aportó su experiencia jurídica. Cada una de nosotras colaboró con algo diferente y, en menos de un mes, pasamos a la acción y ganamos.
El apoyo de la ciudadanía también lo hizo posible. En menos de cuatro semanas, recaudamos más de 15.000 euros (unos 17.500 dólares) para cubrir los gastos legales. Este grado de solidaridad demuestra que a la población belga le preocupa hondamente la causa palestina y está dispuesta a actuar cuando el gobierno guarda silencio.
Pero quizá la lección más importante sea la perseverancia. La resistencia adopta muchas formas: protestas, demandas judiciales, declaraciones públicas e incluso consignas escritas con tiza en el suelo. Todos sentimos la desesperación, pero no debemos dejar que nos detenga. No estamos indefensos. Si lo estuviéramos, no se esforzarían tanto por silenciarnos o por tergiversar los hechos.
Cuando las autoridades hacen la vista gorda mientras las armas fluyen hacia un gobierno que comete genocidio y crímenes de guerra, la sociedad civil debe actuar. No podemos decir que esta no es nuestra lucha. Debemos hacer algo. No presentamos esta demanda porque supiéramos que íbamos a ganar, sino porque no actuar nos habría convertido en cómplices. Esa es la decisión que tomamos. Ahora esperamos que otros hagan lo mismo.
### **¿Qué retos esperan en esta lucha?**
Esta sentencia judicial es una gran victoria, pero nuestro trabajo está lejos de haber terminado. Lamentablemente, la Unión Europea (UE) parece estar[ caminando hacia la militarización](https://lens.civicus.org/natos-missing-watchdogs-civil-societys-role-in-defence-spending-scrutiny/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y la desregulación. Nos preocupa especialmente su paquete[ Defence Readiness Omnibus](https://defence-industry-space.ec.europa.eu/eu-defence-industry/defence-readiness-omnibus%5Fen?ref=opendemocracy.net), que eliminaría los requisitos de licencia para el comercio de armas dentro de la UE, lo que significaría que las armas fabricadas en Bélgica podrían enviarse a Alemania sin control alguno y, a continuación, exportarse fácilmente a Israel. Esto quitaría sentido a las prohibiciones nacionales. Es una laguna jurídica peligrosa, y nos estamos movilizando para impedirla.
Ya presentamos una denuncia contra la empresa FedEx por transportar material militar a Israel por esta vía. También iniciamos acciones contra Challenge Airlines, una aerolínea belga-israelí, por transportar armas a Israel vía Estados Unidos. El año pasado presentamos una denuncia contra ZIM, una empresa israelí dedicada al transporte de armas, y el caso sigue en curso. Además, estamos investigando a empresas tecnológicas belgas cuyos componentes podrían ser parte de aviones de combate israelíes. Todo esto apunta a un patrón más amplio de complicidad gubernamental a través de la inacción.
Al mismo tiempo, estamos poniendo en marcha una[ iniciativa ciudadana](https://www.vredesactie.be/en/petition-stop-weapons-for-israel?ref=opendemocracy.net) en Flandes para presionar a favor de normas más estrictas sobre las exportaciones de armas. Esta iniciativa obligará al Parlamento flamenco a celebrar un debate público, en el que daremos voz a expertos y a la ciudadanía. Nuestro objetivo es detener no solo el tránsito, sino también las exportaciones directas.
*CIVICUS entrevista a una amplia gama de activistas, expertos y líderes de la sociedad civil para recabar diversas perspectivas sobre la acción de la sociedad civil y los temas de actualidad, con el fin de publicarlas en su plataforma CIVICUS Lens. Las opiniones expresadas en las entrevistas son las de los entrevistados y no reflejan necesariamente las de CIVICUS. Su publicación no implica el respaldo a los entrevistados ni a las organizaciones a las que representan.*
### You cannot demand integration while building an asylum system on insecurity
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/labour-andy-burnham-immigration-asylum-bill-insecurity-integration-shabana-mahmood/
Last updated: 2026-07-15T15:23:02.000Z
On Monday night, MPs voted to back the Immigration and Asylum Bill at its second reading in the Commons. Andy Burnham, who is expected to become prime minister next week, voted in support of it – raising questions about the direction his government will take on immigration.
Living in Greater Manchester, I have watched Burnham build his political identity around listening to communities and tackling inequality. I have valued his willingness to talk about difficult issues, including migration, without using divisive rhetoric.
In this context, his support for this bill is concerning. The controversial proposal has already drawn significant pushback from within Burnham’s own party. Some 14 Labour MPs voted against the bill, more than 120 chose not to vote on it at all, and nearly 80 signed a letter urging Burnham to rethink wider immigration reforms when he enters No 10\.
The question now is whether his vote signals that as PM, Burnham will push ahead with inherited plans for an asylum system increasingly built around deterrence and insecurity, or whether he will bring the principles he has championed in Manchester into national policy.
The government says its immigration reforms will help people to integrate, find work, become independent and contribute. Refugees want those things too. But you cannot tell people to integrate while designing a system that keeps them looking over their shoulder.
I come to this debate having spent the past decade working with communities welcoming refugees. In 2017, I was part of one of the earliest Community Sponsorship groups in the UK to welcome a refugee family. Since then, I have seen consistently what helps people rebuild their lives and what makes that journey harder.
## **An asylum system built on insecurity**
One of the more controversial proposed immigration reforms is to retrospectively double the time many foreign nationals living in the UK must wait before they can apply for indefinite leave to remain, which could see some refugees forced to wait 20 years.
As of March, they will have their need for protection reviewed every 30 months during this time, and those from countries that are deemed ‘safe’ will be expected to return. And the Immigration and Asylum Bill would require many of those who are granted asylum to pay the government around £10,000 for the accommodation and support they received while awaiting a decision before they can apply for settlement. The plans come after the suspension of refugee family reunion has already left [more than 16,000 people unable to reunite with loved ones in the UK](https://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/press-office/media-centre/refugee-women-and-children-prevented-from-safely-reuniting-with-family/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
These are not isolated policies. Together, they create an asylum system defined by prolonged uncertainty. It is impossible to ask someone to put down roots, invest in a career or integrate into a community when their future remains uncertain for decades.
A person recognised as a refugee is often starting over with very little. They may be learning English, trying to find somewhere permanent to live, looking for work or attempting to have qualifications gained overseas recognised. They may be supporting children who have experienced war, persecution or displacement. These reforms risk placing new uncertainty and financial obligations in their path.
The consequences extend beyond individual refugees; a recent joint inquiry by the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Migration and Poverty warned that the government’s recent and proposed immigration reforms may undermine its own ambitions to reduce child poverty and end homelessness.
That should concern all of us. If a family is pushed into poverty, it places strain on schools and local services. If people are unable to access stable housing, pressure falls on councils and homelessness services. If people are kept in prolonged insecurity and separated from their families, it becomes harder to build the trust and sense of belonging that underpin cohesive communities.
There are also serious questions about access to justice. The bill would move first-instance immigration appeals from the existing tribunal system – where cases are heard by qualified judges – to a new Independent Immigration Appeals Authority using adjudicators who would not be required to have any legal qualifications.
The government argues this will tackle a backlog in appeal hearings. While we can all agree delays are unacceptable, speed cannot come at the expense of fairness or independent judicial scrutiny. Asylum cases are complex and require specialist legal expertise and proper understanding of the risks people may face if returned. When deciding if someone’s return may place them in danger or pose a risk to their life, robust independent oversight is not an inconvenience. It is a basic safeguard.
## **Safe routes need ambition**
If the government genuinely wants fewer dangerous journeys, it must pair a fair asylum system with safe and accessible alternatives for those seeking protection. Here, there is an opportunity in the bill. The commitment to creating new safe and regular routes to seek asylum in the UK, including through Community Sponsorship, should be welcomed.
For a decade, we have advocated for communities to have a greater role in welcoming refugees, including through named sponsorship. This has been a key advocacy priority for the Community Sponsorship Alliance, of which my charity is a member. Communities repeatedly tell us that they want to help people reach safety. We have seen it through Community Sponsorship and on an extraordinary scale through the Homes for Ukraine scheme.
But safe routes must be meaningful and ambitious. If the government is serious about reducing dangerous journeys, it cannot offer small, tightly capped routes that are inaccessible to most people who need protection. Doing so will continue to force desperate people to look for other ways to reach safety.
Community Sponsorship has shown that when communities are given the tools and support to welcome refugees well, they step forward. The government should be ambitious about harnessing that willingness, not treating safe routes as a small humanitarian exception to an asylum system increasingly built around deterrence.
**The test for Burnham**
As Manchester mayor, Burnham established his reputation on the idea that government should invest in communities and listen to people who feel ignored. Those principles should not stop at the asylum system.
A fair and effective asylum system should help people granted protection rebuild their lives, become independent and contribute as quickly as possible, while keeping families together wherever possible. It should protect access to fair and independent decision-making. It should invest in the communities doing the work of integration. And it should create safe routes at a scale that gives people genuine alternatives to dangerous journeys.
Immigration policy must recognise that protection, integration and contribution go hand in hand. We cannot open safe routes with one hand while building an asylum system around insecurity with the other. After more than a decade of working alongside communities welcoming refugees, I know this: stability helps people rebuild, integrate and contribute. Insecurity undermines all three.
### More than 100 elderly women killed by men since 2020
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/100-elderly-women-killed-by-men-since-2020-uk/
Last updated: 2026-07-15T10:27:42.000Z
At least 138 women pensioners have been killed in the UK where a man is the main suspect since 2020, an investigation by openDemocracy can reveal.
Just under a fifth of women killed by men in the past six years were aged over 66, with the oldest in their 90s, according to our analysis of data from the [Femicide Census](https://www.femicidecensus.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Counting Dead Women](https://kareningalasmith.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a project set up by feminist activist and academic Karen Ingala-Smith to record the number of women killed by men.
The majority of men suspected in these cases were convicted of murder or manslaughter. Some died before a case could go to trial, or were deemed mentally unfit for trial.
Of the [31 women](https://kareningalasmith.com/2026/05/26/2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net) suspected to have been killed by a man between the start of this year and 14 May, the most recent entry in the database, seven were over 66\. This figure does not include 78-year-old politician Ann Widdecombe, who was found dead in her home in Dartmoor, Devon, on 9 July. She had sustained serious injuries.
Widdecombe, a former Conservative Home Office minister known for her socially conservative views, particularly on abortion and LGBTQ+ rights, retired from Westminster in 2010\. She pursued a career in reality television and entertainment before returning to politics as an MEP for the Brexit Party in 2019 and, most recently, working as a spokesperson for Reform UK.
Police arrested a 28-year-old white British man from South Yorkshire on Saturday and are not looking for anyone else in connection with Widdecombe’s death. The man has since been re-arrested on suspicion of commission, preparation or instigation of acts of terrorism.
Giving an update on the investigation into Widdecombe’s death on 14 July, assistant commissioner Laurence Taylor, the head of counter terrorism policing, would not comment on whether the suspected terrorism offences are separate from the alleged murder case.
Taylor added that police “are working to understand the planning, preparation and motivation behind the attack” on Widdecombe.
### **Older women killed by men**
Like those aged between 20 and 60, older women are most likely to be killed by a current or former partner or a relative – but they are also at greater risk of being killed by a stranger.
openDemocracy found that in the deaths of 43 elderly women killed by a man since 2020 – nearly a third of cases – the suspect was their son or grandson. A further 43 women were killed by their current or former partners – 14 of whom were killed in a murder-suicide.
In some cases, the relationship between the victim and perpetrator was not specified in the data or the linked news report, but the names and ages indicated a familial or intimate partner connection. We excluded these cases from the total as we could not say with confidence the nature of the relationship.
Three women were killed by other family members (brother, brother-in-law, and son-in-law), and 10 perpetrators were known to the women, such as a care worker or a neighbour. The remaining perpetrators were either strangers or the relationship was not specified in the data or early news reports.
We found that five elderly women have been killed by men as part of a burglary or robbery since 2020.
Previous research by the Femicide Census found that [almost a quarter (23%) of women over 80](https://www.femicidecensus.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/2000-Women-full-report.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) were killed by a man they did not know, compared to 7% of women aged 30-59\.
The findings were made in the Femicide Census’s [2000 Women report](https://www.femicidecensus.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/2000-Women-full-report.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), which looks at the first 2,000 ‘solved’ cases of women and girls aged over 14 killed since 2009\. That report found that two-thirds of victims killed during a burglary were aged over-60.
“These attacks cannot be described as purely random, as older women are likely selected because of the vulnerability that comes with their age: they are more likely to live alone and to be physically less strong,” the report’s authors state.
Across all the cases we reviewed, the majority of elderly women died as a result of assault or of serious injuries, although in many cases the cause of death was not specified in the data. Four women were killed in a fire, and nine were shot.
We also found at least 25 cases of ‘overkill’, a term created as it is such a common feature in cases of femicide. ‘Overkill’ is defined as “the use of excessive, gratuitous violence beyond that necessary to cause the victim's death”.
This is likely an underestimate, as the data or early news reports did not always include details of the violence. Two deaths of women aged over 66 involved sexual assault. According to the 2000 Women report, there were 113 cases of overkill in incidents where sons killed their mothers.
### How Belgian campaigners forced a de facto arms embargo on Israel
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-belgian-campaigners-forced-a-de-facto-arms-embargo-on-israel/
Last updated: 2026-07-13T11:44:42.000Z
In July 2025, four Belgian civil society organisations won a significant interim ruling against the Flemish government. The Brussels Court of First Instance ordered it to halt the transit to Israel of defence-related products and other goods suitable for military use unless there was firm assurance that they would be used exclusively for lawful civilian purposes. The case centred on tapered roller bearings being shipped through the port of Antwerp to an Israeli defence manufacturer.
The ruling followed action by Vredesactie, 11.11.11, INTAL and the League for Human Rights after campaigners traced several containers carrying components bound for Ashot Ashkelon Industries, which supplies transmission systems for Israeli military vehicles. Rather than demanding new laws, the coalition argued that the Flemish government had failed to enforce its existing arms-trade and licensing rules.
The court agreed that the specific shipment was prima facie likely to be intended for military vehicles and noted that no transit licence had been sought. It ordered the government to prevent similar shipments unless lawful civilian use could be assured and imposed a penalty of €50,000 for every transit that breached the order, up to a maximum of €5 million. Campaigners say the decision has created a de facto embargo on military transit through Flanders to Israel – and offers a model for civil society groups elsewhere seeking to hold governments accountable over arms transfers.
In this interview, Jo Dirix, a campaigner with Vredesactie, explains how the coalition traced the shipments, built public support, raised legal funds and won in court – and why the campaign shows that when governments fail to act, civil society can force them to.
*This article is part of a new openDemocracy series spotlighting how people’s movements organise, innovate and win.* [*It was originally published by CIVICUS Lens,* ](https://lens.civicus.org/interview/when-governments-dont-enforce-their-laws-civil-society-can-and-will-step-in/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*the media platform of the global civil society alliance CIVICUS, and is republished with permission.*
## What prompted your legal action and how did the court respond?
Trusted sources and investigative journalists alerted us that four containers carrying military goods, mostly parts for tanks, were being shipped through the port of Antwerp to Israel. Each container had a unique shipping code that could be used to trace its origin, route and destination. We discovered they’d been sent by the French arms manufacturer Timken to Ashot Ashkelon Industries, an Israeli supplier of its national military. One of the containers included parts for Merkava tanks, actively being used in Israel’s genocide in Gaza.
Since the containers were being shipped unchecked, without companies applying for licences, we filed a complaint with customs officials. Only then did they intervene and stop at least one container. However, even after intense public pressure, the Flemish government stalled and refused to be transparent about the intervention of customs officials. After customs officials intervened, the authorities still allowed another container to pass through the port. That’s when we knew legal action was the only option left.
We weren’t demanding new laws; we just wanted the existing ones enforced. We mobilised, lobbied, went to court and won. Within a month, the court had ruled that the Flemish government had violated its [2009 Arms Trade Decree](https://fdfa.be/sites/default/files/2022-01/Flemish%20Arms%20Trade%20Act%20%28consolidated%20version%29.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), which bans arms exports where there is a serious risk of human rights violations. This risk is undeniable in [Israel’s ongoing assault on Gaza](https://lens.civicus.org/israel-must-face-accountability-as-gaza-genocide-intensifies/?ref=opendemocracy.net). The court’s decision was just as clear: these shipments must stop.
## What makes this ruling significant nationally and internationally?
What makes this ruling so powerful is its enforcement mechanism. The judge imposed a fine of €50,000 (approx. US$58,000) for every future violation, payable directly to the four CSOs that brought the case: 11.11.11, INTAL, the League for Human Rights and Vredesactie. It forces the Flemish government to follow its laws, with real financial consequences if it fails to do so. In practice, this creates a de facto arms embargo from Flanders to Israel.
The case also revealed the total lack of oversight in arms transit. It showed that in several cases customs didn’t request permits or check the shipments. This systemic negligence has now been exposed and should no longer be possible.
This ruling sends a strong message: when governments fail to enforce their laws, civil society can – and will – step in. The Flemish government has said it might appeal the decision, but public pressure is shifting the political landscape.
Parties such as the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats are already losing support over their silence on Gaza, and we believe the political cost of appealing would be too high. Public pressure is working and it’s pushing the government to change its stance.
The ruling also has implications beyond Belgium. The judge based her decision not only on Flemish law, but also on international treaties including the Geneva Conventions and the [Arms Trade Treaty](https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/interviews/7155-global-arms-trade-by-halting-the-supply-of-weapons-states-can-help-prevent-human-rights-violations?ref=opendemocracy.net). This means it can be used as a legal precedent and CSOs in other countries can adapt our legal strategy to hold their governments accountable.
## What lessons can civil society elsewhere draw from your experience?
This victory proves the power of civil society when we work together. No single organisation could have done it alone, but as a coalition, we pulled it off. Vredesactie led on research and campaign coordination, INTAL mobilised the public and pushed for legal action, 11.11.11 handled communications and political access and the League for Human Rights provided legal expertise. We each brought in something different, and in under a month, we took action and won.
Public support made this possible. In under four weeks, we raised over €15,000 (approx. US$17,500) to cover legal fees. Such a level of solidarity shows people in Belgium care deeply about the Palestinian cause and they are ready to act when the government stays silent.
But perhaps the most important lesson is about persistence. Resistance takes many forms: protests, lawsuits, public statements and even chalk slogans on the pavement. We all feel despair, but we must not let it stop us. We’re not powerless. If we were, they wouldn’t try so hard to silence us or spin the story.
When governments look away while arms flow to a government committing genocide and war crimes, civil society must act. We can’t afford to say this isn’t our fight. We must do something. We didn’t file this case because we knew we’d win, but because not acting would have made us complicit. That’s the choice we made. Now we hope others will do the same.
## What challenges lie ahead in this fight?
This court ruling is a major win, but our work is far from over. Unfortunately, the trend at the EU level appears to be [shifting towards militarisation](https://lens.civicus.org/natos-missing-watchdogs-civil-societys-role-in-defence-spending-scrutiny/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and deregulation. We are particularly worried about its [Defence Readiness Omnibus](https://defence-industry-space.ec.europa.eu/eu-defence-industry/defence-readiness-omnibus%5Fen?ref=opendemocracy.net) package, which would remove licence requirements for intra-EU arms trade, meaning weapons made in Belgium could be sent to Germany without scrutiny, and then easily exported to Israel. This would make national bans meaningless. It’s a dangerous loophole, and we’re mobilising to stop it.
We’ve already filed a complaint against FedEx for transporting military goods to Israel through that route. We’ve also taken action against Challenge Airlines, a Belgian-Israeli carrier, for flying weapons to Israel via the USA. Last year we filed a complaint against ZIM, an Israeli company transporting weapons, and the case is ongoing. And we’re investigating Belgian tech firms whose components may be ending up in Israeli fighter jets. All of this points to a broader pattern of government complicity through inaction.
At the same time, we’re launching a [citizens’ initiative](https://www.vredesactie.be/en/petition-stop-weapons-for-israel?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Flanders to push for stricter rules on arms exports. This initiative will force the Flemish Parliament to hold a public debate, where we’ll bring in expert and citizen voices. Our goal is to stop not just transit, but direct exports as well.
*CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.*
### Inside Farage’s Montenegro back-office
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-110726/
Last updated: 2026-07-11T07:18:57.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- How a convicted fraudster spun a Balkan web of offshore shell companies, illicit crypto-ATMs, and financial subterfuge to bankroll Reform UK’s elite
- Why Andy Burnham’s flagship ‘Manchesterism’ economic model is already being tested north of the border — and what its reality means for the rest of Britain
- How the rise of Peru’s new president-elect is triggering fears of a swift return to a dark era of state-sponsored impunity and institutional capture
- Why a surging student movement is forcing UK universities to confront their hidden multi-million-pound investments in the ruthless global border industry
- Why the UK government's plan to halve violence against women will fail unless it confronts a terrifying new frontier
- Why the vast majority of people at risk of terminal genetic diseases choose to stay in the dark, and the uncomfortable ethical dilemmas of pushing women into STEM
Why are Reform’s most controversial funders and backers all registered in the same grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in Montenegro? An office, that by happy coincidence, is registered to the one-time defence lawyer of “Posh George Cottrell”, convicted fraudster, Nigel Farage’s close confidant, and son of one of Reform’s biggest donors (whose donation is now being investigated by the Metropolitan police).
For this week’s cover story, we sent openDemocracy’s Sian Norris to Tivat to find out. She’s returned with a rollicking account of how “Reform’s most enthusiastic backers, particularly Cottrell, are spinning themselves a safe haven of shell companies, business interests, crypto, casinos, and property.”
With all eyes on Reform UK and the farcical by-election in Nigel Farage’s Clacton constituency, let’s not forget that a new Labour prime minister will be entering Downing Street in two weeks. Scotland has already tried Andy Burnham’s “Manchesterism” and it isn’t enough, argues Laurie Macfarlane, in a column that should give readers much to discuss. Another one for Burnham’s to-do list: Emma Pickering from Refuge, the UK’s largest domestic abuse charity, argues that the government must do more to end tech-facilitated domestic abuse.
Also in this issue: What the return of Fujimorismo means for Peru and Latin America, and how the UK’s universities are bankrolling the border industry and facilitating the abuse of migrants.
This month we are launching a campaign to win 500 more regular donors by the end of the year. We deeply appreciate one-off donations (please do keep them coming), but regular donors make it easier for us to plan our expenses, balance our budget, and invest in long-term investigations like Sian’s muck-raking trip to Montenegro. If you aren’t yet a regular donor, do consider becoming one.
I’m off to India to see my mum next week, so my colleague Indra will be taking over the next couple of issues. Thank you for reading and supporting our journalism.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
The next election is only three years away, and we are determined to keep exposing Reform and prevent the rise of the far right. To do that, we want to recruit 500 paid subscribers by the end of 2026\.
****Will you be part of the movement to fight the far right, with a monthly donation today?**
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
---
[Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in MontenegroWhy are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people in the Balkans?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/)
[Scotland has already tried ‘Manchesterism’. It won’t solve Britain’s economic crisis aloneAndy Burnham’s economic vision has much in common with Scotland’s. Its experience shows why that may not be enough.openDemocracyLaurie Macfarlane](https://www.opendemocracy.net/scotland-has-already-tried-manchesterism-it-wont-solve-britains-economic-crisis-alone/)
[Keiko Fujimori’s victory can speed Peru’s democratic declineKeiko Fujimori’s presidency will put Peru’s fragile democracy to the testopenDemocracyDacil Lanza](https://www.opendemocracy.net/peru-keiko-fujimori-elections-authoritarianism-latin-america/)
[UK universities are bankrolling the border industryBritish universities must do more to combat the growing abuse of migrantsopenDemocracyRishi Milward-Bose](https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-universities-are-bankrolling-the-border-industry/)
[Abusers have embraced new technology. UK policy hasn’tThe government must tackle tech-facilitated abuse to achieve its pledge of halving violence against women and girlsopenDemocracyEmma Pickering](https://www.opendemocracy.net/abusers-have-embraced-new-technology-uk-policy-hasnt/)
[Dr Emma Yhnell on the challenge of changing science, changing our mindsListen on Apple Podcasts Listen on Spotify Listen on Pocket Casts In an era where scientific expertise is heavily scrutinized and algorithms trap us in ideological bubbles, how do we create the conditions for people to truly open their minds? In this episode of Changed My Mind, we’re joinedopenDemocracyThe Depolarization Project](https://www.opendemocracy.net/dr-emma-yhnell-on-the-challenge-of-changing-science-changing-our-minds/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Is Nigel Farage finally finished as a political force?
---
## Reader Comments
*It doesn't matter which way you cut the cake, the two party politics is still here and alive. Farage has now lost two by elections, Makerfield's majority by labour outscored both Reform and Restore's combined percentage. That screams from the rooftops that the far right is not welcome in the UK.*
*They may win local elections but once elected all of a sudden councillors come out of the woodwork not knowing what they are doing, or have criminal records that shoddy vetting by Reform never found.*
**–Petrometro**
---
Fidel Castro detained after the attack on the Moncada Barracks | Cuban Archives
## This week in history
**The Moncada Barracks attack • 26 July 1953**
On 26 July 1953, Fidel Castro led 137 fighters in an assault on the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba, leading to a spectacular failure militarily, but also the birth of the revolutionary movement that would overthrow Batista six years later. Castro's defence speech, "History Will Absolve Me," became one of the defining documents of Latin American revolutionary politics.
For our archive piece this week we have a passionate, partisan tribute to Fidel Castro following his death in 2016, documenting how the Latin American left understood its own history.
[We will keep faith with your legacy, Comandante Fidel Castro!Fidel Castro’s death has prompted a polarized debate about the value of his legacy and internationalism. For many in Latin America he will remain a revered leader and source of inspiration. EspañolopenDemocracyFrancisco Dominguez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/we-will-keep-faith-with-your-legacy-comandante-fidel-castro-0/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Everybody loves our dollars, Oliver Bullough**](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/everybody-loves-our-dollars-how-money-laundering-won-oliver-bullough/b352f614906f5a7c?ean=9781399618090&bkshp-astro=t&ref=opendemocracy.net)
If you read our lead story in this week’s newsletter, you’ll know why money laundering, crypto and gambling has been on my mind. I have read a huge amount on these subjects over the last few months, but Bullough’s book is arguably the best at helping laypeople like me understand the murky world of illicit finances.
Bullough writes in an accessible and informal way, while never compromising on journalistic rigour. He takes the reader around the world, from the Marshall Islands to the Federal Reserve and Saipan, to explore how money is laundered, why our existing approach to tackling money laundering fails, how new innovations such as crypto empower launderers, and how crackdowns have often focused on the wrong places and targets. But two things stand out: first, Bullough never loses sight of how money laundering is not a “victimless” crime. It drives extensive harm to vulnerable people such as trafficking victims to civilians in war. The second is that there are practical solutions that could make a difference now and need to be tried. Number one? Get rid of $100 (and €100) bills.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Montenegro, el refugio financiero de la extrema derecha británica
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/montenegro-el-refugio-financiero-de-la-extrema-derecha-britanica/
Last updated: 2026-07-10T21:35:04.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- El paraíso balcánico de los financiadores de la extrema derecha británica
- Cómo logró el movimiento LGBTQI+ de Botsuana derogar leyes coloniales
- Por qué Israel teme más un acercamiento que un conflicto EEUU-Irán
- **Esta semana en la historia:** A 47 años de la Revolución Sandinista
Nuestra compañera y periodista de investigación **Sian Norris** estuvo hace unos días en **Montenegro**,un país pequeño de la península balcánica, que solo fue noticia en la década de 1990, cuando Yugoslavia se partió en una serie de guerras sangrientas, y en 2006, cuando decidió en referéndum independizarse de una federación con Serbia.
Pero resulta que **Montenegro**, y en particular su hermosa costa sobre el Adriático, se está convirtiendo en el **paraíso** de una serie de **personajes opacos** que sostienen y financian al **partido de extrema derecha** que más crece en el Reino Unido, **Reform**, y a su líder **Nigel Farage**.
Las revelaciones de Sian conforman un auténtico *thriller*, en el que no faltan el aristócrata inglés estafador, los casinos sospechosos, las criptomonedas y hasta un cajero automático desaparecido.
[De Londres a los Balcanes: extrema derecha y cripto¿Por qué algunos británicos vinculados al partido extremista Reform operan desde una oficina destartalada en una ciudad de 11.000 habitantes en los Balcanes?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/reino-unido-farage-extrema-derecha-criptomonedas-lavado-estafas-montenegro/)
Todavía vivimos en un mundo donde subsisten **leyes coloniales** en países que hace décadas **obtuvieron su independencia**, sobre todo en África y en el Caribe.
Desde leyes de orden público, destinadas a prohibir las protestas, hasta normas morales y la legalización del despojo de tierras, los **vestigios jurídicos** de imperios coloniales como el británico, el francés, el belga o el portugués siguen reforzando el autoritarismo y el control.
Por eso es inspirador, y revolucionario, que el **activismo de Botsuana** haya logrado finalmente abolir las leyes coloniales que **prohibían las relaciones entre personas del mismo sexo,** con penas de hasta siete años de prisión. La **activista Faith Gunda** nos cuenta en primera persona cómo lo hicieron.
[Cómo derogó Botsuana sus leyes anti-LGBTQI+Se necesitaron años de presión ciudadana para que Botsuana eliminara leyes coloniales contra la comunidad LGBTQI+openDemocracyFaith Gunda](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/como-el-movimiento-lgbtqi-de-botsuana-logro-derogar-leyes-coloniales/)
El memorándum de entendimiento entre Estados Unidos e Irán, que estableció un cese al fuego de 60 días, ¿está vigente o no? Resulta difícil saberlo en medio del **retorno de las hostilidades**. Lo que sí está claro, señala nuestro columnista sobre Medio Oriente, **Paul Rogers**, es que a Israel no le conviene la paz y está atrapado en unas **políticas de seguridad de fabricación propia**, que pueden conducirlo al despeñadero.
[La trampa de seguridad que Israel construyó durante ocho décadasLas mismas políticas concebidas para garantizar la supervivencia de Israel pueden estar ahora socavando su futuroopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/israel-iran-eeuu-netanyahu-guerra-inseguridad-palestina/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
## Esta semana en la historia
**Triunfo de la Revolución Sandinista • 12 de julio de 1979**
La Revolución Sandinista derrocó el 12 de julio de 1979 la dictadura de la familia Somoza que, durante 40 años, sometió a Nicaragua. Fue la última ilusión revolucionaria de América Latina y despertó admiración y apoyo político y financiero de decenas de países y millones de simpatizantes en todo el mundo.
El gobierno revolucionario, encabezado por el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN), fue inmediatamente combatido por Estados Unidos, que armó y financió la “Contra”, causando enormes daños. En 1990, el líder del FSLN, Daniel Ortega, perdió las primeras elecciones democráticas. Pudo haber sido el momento en que un proceso revolucionario se encauzaba en una democracia. Pero no fue así.
En 2007, Ortega volvió al poder en una alianza con sectores de la derecha y la Iglesia Católica, y desde entonces gobierna junto con su esposa Rosario Murillo, con mano de hierro. La tragedia de Nicaragua es haber caído en una nueva dictadura familiar, la de los Ortega-Murillo, que reprimió con crueldad las protestas sociales, cerró todas las vías democráticas y perdió sus alianzas circunstanciales.
De nuestro archivo, recuperamos un artículo de 2022 que relata las luchas de activistas mujeres encarceladas por el régimen.
[Estas son las mujeres nicaragüenses que luchan por la democracia desde la cárcelPese a la ‘farsa’ de las elecciones de este domingo, las mujeres encarceladas por enfrentar al régimen de Ortega infunden esperanza en la resistenciaopenDemocracyDánae Vílchez](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/nicaraguan-women-democracy-prison-es/)
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
[¡Queremos conocer tu opinión y tus ideas! Escribinos](mailto:info.demoabierta@opendemocracy.net)
*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Sociedades opacas, cripto y apuestas: así opera la extrema derecha británica desde los Balcanes
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/reino-unido-farage-extrema-derecha-criptomonedas-lavado-estafas-montenegro/
Last updated: 2026-07-10T18:58:16.000Z
Las puertas de hierro oxidadas y la escalera de azulejos sucios de un local situado en una calle tranquila y polvorienta del centro de Tivat, en Montenegro – donde las mujeres cuelgan la ropa lavada en las ventanas y los hombres beben cerveza rubia y fuman – no dan pistas de que sus inquilinos sean algunos de los principales financiadores de Reform UK, el partido británico de extrema derecha que lidera Nigel Farage.
El inversor en criptomonedas Christopher Harborne, que donó [15 millones de libras](https://search.electoralcommission.org.uk/?currentPage=1&rows=10&query=Christopher%20Harborne&sort=AcceptedDate&order=desc&tab=1&et=pp&et=ppm&et=tp&et=perpar&et=rd&isIrishSourceYes=true&isIrishSourceNo=true&prePoll=false&postPoll=true®ister=gb®ister=ni®ister=none&optCols=RegisterName&optCols=CampaigningName&optCols=AccountingUnitsAsCentralParty&optCols=IsSponsorship&optCols=IsIrishSource&optCols=RegulatedDoneeType&optCols=CompanyRegistrationNumber&optCols=Postcode&optCols=NatureOfDonation&optCols=PurposeOfVisit&optCols=DonationAction&optCols=ReportedDate&optCols=IsReportedPrePoll&optCols=ReportingPeriodName&optCols=IsBequest&optCols=IsAggregation&ref=opendemocracy.net) (unos 20 millones de dólares) a Reform e hizo una donación "privada" de cinco millones de libras a Farage, tiene su empresa[ Longevity Biotech Systems](https://www.companywall.me/firma/longevity-biotech-systems-doo/MM1Wp7JD?ref=opendemocracy.net) registrada en esta dirección.
Lo mismo ocurre con las empresas del exresponsable de comunicación del Partido del Brexit (renombrado como Reform en 2021),[ Gawain Towler](https://www.companywall.me/firma/gawain-howard-wilkinson-towler/MM1VhRzY?ref=opendemocracy.net), y del extesorero [Mehrtash A’zami](https://www.companywall.me/firma/maxim-enterprise-doo/MM1Uxu7C?ref=opendemocracy.net).
La dirección de la oficina que alberga estos negocios está[ a nombre de Nino Pantovic](https://www.companywall.me/firma/mne-law-doo/MMxqHBC0?ref=opendemocracy.net), hijo de quien fue[ abogado defensor de George Cottrell,](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/black-chronicle/660369/pantovic-UP-officials-illegally-tried-to-conduct-a-search%2C-possession-of-crypto-machines-is-not-illegal?ref=opendemocracy.net) un estafador convicto y estrecho colaborador de Farage, que se mudó a Montenegro luego de cumplir una condena de ocho meses de prisión en EEUU por fraude electrónico.
Pero, ¿por qué estas figuras vinculadas a Reform operan desde una oficina pobre en una localidad de 11.000 habitantes, inundada de dinero[ ruso](https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-troika-laundromat/how-russian-blood-money-flowed-into-montenegro?ref=opendemocracy.net) y, cada vez más, estadounidense y británico? Cuando llamo a la puerta, la mujer que me abre apenas me da respuestas.
"Solo somos una empresa de contabilidad", dice. "Ellos no viven aquí, están en el extranjero".
La puerta del edificio de oficinas donde varias personalidades de Reform tienen registradas sus empresas | Sian Norris
El martes pasado, investigaciones sobre las finanzas de Farage lo llevaron a renunciar airadamente a su escaño de diputado.
"Que quede absolutamente claro: no he hecho nada malo", dijo Farage al anunciar que se postularía de nuevo al escaño. "No he infringido la ley en absoluto".
Meses dedicados a examinar registros mercantiles, hablar con fuentes de los sectores de los juegos de azar, de las criptomonedas, de los negocios y de la política de Montenegro, y viajar a Tivat, me permiten revelar que varios partidarios entusiastas de Reform, en particular Cottrell, están armando un refugio de sociedades ficticias, intereses empresariales, criptomonedas, casinos y propiedades inmobiliarias, lejos de la mirada del público y del control de las autoridades británicas.
La oficina de Tivat es solo una pieza del rompecabezas.
Esta investigación también descubrió que Cottrell y Towler están acusados de apoyar de forma ilegal al primer ministro de Montenegro, Milojko Spajić, defensor de las criptomonedas y de la Unión Europea, y que las autoridades montenegrinas incautaron en 2023 un presunto "cajero automático de criptomonedas" en un casino de uno de los socios de Cottrell, pero siguen sin revelar quién es el verdadero propietario del cajero ni con qué fin se utilizaba.
Cottrell – condenado en EEUU, apostador y financista que llama a Farage "papá" – se convirtió en el eje de una red opaca de financiadores de Reform que opera desde los Balcanes.
Porto Montenegro, Tivat | Sian Norris
### **De Mayfair a la cárcel y a Montenegro**
Quizá fue el hecho de haber crecido en Mustique, una isla caribeña ultraexclusiva donde vivió la princesa Margarita, lo que atrajo a Cottrell hacia el glamour del puerto deportivo de Tivat. Hijo de Fiona Watson, una exnovia del príncipe Carlos, y de Mark Cottrell, empresario y terrateniente ya fallecido, George regresó a Inglaterra siendo adolescente para estudiar en el Malvern College, un costoso y prestigioso colegio del que fue expulsado a los 16 años por dedicarse a las apuestas ilegales.
Cottrell optó por la City – el sector financiero y bancario de Londres – en lugar de la universidad y fundó[ Upsilon Investments](https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/07658625/officers?ref=opendemocracy.net) para gestionar el dinero de la elite del barrio de Mayfair. Trabajó en[ Maxim Management Consulting](https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/OC328759?ref=opendemocracy.net), de Mehrtash A’zami, entre 2011 y 2014\. A’Zami, que tiene intereses en[ las criptomonedas](https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/officers/MWZRITSSbKiPZDLRhtoBgkfWhFg/appointments?ref=opendemocracy.net), registró años después la empresa[ Maxim Enterprises](https://www.companywall.me/firma/maxim-enterprise-doo/MM1Uxu7C?ref=opendemocracy.net) en la oficina de Tivat.
En 2015, un perfil de LinkedIn ahora inactivo[ indicaba](https://www.thedailybeast.com/meet-posh-george-the-shady-money-man-tangled-up-with-brexit-russia-and-trump/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que Cottrell trabajaba en un banco privado como "gestor de clientes en una división de banca privada transfronteriza, responsable de la incorporación de particulares con un elevado patrimonio neto".
Ese mismo año, pasó a ser jefe de recaudación de fondos del partido UKIP (otra formación antecesora de Reform), y Farage llegó a decir que aquel joven de 22 años era como un "hijo" para él. Cottrell parecía estar en la cresta de la ola. Pero la policía de Estados Unidos lo detuvo y lo acusó de blanqueo de capitales, fraude electrónico, chantaje y extorsión mientras asistía a la Convención Nacional Republicana de 2016 junto a Farage.
"A partir de marzo de 2014, aproximadamente, un usuario identificado como ‘Banker’ anunciaba servicios de asesoramiento en blanqueo de capitales en un sitio web del mercado negro de la red TOR. TOR es el acrónimo de ‘The Onion Router’, un mecanismo para anonimizar el tráfico”, dice la acusación fiscal.
"Agentes encubiertos se pusieron en contacto con Banker, haciéndose pasar por narcotraficantes que buscaban servicios de blanqueo de capitales \[...\] Banker accedió a ayudar a los agentes encubiertos a blanquear su dinero a cambio de una comisión y, a continuación, propuso que los agentes hablaran con su socio ‘Bill’", continúa el documento de la fiscalía.
Bill era Cottrell. Según la acusación, "ordenó a los agentes encubiertos que enviaran 20.000 libras esterlinas en efectivo, supuestamente procedentes del tráfico de drogas, a su socio en Colorado, para que luego se blanquearan a través de la cuenta bancaria de Cottrell".
Los cargos eran graves y Cottrell se enfrentaba a 20 años de prisión. En diciembre de 2016 aceptó un acuerdo con la fiscalía.
El acuerdo confirmaba que Cottrell "se declararía culpable del cargo 5 de la acusación" por fraude electrónico. Se desestimaron 20 cargos de conspiración para cometer blanqueo de capitales, blanqueo de capitales, fraude postal y otras acusaciones de fraude electrónico.
Tras cumplir una pena de ocho meses y salir de prisión, Cottrell regresó al Reino Unido, donde se reunió con euroescépticos y personas influyentes de la derecha en pubs londinenses y en una fiesta organizada por Arron Banks, cofundador de la campaña por el Brexit Leave.EU y uno de los mayores donantes del UKIP.
En 2019 se trasladó a Tivat, donde fundó Private Family Office, una empresa que afirma ofrecer "servicios administrativos de oficina combinados" y que, a juzgar por sus cuentas, registra [pérdidas habituales](https://www.companywall.me/firma/private-family-office/MMxNczZ0?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Allá donde va Cottrell, Reform lo sigue. Farage visitó a su protegido con motivo de un evento llamado "Polo in the Port" en 2019\. Gawain Towler, desde 2025 miembro del consejo de administración del partido, también se hizo admirador de la ciudad[ y visitó a Cottrell en 2020](https://en.vijesti.me/column/721529/how-I-helped-Europe-now?ref=opendemocracy.net), publicó fotos de Tivat en [Instagram](https://www.instagram.com/p/CgY42a-gfuW/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y estableció su oficina en el edificio de Cottrell.
Tras el éxito político en el Reino Unido, con el referéndum de 2016 que determinó la salida de la Unión Europea, los "chicos del Brexit" parecían querer replicar su labor en Montenegro, aunque esta vez al servicio de un partido proeuropeo, Pokret Evropa sad (PES o Movimiento Europa Ahora en español).
En agosto de 2024, Towler [declaró](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/politika/722089/there-are-no-Britons-in-these-papers?ref=opendemocracy.net) a un periódico local que había prestado asesoramiento en comunicación para la campaña electoral del exministro de Hacienda y actual primer ministro Milojko Spajić, mientras el famoso estratega político Chris Bruni-Lowe, autor del eslogan del Partido del Brexit "[cambiar la política para siempre](https://www.thetimes.com/culture/books/article/eight-words-changed-world-modern-history-election-slogan-chris-bruni-lowe-review-c3f0vhmh7?ref=opendemocracy.net)",[ afirma](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/politika/796597/spajic-hid-campaign-strategist--Briton-close-to-Faraz-claims-he-worked-for-PES--no-mention-of-it-in-party-documents?ref=opendemocracy.net) que también colaboró con el PES de Spajić, ayudando a acuñar su eslogan "[ya es hora](https://www.thetimes.com/culture/books/article/eight-words-changed-world-modern-history-election-slogan-chris-bruni-lowe-review-c3f0vhmh7?ref=opendemocracy.net)".
[Nebojša Medojević](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/black-chronicle/660833/cotrel-flew-to-london-under-the-name-co?ref=opendemocracy.net), líder del Movimiento por el Cambio, partido rival del PES, también acusó a Cottrell de colaborar con la campaña de Spajić.
Los abogados de Cottrell nos dijeron que esta acusación es "desinformación con motivaciones políticas". Cottrell "no ha realizado ninguna donación política al Sr. Spajić ni a su partido", añadieron, ni está autorizado a hacerlo debido a su ciudadanía.
No es ilegal que asesores extranjeros trabajen en campañas electorales en Montenegro, pero sí es ilegal que extranjeros financien o donen dinero a dichas campañas. En el [informe sobre los fondos](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/politika/722089/there-are-no-Britons-in-these-papers?ref=opendemocracy.net) de campaña para las elecciones presidenciales y parlamentarias, el PES no incluyó ningún registro de haber pagado esos trabajos a Towler, Bruni-Lowe o Cottrell.
El primer ministro Spajić niega que alguno de ellos participara de su campaña. Towler sostiene que trabajó de forma gratuita y que tenía un "[pequeño contrato](https://en.vijesti.me/column/721529/how-I-helped-Europe-now?ref=opendemocracy.net)" con el partido.
Las dudas se multiplicaron cuando Cottrell [puso en marcha](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/george-cottrell-nigel-farage-reform-geostrategy-international-unlimited-company-donations/) una consultora política, Geostrategy, en 2025\. La[página web](https://web.archive.org/web/20250416050539/https:/geostrategy.com/?e-page-cacf224=3) original incluía vídeos del PES y múltiples artículos sobre la política montenegrina. El PES negó toda colaboración con Geostrategy. La[ página web](https://geostrategy.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net) se rediseñó en marzo de este año y se eliminaron todos los artículos, así como la imagen de una reunión del PES, junto con la dirección de la empresa en Montenegro.
Este año, Geostrategy publicó una oferta de empleo para un analista político con sede en Podgorica, la capital de Montenegro, de cara a las elecciones de 2027, que se anuncian como un "duelo a muerte".
Anuncio de Geostrategy para contratar un analista político con sede en Montenegro
Mientras, Cottrell sigue involucrado en la política del Reino Unido. En 2024 voló en un jet privado bajo el nombre de George Co para ayudar a Farage en su campaña para ganar un escaño en el Parlamento por el distrito de Clacton. Su madre, Fiona, fue en cierto momento la mayor donante de Reform UK, por tres donaciones de[ 250.000 libras cada una en 2024/25](https://search.electoralcommission.org.uk/?currentPage=1&rows=10&query=Fiona%20Cottrell&sort=AcceptedDate&order=desc&tab=1&et=pp&et=ppm&et=tp&et=perpar&et=rd&isIrishSourceYes=true&isIrishSourceNo=true&prePoll=false&postPoll=true®ister=gb®ister=ni®ister=none&optCols=RegisterName&optCols=CampaigningName&optCols=AccountingUnitsAsCentralParty&optCols=IsSponsorship&optCols=IsIrishSource&optCols=RegulatedDoneeType&optCols=CompanyRegistrationNumber&optCols=Postcode&optCols=NatureOfDonation&optCols=PurposeOfVisit&optCols=DonationAction&optCols=ReportedDate&optCols=IsReportedPrePoll&optCols=ReportingPeriodName&optCols=IsBequest&optCols=IsAggregation&ref=opendemocracy.net), mientras que el propio Cottrell pagó[ 15.277 libras](https://members.parliament.uk/member/5091/registeredinterests?ref=opendemocracy.net) para que Farage volara a un acto de recaudación de fondos de Trump el año pasado.
Esta semana, el[ Sunday Times reveló](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/revealed-nigel-farage-secretly-funded-by-convicted-criminal-j0brtrlnk?ref=opendemocracy.net) que el apoyo financiero de Cottrell a Farage fue mucho más allá: incluía beneficios "en especie" que abarcaban desde el equipo administrativo de Farage hasta su seguridad privada, personal, transporte y alojamiento, la contratación y remuneración de tres empleados para transformar la presencia de Farage en las redes sociales, y permitir que el político utilizara una propiedad que Cottrell tiene alquilada. La revelación lo llevó a renunciar a su banca de diputado.
Las polémicas en la vida de Cottrell no se limitan a la política. El juego, que le costó la expulsión del colegio, sigue siendo una parte importante de su vida. Ha dicho que ganó una suma de seis cifras[ apostando a la baja contra la libra](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/article/2024/jul/03/george-cottrell-nigel-farage-reform-uk-montenegro?ref=opendemocracy.net) antes de la votación sobre el Brexit, pero "perdió la mayor parte al día siguiente" apostando en las carreras de caballos. Más recientemente, perdió[ 550.000 dólares](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/george-cottrell-loses-bet-us-iran-farage-9vngwgp7f?ref=opendemocracy.net) apostando por la guerra entre EEUU e Irán.
### **Apuestas y criptomonedas: una unión perfecta**
A cinco minutos a pie del edificio de oficinas de Tivat se encuentra Salon Privé, un casino curioso por tres razones.
La primera es que George Cottrell se jactó en una ocasión de haber perdido[ 20 millones de dólares](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2024/sep/12/reform-donor-fiona-cottrell-nigel-farage-aide-george-mother?ref=opendemocracy.net) en sus mesas.
La segunda es que el dueño del casino es un socio de Cottrell que se declaró en quiebra anteriormente; y la tercera es que allí la policía incautó un cajero automático de criptomonedas – un dispositivo que permite a los usuarios convertir efectivo en criptomonedas y viceversa – que después desapareció.
El casino abrió sus puertas en 2021, con llamativas publicaciones en redes sociales como un destino glamuroso para la elite de Porto Montenegro.
Pero en una soleada tarde de viernes cinco años después, el ambiente en el Salon Privé dista mucho de esas imágenes. En una sala a oscuras suena a todo volumen música dance de los años 80, y la única luz proviene de hileras de pantallas que muestran partidos de fútbol y listas de cuotas de apuestas, del resplandor de las máquinas tragamonedas y de una mesa de ruleta.
Según los[ registros mercantiles](https://www.companywall.me/firma/salon-prive-doo/MM1xpNID?ref=opendemocracy.net) montenegrinos, el Salon Privé es propiedad de Global Trust Limited, del empresario británico-malasio Hon Kong Yong, quien se declaró en quiebra en el Reino Unido en 2016 antes de reinventarse como ejemplo de éxito montenegrino.
La empresa matriz del empresario tiene múltiples negocios con sede en Montenegro y comparte dirección con la firma de Cottrell. Según su página web, "gestiona fondos multijurisdiccionales que buscan activamente adquirir licencias de juego online y presenciales ya consolidadas, así como operadores con presencia en mercados emergentes y no tradicionales". Cuenta con una oficina en el notorio paraíso fiscal de las Islas Vírgenes Británicas.
El casino saltó a los titulares en 2023, cuando agentes policiales[ incautaron su cajero automático de criptomonedas](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/black-chronicle/660282/George-Cotrel%27s-cryptomat-was-found-in-the-private-salon?ref=opendemocracy.net). "No hay base legal para el comercio de criptomonedas en Montenegro y todo lo relacionado con un posible comercio a través de ese cajero es ilegal", dijo a la prensa el entonces ministro de Hacienda de Montenegro, Aleksandar Damjanović.
Damjanović también [afirmó](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/black-chronicle/660282/George-Cotrel%27s-cryptomat-was-found-in-the-private-salon?ref=opendemocracy.net) que Cottrell estaba relacionado con el cajero. Los abogados de Cottrell nos dijeron que "nuestro cliente no ha tenido ninguna implicación con ningún ‘cajero de criptomonedas’ en el local".
Periodistas, activistas por la transparencia y empresarios del sector de las criptomonedas con los que hablé en Montenegro me dijeron que la incautación planteaba más preguntas que respuestas. En los dos años transcurridos, las autoridades montenegrinas no han dicho nada sobre la máquina, ni sobre sus usuarios, ni sobre el origen de sus fondos, ni sobre si alguna de las transacciones realizadas en ella requiere una investigación penal.
"Nos encontramos ante un silencio total por parte del gobierno sobre quién es el propietario de la máquina, su paradero y sus transacciones", dijo Vuk Maras, reportero de BIRN, la Red de Periodismo de Investigación de los Balcanes.
openDemocracy no pudo obtener respuestas del gobierno de Montenegro sobre el cajero incautado.
En Montenegro el efectivo es el rey. El país adoptó el euro, otra razón por la que se convirtió en un imán para quienes operan con efectivo y, más recientemente, con criptomonedas.
Existe una desconfianza generalizada hacia el sistema bancario, un legado de las guerras de los Balcanes de la década de 1990\. Las elevadas comisiones bancarias, la lentitud en los movimientos de dinero y el hecho de que Montenegro no sea un centro financiero hacen de las criptomonedas una forma nueva y rápida de invertir y hacer negocios.
La consecuencia es una opacidad casi total de las transacciones financieras. "A pesar de que Montenegro ha adoptado diversas leyes anticorrupción y ha creado nuevas instituciones, ninguno de estos organismos es verdaderamente independiente de la injerencia política", afirma Transparency International en[ un informe reciente](https://www.transparency.org/en/nis/countries/montenegro?ref=opendemocracy.net).
A principios de la década de 2020, parecía que Montenegro se convertiría en la capital europea de las criptomonedas. El primer ministro Spajić, exempleado de Goldman Sachs, se mostró dispuesto a adoptar la nueva tecnología. Pero los entusiastas de las criptomonedas se topaban una y otra vez con la falta de un marco regulatorio. Todas las fuentes del sector con las que hablé afirmaron que la regulación les permitiría trabajar con los bancos y evitar el uso delictivo de la moneda.
"Queremos una regulación para que los de buena fe puedan venir a invertir aquí", afirmó el cocreador de la moneda digital montenegrina Perper, Ivan Joličić.
Por supuesto, hay quienes quieren que las cosas sigan como están.
Unos 2.200 millones de dólares en transacciones con criptomonedas pasaron por monederos vinculados a Montenegro entre noviembre de 2021 y 2022, en gran medida sin supervisión estatal ni registros, según una[ investigación](https://birn.me/istrazivanja/dvije-milijarde-dolara-u-kriptu-prosle-bez-nadzora/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de BIRN. El Ministerio de Hacienda comunicó a BIRN que no disponía de datos sobre transacciones relacionadas con criptoactivos, ni está obligado a registrar dichos datos.
Fuentes del sector de las criptomonedas y periodistas de investigación me contaron que las criptomonedas se utilizan para comprar todo tipo de cosas en Montenegro, incluidas propiedades inmobiliarias de lujo en su floreciente mercado inmobiliario frente al mar. Obtener un permiso de residencia solo lleva dos semanas.
Como muestra el cajero automático incautado en el casino, las criptomonedas también han abierto nuevas oportunidades para las apuestas.
Cottrell es una "figura clave" en este negocio, según el Sunday Times, gracias a Tether.bet, una plataforma de apuestas con criptomonedas que se lanzó en 2020 y fue adquirida por GT Holdings, con sede en Curazao, otro un paraíso fiscal.
Tether.bet se basa en Tether,[ una empresa de criptomonedas participada en parte](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/apr/25/christopher-harborne-mystery-billionaire-bankrolling-reform-uk-nigel-farage?ref=opendemocracy.net) por Christopher Harborne, uno de los principales donantes de Reform, quien [cenó](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/revealed-nigel-farage-secretly-funded-by-convicted-criminal-j0brtrlnk?ref=opendemocracy.net) con Cottrell y Farage en Londres justo antes de que se lanzara la plataforma de apuestas con criptomonedas en 2020\. Tether es una moneda estable con el símbolo USDT, vinculada al dólar estadounidense, lo que significa que un usuario puede cambiarla en cualquier momento por un dólar físico a la par.
Pero en 2021, las autoridades del estado de Nueva York[ multaron a la empresa](https://ag.ny.gov/press-release/2021/attorney-general-james-ends-virtual-currency-trading-platform-bitfinexs-illegal?ref=opendemocracy.net) por haber mentido en sus declaraciones públicas y la obligaron a admitir que no disponía de activos suficientes para canjear todo el USDT que había vendido.
La empresa tampoco cuenta con licencia para operar en Gran Bretaña, así que los usuarios del Reino Unido tienen restringido el acceso a los juegos de azar en la plataforma. El Sunday Times[ informó](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/revealed-nigel-farage-secretly-funded-by-convicted-criminal-j0brtrlnk?ref=opendemocracy.net) que la empresa tenía una oficina y una cuenta bancaria en Montenegro, y que afirmaba poseer una licencia de juego de Curazao, mientras que sus pagos se procesaban a través de Chipre.
Según la misma investigación, dos hombres, además de Cottrell, estuvieron involucrados en la plataforma desde el inicio: David Robery, un experto en software que vivía en la casa de campo vecina a la residencia familiar de Cottrell en Worcestershire, y Hon Kong Yong, de Salon Privé.
Los abogados de Cottrell nos dijeron que nunca fue director, empleado ni consultor de Tether.bet, ni ejerció control sobre las cuentas bancarias de Tether.bet, ni captó clientes para Tether.bet ni participó en la gestión de sus operaciones.
Una fuente del sector del juego expresó sus dudas sobre la destreza de Cottrell como apostador y cuestionó por qué estaba tan interesado en difundir historias sobre sus grandes pérdidas.
Esta es otra pregunta sobre Cottrell: así como no sabemos de dónde salió el dinero en efectivo del cajero automático de criptomonedas, tampoco sabemos de dónde procede exactamente su dinero. En una ocasión se jactó de tener acceso a un fondo fiduciario de 250 millones de libras, aunque su madre, Fiona,[ dijo](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/law/article/ukip-role-turned-my-scammer-son-around-82jc3g2f5?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 2017 que esas afirmaciones eran "ridículas, auténticas tonterías".
Según el [Sunday Times](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/revealed-nigel-farage-secretly-funded-by-convicted-criminal-j0brtrlnk?ref=opendemocracy.net), a pesar de las cuantiosas donaciones de Fiona Cottrell a Reform, documentos legales de 2023 la describían como una "estilista jubilada" y afirmaban que, cuando falleció su marido, su patrimonio – que ella administraba – estaba valorado en 1,5 millones de libras.
Ahora, según el[ Guardian](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/08/more-reform-uk-transactions-worth-millions-reported-to-national-agency?ref=opendemocracy.net), una donación de un millón de libras que Fiona Cottrell hizo a una empresa en la que actuaba como testaferro el diputado de Reform, Richard Tice, fue reportada por banqueros a la Agencia Nacional contra el Crimen por dudas sobre el origen de los fondos. Los banqueros también presentaron "informes de actividad sospechosa" sobre dos préstamos concedidos a Tice por George Cottrell.
### **Las criptomonedas y la extrema derecha mundial**
Si Tether está vinculada a la política de extrema derecha en el Reino Unido, al otro lado del Atlántico lo está a través del gigante financiero Cantor Fitzgerald, que le prestaba servicios bancarios. El director ejecutivo de Cantor Fitzgerald, Howard Lutnick, es el secretario de Comercio de Donald Trump.
Al igual que Spajić en Montenegro, tanto Trump como Farage apoyan las criptomonedas, lo mismo que figuras políticas de extrema derecha de toda Europa.
Reform se convirtió en el primer partido político del Reino Unido en aceptar donaciones en criptomonedas, y recibió[ acusaciones](https://observer.co.uk/news/national/article/reform-accused-of-using-third-party-to-turn-crypto-into-cash-and-hide-donors?ref=opendemocracy.net) de que aceptó la moneda digital a través de un donante autorizado externo antes de que se convirtieran en libras esterlinas. El Gobierno británico ha impuesto una prohibición temporal sobre las donaciones en criptomonedas.
El partido propuso un esquema de baja fiscalidad para las criptomonedas, legalizar su uso para pagar impuestos y crear un fondo soberano de reserva de bitcoins. Una empresa del sector patrocinó la conferencia de Reform UK del año pasado, y Farage[ invirtió](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/02/bitcoin-firm-advertised-by-nigel-farage-loses-15-percent-asset-value?ref=opendemocracy.net) 215.000 libras en una empresa de gestión de bitcoins llamada Stack BTC.
Farage se enfrenta ahora a una [investigación](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jul/02/nigel-farage-reported-standards-watchdog-alleged-crypto-lobbying?ref=opendemocracy.net) sobre su cabildeo en favor de las criptomonedas, ya que su actitud favorable hacia el sector parece beneficiar a sus donantes.
Durante esta investigación, muchas fuentes en Montenegro expresaron su preocupación por la presencia y la influencia de Cottrell y su círculo de Reform en la economía y la política del país.
Hombres como Cottrell están construyendo una infraestructura para albergar a la extrema derecha británica en un lugar donde brilla el sol, los bares son acogedores, los yates son enormes y la protección sale barata.
"Tenemos que sacar esto a la luz", me dijo una fuente. "Porque no queremos que sus chicos malos vengan aquí".
### Fujimorismo returns to Peru’s presidential palace
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/peru-keiko-fujimori-elections-authoritarianism-latin-america/
Last updated: 2026-07-09T14:04:55.000Z
The inauguration of right-wing politician Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of dictator Alberto Fujimori, as the president of Peru on 26 July will consolidate the deeply divided country’s democratic regression.
After weeks of reviewing contested ballots following the presidential run-off on 7 June, Peru’s National Electoral Jury has announced the final results: Fujimori won with a slender 0.3% lead over the left-wing candidate, Roberto Sánchez. In the first round on 12 April, Fujimori won 17% of the vote, to Sánchez’s 12%.
As the leader of the country’s most polarising political dynasty, 51-year-old Fujimori will enter office with both her father’s political capital and the resentment he left behind. Alberto Fujimori ruled Peru between 1990 and 2000, a decade in which he became a dictator, dissolved Congress and the judiciary, and deployed the military onto the streets. His regime committed numerous human rights violations in the fight against left-wing armed groups, and carried out a programme of forced sterilisations.
In a region where the suspension of constitutional guarantees is becoming the norm – as seen in [El Salvador](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-journalists-human-rights-defenders-persecution-exile/), [Ecuador](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ecuador-protest-fuel-subsidies-price-increase-daniel-noboa-terrorism-indigenous-leaders/) and [Peru](https://rpp.pe/politica/gobierno/gobierno-oficializa-prorroga-del-estado-de-emergencia-en-lima-y-callao-por-60-dias-noticia-1694596?ref=opendemocracy.net) itself – there is a risk that the new government will orchestrate the definitive takeover of institutions in favour of private interests and impunity.
The challenge facing the president-elect will not only be to revive a stagnant economy, but also to convince a large section of the public, who are sceptical that anyone bearing her surname can act within the bounds of a liberal democracy.
In 2010, Fujimori’s father Alberto was sentenced to 25 years in prison for corruption and his role in the 1991 and 1992[ massacres](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/un-espejo-doloroso/) in Barrios Altos and La Cantuta, respectively, in which 25 people were murdered. The Constitutional Court ordered his release on humanitarian grounds due to health issues in 2023, and he died a free man the following year aged 86.
His daughter, Keiko Fujimori, has gradually become the leader of Fujimorismo and the principal defender of her father’s regime – and his innocence — since she was first elected in 2006\. Now, she has won the presidency on her [fourth attempt](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/per-tendr-que-escoger-entre-democracia-y-dictadura/), after many years of co-governing in Congress with her party, Fuerza Popular. But unlike her father, who had monolithic control, she inherits a fragmented and exhausted country that has seen eight presidents come and go in barely a decade (Fujimori will become the ninth).
As President, Fujimori will likely consolidate a strategy that her party has been implementing in Congress. So-called ‘Fujimorism’, or Fujirismo, is a peculiar political phenomenon, yet one that is becoming increasingly common in Latin America: a mixture of right-wing populism, social conservatism, a disregard for human rights, and an unshakeable faith in the free market.
She supported the [amnesty law](https://news.un.org/es/story/2024/08/1531901?ref=opendemocracy.net) of 2024, which declared that war crimes and crimes against humanity committed before July 2002 were time-barred, and [another law that protects](https://larepublica.pe/politica/2026/06/24/congreso-fuerza-popular-app-y-aliados-votaron-a-favor-de-ley-procrimen-para-policias-y-militares-hnews-1657752?ref=opendemocracy.net) members of the military and police from being tried in civil courts.
Last year, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights [urged](https://cejil.org/comunicado-de-prensa/corte-interamericana-de-derechos-humanos-ordena-a-peru-no-aplicar-la-ley-de-amnistia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) Peru to repeal the amnesty law, as it contravenes international law. Since then, tensions with the Inter-American Court have been mounting, and Peru has threatened to withdraw from the Inter-American Human Rights System. Fujimori [expressed support](https://lpderecho.pe/keiko-fujimori-plantea-salir-jurisdiccion-corte-interamericana-de-derechos-humanos/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for such a withdrawal, promising a supposed return, but without accepting the full jurisdiction of either the human rights conventions or the Court.
One of the crimes that would fall under the amnesty is Alberto Fujimori’s [National Programme for Reproductive Health and Family Planning](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/), which sterilised more than 272,000 women and 22,000 men between 1996 and 2000, according to official records. That policy constituted “a form of gender-based violence and intersectional discrimination, particularly against indigenous, rural and economically vulnerable women”, as[ determined](https://www.ohchr.org/es/press-releases/2024/10/peru-fujimori-governments-forced-sterilisation-policy-violated-womens-rights?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 2024 by the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.
For activist Victoria Vigo, [a victim](https://www.canalcidh.org/esterilizaciones-peru?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the [forced sterilisations](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/peru-defends-forced-sterilisations-court-fujimori-women-1990s-celia-ramos-durand/) of the 1990s, a Fujimori in government represents the return of a “racist and deeply oppressive” model of the state.
“Peru has become divided, and a country divided in this way is not going to have a particularly good or peaceful government,” Vigo told openDemocracy. Fujimori “will find it difficult to govern; she will start to conjure up ghosts where there are none and resort to oppression”.
### **Democratic dilution**
According to Peruvian political scientist Alberto Vergara Panigua, despite their differences, Fujimori and Sánchez are two sides of the same coin. “They represent a well-known contemporary political model… the quest to erode the rule of law, particularism and, obviously, a very low level of commitment to democracy,” Vergara said.
In 2021, when she lost her third election attempt, Fujimori claimed she had been the victim of electoral fraud, although she did not provide any evidence. This year, ahead of the run-off, [she cast doubt on whether she would recognise the results](https://ladiaria.com.uy/mundo/articulo/2026/6/keiko-fujimori-dejo-abierta-la-posibilidad-de-no-reconocer-los-resultados-de-las-elecciones-del-domingo/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – distancing herself from the fraud narrative only when she took the lead in the recount.
Similarly, Sánchez [claimed that the elections were not fair](https://www.infobae.com/peru/2026/06/30/roberto-sanchez-insiste-con-el-fraude-y-anuncia-que-presentara-recurso-ante-la-cidh-tenemos-el-derecho/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and refused to recognise Fujimori’s victory.
“It is essential to recognise that both candidates are products of the current political system. They are children of the status quo and, in many ways – with their own nuances – are bound to reproduce the status quo,” said Vergara, a lecturer, writer and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico in Lima.
Vergara would not be surprised if Fujimori were to govern with the total or partial suspension of constitutional guarantees.
“I wouldn’t even use the phrase ‘she might go down that path’. She’s already there, because she [has supported](https://www.celag.org/dina-boluarte-y-keiko-fujimori-un-matrimonio-de-conveniencia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) all the human rights violations of the last three or four years in Peru, such as the killings \[of 50 protesters under the presidency of\] Dina Boluarte, and her parliamentary group has passed the amnesty law, following the worst authoritarian tradition in Latin America, and another law that has the effect of relaxing civilian control over abuses by the security forces.
She used to do this from within the legislature, and now she will do so from within the executive.”
During the campaign, Keiko Fujimori presented herself as the only one capable of saving Peru from the abyss of ‘left-wing radicalism’, an argument that resonated in Lima, a capital fearful of economic instability. Her platform promised to restore ‘order’ under a ‘heavy-handed’ doctrine inspired by the punitive models currently gaining ground in the region.
But this renewed Fujimorism is grappling with an identity crisis. On the one hand, it takes credit for the country’s macroeconomic stability – the so-called Peruvian ‘miracle’ based on a resource-dependent economy centred on mining and agro-exports, with very low levels of inflation, fiscal deficit and public debt. On the other hand, it refuses to take responsibility for the systematic human rights violations and corruption that characterised Alberto Fujimori’s regime and led to its collapse in 2000.
It is this duality that is setting off alarm bells. This is not about the risk of a military coup, such as those that were rife in the region in the last century, but rather an internal erosion of institutions through the legal use of the state apparatus.
Vergara and the political scientist Rodrigo Barrenechea [observed](https://www.nuso.org/articulo/Peru-democracia-vaciamiento/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in an article published in 2023 that Peru’s politics are relevant for understanding events in other countries. While the academic world assumes that democracies die due to the concentration of power, Vergara and his colleagues say the case of Peru reveals “that democracies can deteriorate for the opposite reason: the dilution of power”.
Peru not only had eight presidents in a decade, but also held elections featuring 35 presidential candidates, [approval ratings](https://data.larepublica.pe/encuesta-iep-peru-aprobacion-desaprobacion-presidencia-congreso-de-la-republica-ejecutivo-legislativo/febrero-2023-I/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for Congress and the presidency among the lowest in the region amidst widespread public apathy towards politics. In the final stretch of the last election campaign, eight out of ten people said they did not know how to vote, according to a [poll](https://elcomercio.pe/politica/encuesta-datum-internacional-un-80-de-peruanos-afirma-que-no-sabe-como-se-debe-votar-en-las-proximas-elecciones-elecciones-2026-12-de-abril-tlcnota-noticia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Datum Internacional for the newspaper El Comercio.
Vergara pointed out that “we must not forget that in Peru, the main objective of politicians is to survive; they all know that politics is highly unstable, subject to sudden changes of direction triggered by minor scandals and shifts in public opinion.” In this context, “if it suits them to align themselves with Trump and sacrifice whatever it takes, they will do so; with Trump, as with anyone else.”
Keiko Fujimori, for her part, has [aligned herself](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jmYQwptRonw&ref=opendemocracy.net) with Trump’s immigration policy and supported the attack on Venezuela and the kidnapping of former President Nicolás Maduro. Secretary of State Marco Rubio [congratulated her](https://www.france24.com/es/minuto-a-minuto/20260701-rubio-felicita-a-keiko-fujimori-y-ofrece-reforzar-la-cooperaci%C3%B3n-eeuu-per%C3%BA-en-seguridad?ref=opendemocracy.net) on her victory.
### **The victims of Fujimorismo**
Vigo, the human rights activist, was forcibly sterilised in 1996, whilst she was pregnant with her third child and had an emergency caesarean section.
“Right in the middle of Fujimori’s government, when I had the misfortune of falling victim to this family planning policy,” she said, “They delivered a premature baby, who died, and then they sterilised me, but they didn’t inform me or ask my consent, and they didn’t record it in my medical records. I only found out because I overheard the doctors.”
Vigo said the doctor never told her what he was going to do, but claimed he was “following orders from above.”
For Vigo, it was “a racist and colonialist policy, because this so-called family planning was only applied to one sector – the poorest areas and Quechua-speaking people” that was supported, in part by funds from USAID.
Through a university project investigating forced sterilisations, Vigo realised that her case was one among thousands. After years of legal proceedings, she managed to win her case and [secure financial compensation](https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-39413935?ref=opendemocracy.net). That is how her life as an activist began.
As an activist, Vigo said, she has suffered threats and attacks including being labelled a terrorist. Originally from the northern town of Piura, Vigo now lives in Canada. “I received threats online, but later they turned into physical threats,” she said.
Fujimori as President, and an amnesty law falling into place, could herald a new era of impunity and revisionism. Trials for holding those accountable for the crimes committed during her father’s regime will likely stall, even as the new government will amplify narratives that downplay state violence and undermine the historical memory of those years in public education and civil society.
Vigo also fears for her children and for her fellow members of the Association of Women Survivors of Sterilisations in Peru, which she helped to found.
“They tell me: ‘We’re scared, Victoria, because now there might be problems with our families.’ I have to be careful now because they’re at risk. I understand them because my family has been under a lot of pressure in Peru up to now. My daughter tells me: ‘Mum, what’s happening is absolutely terrible’,” she said.
Vigo hopes to continue speaking out against the setbacks in human rights in her country from Canada. “Something I told the Canadian government was that the fact I am seeking asylum here, because I do not feel safe in my country, is because I want to keep helping; I will carry on from here and they will not silence me.”
*Dacil Lanza is a journalist specialising in international politics, currently working for France 24 in Spanish. She contributes and has contributed to media outlets such as the Italian daily Il Manifesto, the magazine Nueva Sociedad and Cenital, amongst others. In Argentina, she worked for the Télam news agency and El Destape. She has reported from Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Spain, as well as from countries in the Middle East, including Israel, Palestine and Egypt.*
### Inside Reform and George Cottrell’s world in Montenegro
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-reform-and-george-cottrells-world-in-montenegro/
Last updated: 2026-07-13T11:21:05.000Z
The rusting iron gates and dirty tiled staircase of a nondescript storefront on a quiet, dusty, residential street downtown Tivat, Montenegro, where women hang their laundry out the windows as men drink cold lager and smoke strong cigarettes, offer no clues that its tenants are some of Reform UK’s biggest personalities and backers.
Billionaire crypto investor Christopher Harborne, who has donated[ £15m to Reform](https://search.electoralcommission.org.uk/?currentPage=1&rows=10&query=Christopher%20Harborne&sort=AcceptedDate&order=desc&tab=1&et=pp&et=ppm&et=tp&et=perpar&et=rd&isIrishSourceYes=true&isIrishSourceNo=true&prePoll=false&postPoll=true®ister=gb®ister=ni®ister=none&optCols=RegisterName&optCols=CampaigningName&optCols=AccountingUnitsAsCentralParty&optCols=IsSponsorship&optCols=IsIrishSource&optCols=RegulatedDoneeType&optCols=CompanyRegistrationNumber&optCols=Postcode&optCols=NatureOfDonation&optCols=PurposeOfVisit&optCols=DonationAction&optCols=ReportedDate&optCols=IsReportedPrePoll&optCols=ReportingPeriodName&optCols=IsBequest&optCols=IsAggregation&ref=opendemocracy.net) and a £5m “private” gift to party leader Nigel Farage, has his [Longevity Biotech Systems](https://www.companywall.me/firma/longevity-biotech-systems-doo/MM1Wp7JD?ref=opendemocracy.net) firm registered at this address. So do firms belonging to former Brexit Party comms lead [Gawain Towler](https://www.companywall.me/firma/gawain-howard-wilkinson-towler/MM1VhRzY?ref=opendemocracy.net), former Brexit Party treasurer [Mehrtash A’zami](https://www.companywall.me/firma/maxim-enterprise-doo/MM1Uxu7C?ref=opendemocracy.net) and Brexit’s digital whizz [Samee Bhatti](https://www.companywall.me/firma/zebra-solutions-doo/MM1B9AbY?ref=opendemocracy.net).
The office address that houses their businesses, is [registered to Nino Pantovic](https://www.companywall.me/firma/mne-law-doo/MMxqHBC0?ref=opendemocracy.net), the son of a one-time defence [lawyer for Posh George, or George Cottrell, ](https://en.vijesti.me/news-b/black-chronicle/660369/pantovic-UP-officials-illegally-tried-to-conduct-a-search%2C-possession-of-crypto-machines-is-not-illegal?ref=opendemocracy.net)a convicted criminal and close associate of Farage’s, who moved to the Balkan country after serving an eight-month prison sentence in the US for wire fraud.
But why are some of Britain’s most controversial Reform-linked figures all operating out of a grubby office in a town of 11,000 people, one awash with [Russian](https://www.occrp.org/en/project/the-troika-laundromat/how-russian-blood-money-flowed-into-montenegro?ref=opendemocracy.net) – and increasingly US and UK – money? When I knock, the confused-looking woman who answers the door offers few answers.
“We are just an accounting firm,” she says. “They do not live here, they are abroad.”
The office block where multiple Reform personalities have registered businesses
On Tuesday, increasing scrutiny of Farage’s finances, including revelations published in the [Sunday Times](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/revealed-nigel-farage-secretly-funded-by-convicted-criminal-j0brtrlnk?ref=opendemocracy.net) that he received undeclared material benefits from Cottrell, prompted the Reform UK leader to angrily resign from his post as MP for Clacton.
“Let me be absolutely clear – I have done nothing wrong,” said Farage, as he announced he would run again for the seat he was vacating. “I have not broken the law in any way at all.”
Yet, months spent combing through company listings, speaking to sources in Montenegro’s gambling industry, crypto industry, business and politics, and a recent visit to Tivat, reveal how, far from the scrutiny of the British public and authorities, some of Reform’s most enthusiastic backers, particularly Cottrell, are spinning themselves a safe haven of shell companies, business interests, crypto, casinos, and property.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Cómo el movimiento LGBTQI+ de Botsuana logró derogar leyes coloniales
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/como-el-movimiento-lgbtqi-de-botsuana-logro-derogar-leyes-coloniales/
Last updated: 2026-07-15T13:25:47.000Z
En marzo de este año, Botsuana eliminó de su Código Penal normas de la época colonial que criminalizaban las relaciones entre personas del mismo sexo. Esto fue una victoria histórica para las personas LGBTQI+ y los movimientos que lucharon más de una década para quitar esa rémora de la legislación de este país de África austral.
El cambio no ocurrió por un único caso judicial ni por un acto de repentina buena voluntad política. En 2019, el Tribunal Superior de Botsuana dictaminó que esas normas eran inconstitucionales. En 2021, el Tribunal de Apelación confirmó esa sentencia. Pero la ley, que preveía penas de hasta siete años de prisión, siguió vigente, y las personas LGBTQI+ siguieron sometidas a disposiciones que los tribunales ya habían declarado injustas.
Activistas, abogados y organizaciones de la sociedad civil siguieron presionando hasta que la legislación se ajustó por fin a los compromisos constitucionales de Botsuana con la dignidad, la igualdad, la libertad y la intimidad. Para los defensores de esta causa, la victoria demuestra que solo una acción social sostenida crea una protección real.
La derogación no supone el fin de la lucha. La igualdad matrimonial, el reconocimiento familiar, las protecciones contra la discriminación y la aceptación social siguen siendo objeto de controversia. Pero en una región en la que muchos gobiernos están intensificando los ataques contra el derecho de las personas LGBTQI+ a vivir en igualdad, el camino recorrido por Botsuana ofrece un poderoso ejemplo de cómo el litigio estratégico, la defensa cívica y la movilización de los jóvenes pueden generar un cambio significativo.
En esta entrevista, Faith Gunda, estudiante de derecho residente en Botsuana, defensora de derechos humanos, integrante del CIVICUS Protest Lab y cofundadora de Sisterhood Chain International, explica qué significa la derogación, por qué tardó tanto y qué vendrá después.
Este artículo forma parte de una nueva serie de openDemocracy que destaca cómo los movimientos populares se organizan, innovan y triunfan. Se publicó originalmente en CIVICUS Lens, la plataforma mediática de la alianza mundial de la sociedad civil CIVICUS, y se reproduce con permiso.
**¿Qué significó esta derogación para las personas LGBTQI+?**
La derogación formal es simbólica, pero los símbolos importan porque indican a las personas si tienen un lugar en la sociedad. Durante años, las normas penales enviaban un mensaje a las personas LGBTQI+ de Botsuana: “Ustedes son delincuentes”. Incluso después de que los tribunales declararan inconstitucionales estas disposiciones en 2019, siguieron vigentes, un recordatorio constante de que el Estado consideraba sus identidades como una amenaza. Su eliminación armoniza la ley escrita con los valores constitucionales de dignidad, igualdad, libertad y privacidad. Pero, lo que es más importante, afirma que las personas LGBTQI+ no son delincuentes.
Esto lo cambia todo para los jóvenes. Cuando la ley deja de criminalizar tu identidad, tiene repercusiones positivas en la salud mental, el sentido de pertenencia y la participación ciudadana. Permite a las personas LGBTQI+ denunciar la violencia, acceder a la asistencia sanitaria y vivir abiertamente sin miedo. La gente puede respirar un poco más tranquila. Puede imaginar un futuro.
Este logro no vino de arriba. Es fruto de años de defensa incansable de activistas, de organizaciones como [Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals of Botswana](https://legabibo.org.bw/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y de personas corrientes dispuestas a arriesgarlo todo para desafiar un estigma arraigado. La derogación no es el final de una lucha. Es la base para la siguiente fase. El trabajo continúa.
**¿Por qué se demoró tanto en eliminar unas normas coloniales que los tribunales habían declarado inconstitucionales?**
Las victorias legales y el cambio político no avanzan al mismo ritmo. Los tribunales dejaron claro en 2019 que la ley era inconstitucional. Pero las sentencias judiciales no se aplican por sí solas. Las leyes de la época colonial siguen arraigadas en los códigos penales porque eliminarlas requiere voluntad política, y los políticos temen las reacciones negativas. Durante seis años, las personas LGBTQI+ vivieron con una ley que los tribunales ya habían calificado de injusta.
Lo que finalmente propició el cambio fue la presión constante. Las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, los defensores de los derechos humanos y los abogados se negaron a dejar pasar esto. El Tribunal de Apelación confirmó la sentencia en 2021, y los activistas siguieron alzando la voz, organizándose y exigiendo su aplicación. En marzo, la ley finalmente se modificó.
Así pues, esta es la lección: las sentencias judiciales importan, pero es la acción ciudadana constante la que las convierte en una protección real.
**¿Qué obstáculos persisten y qué viene ahora?**
La despenalización no es lo mismo que la igualdad, pero es la base de esta. La igualdad real implica derechos matrimoniales, reconocimiento familiar y protecciones contra la discriminación. El caso sobre matrimonio igualitario, que se discutirá en los tribunales este mes, va a poner a prueba hasta dónde llegan las protecciones constitucionales, si van más allá de la privacidad y la intimidad para abarcar la ciudadanía plena, y si las parejas del mismo sexo pueden acceder a la dignidad y al reconocimiento legal que proporciona el matrimonio.
Pero las barreras legales son una parte de la historia. También persisten las barreras sociales, incluido el estigma en las familias, los sistemas sanitarios, las escuelas y los lugares de trabajo. La reforma legal crea protección, pero no puede cambiar de forma instantánea actitudes arraigadas.
Los jóvenes de Botsuana creen cada vez más que todo el mundo debe poder vivir con autenticidad y sin miedo. Se están organizando, hablando abiertamente y rechazando el silencio que soportaron las generaciones anteriores. Este cambio generacional se está convirtiendo en el motor más poderoso del cambio.
El camino no es lineal, pero la dirección es innegable. Una reforma significativa requiere un compromiso cívico constante. Esto es que los activistas documenten y defiendan el espacio cívico, que las organizaciones de base potencien el liderazgo juvenil y que la gente se niegue a aceptar nada que no sea la plena humanidad.
**¿Botsuana es un ejemplo para África?**
No se debe idealizar el progreso de Botsuana. El país sigue enfrentándose al conservadurismo social y a la discriminación, y sus logros pueden ser vulnerables a menos que se defiendan continuamente. Pero ofrece un modelo a seguir.
Botsuana se destaca en el continente porque ha triunfado gracias a la defensa cívica, el constitucionalismo y la independencia judicial. Esto cobra aún más importancia cuando varios gobiernos africanos están aprobando leyes anti-LGBTQI+ más severas y tachando los derechos de la comunidad como "no africanos", a pesar de que las leyes que prohíben las relaciones entre personas del mismo sexo fueron importadas en la época colonial.
La trayectoria de Botsuana cuestiona esa narrativa. Demuestra que las democracias constitucionales africanas pueden interpretar la dignidad, la igualdad y la libertad de forma inclusiva, sin abandonar las tradiciones jurídicas locales. Para los defensores de los derechos humanos de toda la región, Botsuana es la prueba de que la participación ciudadana, la defensa sostenida y los litigios estratégicos pueden generar un cambio significativo incluso en entornos políticos difíciles.
*CIVICUS entrevista a una amplia gama de activistas, expertos y líderes de la sociedad civil para recabar diversas perspectivas sobre la acción de la sociedad civil y los temas de actualidad, con el fin de publicarlas en su plataforma CIVICUS Lens. Las opiniones expresadas son las de los entrevistados y no reflejan necesariamente las de CIVICUS. Su publicación no implica el respaldo a los entrevistados ni a las organizaciones a las que representan.*
### How students got universities to divest from the border industry
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-students-got-universities-to-divest-from-the-border-industry/
Last updated: 2026-07-08T15:57:50.000Z
Universities invest millions in companies that profit from borders – from detention and deportation to surveillance and military technology. For People & Planet, the question was how to turn that sprawling system into a campaign students could realistically win. Its first attempt focused on universities’ role in enforcing the hostile environment. But with practices varying widely between institutions, organisers struggled to build a single national demand. Drawing on the student network’s experience of fossil fuel divestment, they changed course and launched Divest Borders.
André Dallas, People & Planet’s co-director for migrant justice and one of the campaign’s key organisers, spoke to openDemocracy about how they identified universities’ financial links to the border industry – and turned a broad commitment to migrant justice into specific, winnable demands.
How students got universities to divest from border industry
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## Why did you decide to target university investments?
All of our campaigns at People & Planet are decided democratically by our student network. In 2019, the network voted to work on migrant justice, but with quite a vague mandate to figure out what we could actually do.
The first campaign focused on how the hostile environment manifested on campus. Students were receiving emails threatening to report them to the Home Office if they missed a lecture. There was differential surveillance of international students and universities cooperating with immigration enforcement.
We wanted to resist that complicity, but practices varied so much from campus to campus. Having a unified UK-wide movement was difficult because you needed bespoke research into every institution, different decision-makers and different departments.
Even though our research showed that universities were massively over-complying with the Home Office, students found it difficult to get their teeth into because the demand was so unfocused.
We went back to the drawing board and asked: how can we strategically approach universities’ complicity in border injustice? That took us back to our core strength, which was divestment work.
We had helped lead the fossil fuel divestment movement across the UK, with more than 75% of universities committing to divest. We realised that model could be applied to the border industry. It would give students a targeted way to act, expose their university’s complicity and make a material change.
The campaign came out of the failure of another approach and a recognition that we needed to be more focused, strategic and replicable.”
## How did you identify which companies counted as part of the border industry?
That was a huge piece of work. We decided to target universities’ links to the border industry and then had to reverse-engineer it, because the border industry did not really exist in people’s minds as a defined industry.
With fossil fuels, there were established lists and categories. We had to ask: what is the border industry? What are the boundaries for counting a company as involved? We built on research already done in the US and worked with a consultant to develop a methodology we could maintain ourselves.
We also spoke to frontline groups and people who had experienced detention or dangerous border crossings. We asked which companies they had encountered and which would have to be included to capture the full picture.
We built an initial list of 70 companies across five areas: physical borders, deportation, detention, data infrastructure and surveillance.
But most universities were not invested only in the biggest and most visible border companies. Their exposure was often through companies such as Amazon, Microsoft or RELX. That meant making an additional argument about why these were divestment targets. We shifted our framing towards revoking the social licence of the border industry as a whole.
The material divestment from one company might not always be enormous. But a university publicly recognising that profiting from border violence is unacceptable can create a much wider ripple effect.”
## How did the first university commitment happen?
Our first win was quite unexpected. People & Planet runs a university league that ranks UK universities according to environmental and ethical criteria. Universities take it seriously. When we started Divest Borders, we added a question asking whether universities had excluded the border industry from their investments.
About a year later, while researching policies for the league, we discovered that Cardiff Metropolitan University had quietly introduced a clause excluding the border industry.
There had been some engagement from students and students’ union officers, but it was not a campaign involving huge public pressure. Cardiff Metropolitan had very little exposure to the companies on our list, so it was almost a no-cost decision.
We achieved that first win more through the carrot than the stick.
But the precedent was incredibly valuable. Students elsewhere had been told that divestment was impractical or that nobody else would do it. They could now go into meetings and say: ‘Actually, one of your peers has already done it.’
The first commitment made every subsequent demand seem more realistic.
## What did organisers do differently at Edge Hill?
At some smaller universities, students face barriers that are less common at institutions with established organising cultures. They may have jobs alongside their studies, commute to campus or have less time and money to take part. Our traditional model was to give students a campaign, help them form a group and support them to run it autonomously. At Edge Hill, we recognised the need for a slower movement-building approach.
We advertised an eight-week training programme through the students’ union and volunteering channels. It combined political education on climate collapse, migrant injustice and university complicity with practical training in how to run a campaign.
Students learned how to build a petition, persuade their peers, run meetings and identify who held decision-making power. Edge Hill had never had a People & Planet group.
We started with a handful of students meeting on Zoom. They moved to regular meetings in the students’ union, handed out flyers, gathered petition signatures and passed students’ union motions.
Within a year, Edge Hill had committed to divest from both the fossil fuel and border industries. It was an incredible win. The students went from doing something they had never done before, on a campus where it had barely been done before, to achieving a real material change in policy.
They now see themselves as migrant justice and climate justice campaigners. That is part of our work too: giving people a winning moment that can sustain them through years of organising.
## Where did the campaign struggle or fall apart?
Flux and turnover are the norm in university organising. Campaigns sometimes die because people graduate or exams arrive when the main organisers have to focus elsewhere.
We try to mitigate that with handovers and by involving students from different years, postgraduate students, staff and alumni. But if a campaign hits a roadblock, the organisers may have left before you get through it.
At Falmouth, we had a very strong campaign. The Bibby Stockholm barge had raised the profile of the border industry and the conditions people were being detained in.
Students at Falmouth and Exeter worked with local groups, held demonstrations and got students’ union officers involved. At one university meeting, students protested outside with flares, a megaphone and chants, while supportive officers made the case inside.
It was strategically organised, but the university was focused on profit and unwilling to move. Many students then graduated, and we were unable to rebuild the same momentum.
That campaign appears to have fizzled out without the university changing its policy.
But we keep detailed records of meetings, decision-makers and previous activity. If new students restart it, they will not have to begin from scratch.
Running the campaign across multiple campuses also means we can move resources towards where the energy is. If one stalls and another is close to winning, the network can help concentrate pressure there.
## How do you stop a university from making a symbolic commitment and carrying on as before?
Universities can adopt the language of a campaign without absorbing its deeper demands.
That is why we campaign not only for changes to investment policies but for student representation on the boards and bodies making those decisions. Students need to be in the room asking questions and holding the university accountable.
Our university league also asks whether institutions are implementing their policies. Universities used to say they were ‘in the process’ of fossil fuel divestment, and nine years later they could still be in the process.
We also use each win as a gateway to the next demand.
If a university calls itself a sanctuary university, that gives students a foot in the door to ask why it supports the border industry. Once it commits to divestment, students can ask why it still has academic partnerships with those companies, or why a company that runs detention centres is operating its cafeteria.
We do not see divestment as the endpoint. It is a way to keep pushing universities further.
We stand on the shoulders of wonderful organisers who came before us. We are not reinventing the wheel. We are carrying their work forward – and we are excited about what comes next.
### Scotland has already tried ‘Manchesterism’. It won’t solve Britain’s economic crisis alone
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/scotland-has-already-tried-manchesterism-it-wont-solve-britains-economic-crisis-alone/
Last updated: 2026-07-08T15:53:39.000Z
After weeks of speculation, Andy Burnham’s vision for Britain is finally beginning to take shape. Last week, the would-be prime minister set out a [ten-year mission](https://www.ft.com/content/bff84ab6-7458-49ba-a21a-25883027a86e?syn-25a6b1a6=1&ref=opendemocracy.net) to raise living standards, centred on devolving power away from London and making essential services more affordable.
In seeking to remake the British state, Burnham is also trying to put clear water between himself and the deeply unpopular prime minister he is set to replace. The self-styled “King of the North” has even given his emerging economic programme a name: ‘[Manchesterism’](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/jan/22/manchester-politics-economy-country-city-uk?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Burnham presents Manchesterism as an antidote to the failures of the past four decades. It is intended to reverse what he calls the “four horsemen” of Britain’s apocalypse: deindustrialisation, privatisation, austerity and Brexit. In their place would come a “rewired Britain”, delivering prosperity in every postcode.
It sounds bold. It sounds fresh. But it is not particularly new, at least for those of us living north of Hadrian's Wall. Because the closest thing Britain already has to Manchesterism is not to be found in Manchester at all. It is Scotland.
For Scots, much of Burnham’s agenda will sound strikingly familiar. Most obviously, Scotland already enjoys extensive devolution. The creation of the Scottish Parliament has brought genuine democratic and economic benefits. Since it was established, Scotland has [grown faster per capita](https://x.com/L%5F%5FMacfarlane/status/2072298482317091264?s=20&ref=opendemocracy.net) than the UK as a whole, while public trust in Holyrood consistently exceeds trust in Westminster. There is every reason to believe that a meaningful redistribution of power within England could deliver similar gains.
Yet it is in the economic sphere that Manchesterism takes on a distinctly tartan flavour. While many of the details remain sketchy, its direction of travel is clear: greater “public control” over essential sectors such as water, housing, energy and transport. In other words, a more interventionist state seeking to reduce the cost of living – whether through public ownership of key infrastructure, stronger price controls, a renewed programme of council housebuilding, or some combination of the three.
North of the border, much of this feels familiar. Scotland’s water industry was never privatised and remains in the hands of state-owned Scottish Water. Scotland’s national rail service, ScotRail, returned to public ownership in 2022\. Edinburgh has run a highly successful integrated municipal bus network for decades, while the Scottish Government has piloted a £2 bus fare cap and pledged to extend it nationwide. On housing, Scotland retains a far larger stock of council homes than England, helped by the abolition of Right to Buy in 2014\. And after introducing temporary rent caps during the pandemic, Holyrood last year legislated for permanent rent controls.
The point is not to portray Scotland as an economic utopia. Far from it. For Burnham, that is precisely the problem. Despite embracing many of the policies now being championed under the banner of Manchesterism, Scotland continues to suffer from many of the same economic ailments as the rest of the UK: stagnant living standards, weak productivity growth, and chronically low investment. On both sides of the border, real wages are [barely higher today](https://www.futureeconomy.scot/posts/488-election-spotlight-improving-living-standards?ref=opendemocracy.net) than they were before the financial crisis. Britain is approaching a second lost decade.
The truth is that a substantial dose of Manchesterism has not insulated Scotland from Britain’s wider economic malaise. Nor has it produced a fundamentally different or more dynamic economy.
None of this is to argue against the policies themselves. Burnham is right to call time on England’s disastrous experiment with water privatisation. The case for cheaper energy and public transport is overwhelming. Britain desperately needs a new generation of council housebuilding. These are sensible, pragmatic reforms that would materially improve people’s lives. But successful economies require more than strong foundations. Better buses and cheaper utilities may be necessary for economic renewal, but they are not sufficient.
The uncomfortable truth is that Britain has been without a convincing growth model since the financial crash of 2008 exposed the limits of a finance-led economy. If Burnham genuinely wants to raise living standards and “rewire” Britain, he must answer a much harder question: where will future prosperity actually come from?
Vague promises of “reindustrialisation” are not enough. In an era in which China [is decimating](https://www.wsj.com/economy/china-is-devastating-the-last-stronghold-of-german-industry-c7a98514?ref=opendemocracy.net) much of Europe’s industrial base, nostalgia for a lost industrial past offers little guidance for the future. The real challenge is identifying Britain's comparative advantages in a rapidly changing world, and then backing them to succeed. This is a far more difficult task. It requires not simply devolving power or relocating government, but building a state capable of driving investment into the industries of the future. It means breaking free from fiscal rules that [trap Britain](https://www.thetimes.com/business/economics/article/get-rid-of-britains-bias-against-investment-reeves-told-hckqnwwx8?utm%5Fsource=chatgpt.com) in a cycle of managed decline. And perhaps most importantly, it means confronting the vested interests that have blocked meaningful reform for decades.
Make no mistake: Manchesterism can provide Britain with stronger foundations. But Scotland shows it is not a cure for a sclerotic economy. Without a more compelling vision for economic renewal, Burnham will struggle to succeed where his predecessors have failed.
### UK universities are bankrolling the border industry
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-universities-are-bankrolling-the-border-industry/
Last updated: 2026-07-08T15:53:08.000Z
Migrant justice campaigns are gaining traction on university campuses in the UK, with the number of universities committed to divesting from the violent border industry more than doubling in the past year, according to research by People & Planet’s [University League](https://peopleandplanet.org/university-league?ref=opendemocracy.net), which ranks UK higher education institutes on their environmental and ethical performance.
The border industry refers to the private corporations entangled in the efforts to ‘securitise’ borders in the Global North. These companies are at the centre of migrants’ suffering, profiting from – and [lobbying for](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/pandemic-border/rise-border-and-surveillance-industry-and-why-you-should-be-concerned/) – increasingly hostile immigration policies in ‘Fortress Europe’ and the United States. The industry has seen astronomical global growth and is projected to rise from $377bn in 2023 to $679bn by 2032, according to [research by academics](https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/border-channel-crossing-migrant-small-boat-b2740741.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) at several UK universities.
By continuing to channel investments into these border security companies, universities send a clear message: we condone this abhorrent industry and will facilitate its growth. No matter what progressive narratives these universities espouse, as long as these material ties to violence exist, they expose themselves as hypocrites.
So far, 13 universities have committed to divesting from this industry, with [seven pledging to do so last year.](https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/seven-more-universities-divest-border-industry?ref=opendemocracy.net) They are Bath Spa University, Birmingham City University, the University of Bradford, Edge Hill University, SOAS University of London, the University of the Arts London and the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine. The University of Bradford’s commitment is especially significant, potentially amounting to nearly £2.5m in investment reallocation.
These commitments are clear victories. But the vast majority of universities have still not divested and remain complicit in the growing cruelty towards migrants in Europe and beyond. They must do more. The political climate is urgent, and the border industry is growing. Delaying divestment will only deepen the many crises facing British higher education and further damage the already fragile progressive credentials of universities.
## **The border industry**
Universities’ recent commitments to divest have largely been forced by students and staff working under the Divest Borders banner, a nationwide campaign targeting university investments in the border industry coordinated by us at People & Planet, a student campaign network.
Companies involved in the border industry facilitate different forms of violence. At the most visible end of this spectrum are the likes of Mitie and Serco, which make vast profits through government contracts to run [immigration detention and removal centres](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/migrant-rights-lgbt-edi-dei-immigration-detention-centres-training-serco-mitie/), as well as ‘temporary accommodation’ for asylum seekers.
Others prop up border violence more discreetly. Corporate giants such as Amazon and Microsoft provide [cloud services](https://www.forbes.com/sites/the-wiretap/2026/01/27/immigration-record-spend-on-amazon-and-trump/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and other computing technologies for immigration authorities, including the US’s ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement), whose ruthlessly racist and violent actions have been the target of [mass protests](https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/jan/29/ice-out-strike-protests-explained?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Other companies that have been complicit include airline operators [British Airways](https://corporatewatch.org/uk-deportations-2020-how-ba-easyjet-and-other-airlines-collaborate-with-the-border-regime/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Omni Air](https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2025/05/which-air-carriers-are-positioned-to-benefit-from-increased-deportations/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which provide deportation services for governments, Big Tech firms such as [Palantir ](https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/ice-immigrationos-palantir-ai-track-immigrants/?ref=opendemocracy.net)and [Accenture](https://www.informationweek.com/it-leadership/accenture-s-virtual-border-project?ref=opendemocracy.net), which facilitate the surveillance of migrants, and arms companies such as [Airbus ](https://www.corpwatch.org/company/airbus?ref=opendemocracy.net)and [Thales](https://www.tni.org/files/publication-downloads/financingborderwars-report-tni%5F2.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), which provide drones, security and other physical infrastructure for borders.
## The migrant justice movement
In the context of the border industry’s rapid growth, the rise in divestment commitments poses a serious challenge to its largely unhindered social licence to profit from violent practices.
Universities are often reluctant to lead the way in denouncing industries, and the ‘border industry’ remains lesser known than the fossil fuel industry, which has now seen [near-universal divestment](https://www.theguardian.com/education/2024/dec/02/more-than-three-quarters-of-uk-universities-join-fossil-fuel-pledge-say-activists?ref=opendemocracy.net) across UK higher education institutions. But the border divestment victories of recent years should provide the impetus needed to make these commitments common institutional practice and offer an important way to nurture the migrant justice ecosystem on campuses.
This is a critical moment for migrant solidarity across all our institutions. Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, which [leads the polls](https://www.pollcheck.co.uk/polls/reform-uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net), has publicly espoused [ethnic nationalism](https://theconversation.com/matt-goodwin-is-wrong-about-whiteness-and-englishness-but-heres-why-he-has-struck-a-chord-with-some-voters-275193?ref=opendemocracy.net) and pledged to introduce an ICE-style ‘UK Deportation Command’ [taskforce](https://www.reuters.com/world/uk/uks-reform-promises-ice-style-deportation-agency-halt-migrants-2026-02-23/?ref=opendemocracy.net). Meanwhile, the Labour government is overseeing [record-high](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/immigration-enforcement-raids-reach-highest-level-in-history?ref=opendemocracy.net) numbers of immigration raids and continues to [tighten visa requirements](https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/restoring-control-over-the-immigration-system-white-paper?ref=opendemocracy.net). All the while, the border industry grows largely unhindered.
Our communities have recognised the severity of this political climate. Anti-raids networks have grown, and anti-fascist demonstrations have challenged far-right mobilisations outside temporary accommodation housing asylum seekers, even in the sleepiest of [small British towns](https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/faversham-local-battle-international-migration-crisis?ref=opendemocracy.net). Migrant solidarity groups such as [Migrants Organise](https://www.migrantsorganise.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Refugee Action](https://www.refugee-action.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) have also offered a frontline counter-narrative to growing racism in the UK. Across the Atlantic, in Minneapolis, strikes and demonstrations have challenged ICE’s murderous violence.
Universities’ complicity runs deeper than investments. They have also enforced increasingly [strict](https://www.financialexpress.com/business/investing-abroad-uk-student-visa-crackdown-at-least-9-universities-shut-out-applicants-from-2-high-risk-asian-nations-4066380/?ref=opendemocracy.net) hostile environment policies on their campuses, including the use of court orders to [ban demonstrations](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c5y8lg3dj3mo?ref=opendemocracy.net) and the [arrests](https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/16-students-arrested-during-pro-palestine-sit-in-at-university-of-oxford/3228677?ref=opendemocracy.net) of student protesters, some of whom have allegedly had their [data](https://www.theguardian.com/education/2025/oct/08/uk-universities-offered-to-monitor-student-social-media-for-arms-firms-emails-show?ref=opendemocracy.net) shared with private firms and their student visas [stripped](https://novaramedia.com/2025/10/22/kings-college-london-withdraws-pro-palestine-students-visa-risking-his-torture-after-pressure-from-israel-lobby-group/?ref=opendemocracy.net). All of this has created [fear and resentment](https://news.sky.com/story/new-evidence-shows-how-student-protests-about-gaza-were-handled-by-police-and-universities-13308451?ref=opendemocracy.net) among both domestic and international students, the latter of whom many universities heavily rely on for [income](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c62zvdz6mn4o?ref=opendemocracy.net).
This is a fundamental contradiction. By strengthening the border industry, universities are charging headlong into an existential threat. Will they continue to bankroll the very companies that profit not only from migrant abuse, but from the same hostile environment that threatens their ability to survive?
## Follow the money
Within the migrant justice movement, Divest Borders has helped popularise a focus on corporate complicity in migrant abuse. This has shaped interventions in wider migrant justice campaigns.
Oxford Student Action for Refugees, for example, has been part of the coalition campaigning to shut the city’s Campsfield immigration detention centre, which was reopened in December. A recent [investigation by the group and Cherwell](https://cherwell.org/2026/06/15/nine-colleges-indirectly-invest-in-local-campsfield-immigration-centre/?ref=opendemocracy.net), Oxford’s student paper, revealed the university’s links with Mitie, the contractor that won a [£170m government contract](https://www.forbes.com/sites/freylindsay/2025/07/03/192m-contract-to-reopen-notorious-uk-immigration-detention-center/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to run the Campsfield centre. These links include the university’s [partnership](https://www.ouem.co.uk/news/launch-of-a-fossil-fuel-screened-equity-index-fund/?ref=opendemocracy.net) with asset manager BlackRock – whose shares in Mitie give it [3.2% of voting rights](https://www.mitie.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/213800MTCLTKEHWZMJ03-2025-03-31-viewer.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) at the firm – and Oxford colleges’ use of investment managers, such as Vanguard, BlackRock, Henderson and Rathbones, which invest in Mitie.
This ‘follow the money’ strategy has allowed student movements to expose the links between borders, imperialism and capitalism, which together underlie many of the world’s injustices. Borders were constructed as instruments of racial segregation and are intensified to create a global hierarchy of race and protect the wealth of the Global North at the expense of empire’s former colonies.
Often, the companies that profit from bordering also profit from the occupation and genocide in Palestine, a monstrosity resulting directly from imperial domination.
Students who point out that these intersecting forms of violence place universities firmly within the nexus of global injustice have often been patronised, penalised or ignored, while those at the top of university governance have buried their heads in the sand. But universities must earn their self-conception as bastions of social responsibility. They should take the current political moment as an opportunity for reflection.
Instead, the suggestion that their ‘progressive’ credentials may be hypocritical sends universities into incoherent meltdowns and defensive posturing, often citing the need to cover funding deficits. British higher education does indeed face a financial crisis, [overseeing cuts](https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/impactofsocialsciences/2026/01/19/why-are-uk-universities-failing/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to arts and humanities departments, [wage freezes](https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/five-uk-universities-tell-staff-they-cant-afford-pay-rises?ref=opendemocracy.net), [redundancies](https://www.theguardian.com/education/2025/feb/01/quarter-of-leading-uk-universities-cutting-staff-due-to-budget-shortfalls?ref=opendemocracy.net) and the proliferation of [insecure contracts](https://www.theguardian.com/education/2020/apr/28/covid-19-shows-up-uk-universities-shameful-employment-practices?ref=opendemocracy.net), all while executive salaries [soar](https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/russell-group-v-c-salaries-rise-7000-job-losses-confirmed?ref=opendemocracy.net). So to these universities, we ask: how well has the marketisation of higher education served you so far?
This crisis cannot be addressed through tweaks to the system, whether marginally higher returns on investments or small cuts to expenditure. It is time for universities to address the root causes of the crisis and ditch their ideological commitment to neoliberalism. They should take the divestment movement as an opportunity to begin that shift, cutting ties with companies that are both the principal proponents and beneficiaries of global marketisation.
### Abusers have embraced new technology. UK policy hasn’t
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/abusers-have-embraced-new-technology-uk-policy-hasnt/
Last updated: 2026-07-10T13:53:14.000Z
Tech-facilitated abuse is a national emergency in the UK. Almost every case of domestic abuse involves the weaponisation of technology. Perpetrators misuse everything from AirTags to online banking apps to further exert coercive control.
That’s why it was disappointing that Keir Starmer’s government fell short of proposing a coordinated national plan to tackle this kind of abuse in its landmark Violence Against Women and Girls Strategy, which was published last year to pave the way to achieving Labour’s manifesto pledge of halving VAWG by 2034.
The strategy’s promotion of holistic change – set out via policy and funding commitments from across government departments – is a welcome step forward. It proposes a ban on nudification apps, which are used to create intimate images of women and girls without consent, a commitment to explore ways to ensure the timely removal of non-consensual intimate images from online spaces, and places a much-needed emphasis on educating young people about relationships and tackling early signs of misogyny in schools, backed by a dedicated £20m innovation fund.
But now, with Andy Burnham expected to take over as prime minister in the coming weeks, it is clear his government must go further to protect women and girls.
We at Refuge, the UK’s largest domestic abuse charity, are on the frontline of this emergency. Specialist services such as ours play a vital role in providing survivors with the lifesaving support they need to secure their technology and rebuild their lives free from fear. But prolonged underfunding has left us stretched to our limits – even as cases of abuse continue to grow and become more complex.
Last year alone, our dedicated tech-facilitated abuse and economic empowerment team saw a 62% increase in referrals. In January, [we warned](https://www.theguardian.com/society/2026/jan/30/abusers-using-ai-and-digital-tech-to-attack-and-control-women-charity-warns?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the growing weaponisation of AI and wearable technology by perpetrators, including covert filming on smart glasses and tracking victims through cloud accounts linked to smart watches, as the frontier of this crisis continues to evolve. Around the same time, the intersection of AI and VAWG made headlines when X’s chatbot Grok was used to generate intimate image deepfakes of hundreds of women without their consent.
[Labour Reset 2026 - openDemocracyIn this ongoing series, experts weigh-in on how the government must reset after disastrous local election resultsopenDemocracyEmma Pickering](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tag/labour-reset-2026/)
Intimate image abuse is an increasingly prevalent form of harm that often takes place not in isolation, but in the context of domestic abuse.
Last year, Refuge raised the alarm about the use of ‘spycam’ devices – sophisticated cameras designed to look like ordinary household features, such as screws or part of a painting – to covertly film survivors. This sinister form of abuse is deeply violating and has real-world consequences for the safety of women and girls, with survivors often telling us that it directly feeds into other abusive behaviours, such as blackmail or controlling who they can see, as well as causing severe emotional harm and long-term trauma.
We’re also seeing an array of emerging forms of misogynistic image abuse online, including so-called [‘semen’ images](https://www.glamourmagazine.co.uk/article/semen-images-illegal-investigation?ref=opendemocracy.net), which were criminalised in February after awareness-raising by media and survivors.
The fast-paced evolution of abuse in the digital age highlights the urgent need for a dynamic and proactive policy response to prevent emerging harms. But this alone is not enough; we also need government intervention to ensure that practice keeps pace with policy.
In 2021, after Refuge’s successful ‘Naked Threat’ campaign, the Domestic Abuse Act made it illegal to threaten to share intimate images. Five years on, reports of intimate image abuse and the ‘threat to share’ have risen, but the number of people charged over such offences remains woefully low, according to data we obtained from 27 of the 43 police forces in England and Wales. (Sixteen forces did not respond to our Freedom of Information requests.)
These findings are consistent with what many women have told us about problematic responses from the police when they make reports, including victim-blaming and dismissive language. In some cases, officers have told survivors that they ‘should not have shared the images in the first place’ – a fundamental misunderstanding of how intimate images may have been obtained non-consensually, as well as that consensual sharing at one point does not equate to ongoing consent.
Officers can also be slow or reluctant to obtain evidence directly from perpetrators’ devices. Police forces must be adequately resourced and equipped to investigate technology-facilitated crime and secure digital evidence in a timely and effective manner. This must include trauma-informed, mandatory training for professionals across the criminal justice system to guarantee that survivors are treated with the support they deserve at every step of the way through the criminal justice process.
Every minute that non-consensual intimate image (NCII) abuse material is left online, it causes harm. While the government’s requirement for tech firms to remove NCII within 48 hours of it being reported is a step in the right direction, it must go further. Tech platforms must be proactive, acting before such images circulate to safeguard survivors, reduce repeated trauma, and break the cycle of abuse.
Ofcom, the UK’s online safety watchdog, recently recommended tech firms use hash-matching technology, a digital technique that can detect illicit content and block it from being uploaded, to reduce the spread of NCII. The government must now properly back the regulator to robustly and swiftly enforce this measure and others, including the investigation of social media platforms and their senior executives – monitoring tech companies will be critical to holding them to account, protecting survivors and securing meaningful change.
But we also need stronger regulation to hold tech companies accountable for proactively testing product safety to prevent abuse, with developments informed by insights from survivors and specialist services such as Refuge, which was last month part of a coalition that launched a new Safety by Design Code of Practice. The paper seeks to define and embed safety-by-design principles within the Online Safety Act, with clear practical steps services can take to protect their users from the outset.
More generally, regulation must keep pace with emerging harms, such as AI chatbots, which can intensify abuse and educate perpetrators – including through simulations of abuse. What’s most critical is that harms aren’t treated in isolation. Instead, we need to see responses that recognise how fundamental platform design choices and governance are actively enabling VAWG.
Policy and regulation remain stuck in a reactive cycle, attempting to catch up with harms only after they have become widespread. That is not sustainable. Until the government accepts that technology-facilitated abuse is a national emergency and requires tech firms to act, women and girls will continue to bear the cost of a digital world that was never designed with their safety in mind.
If you or someone you know is affected by the issues raised in this article, the following organisations can help:
****Rape Crisis England & Wales**
Confidential support and information to women who have survived any form of sexual violence, no matter how long ago. Also provides immediate support to friends and family on how to support female survivors of sexual violence.
Phone: 0808 802 9999 (12-2:30pm & 7-9:30pm daily). Website: [Rape Crisis ](http://www.rapecrisis.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Rape Crisis Scotland**
Confidential support for anyone affected by sexual violence, no matter when or how it happened. They can also put you in touch with local rape crisis centres.
Phone: 0808 801 03 02\. Website: [Rape Crisis Scotland](http://www.rapecrisisscotland.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Domestic and Sexual Abuse Helpline – Northern Ireland**
Free support, advice and referral for any victim or domestic and sexual abuse in Northern Ireland.
Phone: 0808 802 1414 (24/7). Website: [Domestic and Sexual Abuse Helpline ](https://dsahelpline.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****NHS Sexual Assault Referral Centres**
England & Wales: [Visit the NHS website](https://www.nhs.uk/live-well/sexual-health/help-after-rape-and-sexual-assault/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Scotland: Visit the [NHS inform website ](https://www.nhsinform.scot/turn-to-sarcs?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****The Survivors Trust**
Support and signposting for women, men and children who are survivors of rape, sexual violence or childhood sexual abuse.
Phone: 0808 801 0818\. Website: [The Survivors Trust ](http://www.thesurvivorstrust.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Survivors UK**
Support for men and non-binary survivors of sexual abuse via an online helpline, counselling,
Independent Sexual Violence Advisers, plus group and peer support services. Website: [Survivors UK ](http://www.survivorsuk.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Samaritans**
For anyone struggling to cope and provide a safe place to talk 24 hours a day. Phone: 116 123\. Email: jo@samaritans.org. Website: [Samaritans ](http://www.samaritans.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Victim Support**
Emotional and practical help to victims or witnesses of any crime, whether or not it has been reported to the police.
Phone: 0808 16 89 111 (24/7). Website: [Victim Support ](http://www.victimsupport.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Victim Support Scotland**
Emotional and practical support to all victims and witnesses of crime across Scotland.
Phone: 0800 160 1985 (Mon-Fri 8am-8pm). Website: [Victim Support Scotland ](http://www.victimsupportsco.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
****Victim Support NI**
Emotional and practical support to all victims and witnesses of crime across Northern Ireland.
Phone: 028 9024 3133\. Website: [Victim Support NI](http://www.victimsupportni.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
### Por qué Israel teme más un acercamiento que un conflicto EEUU-Irán
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/israel-iran-eeuu-netanyahu-guerra-inseguridad-palestina/
Last updated: 2026-07-07T08:00:43.000Z
El [memorándum de entendimiento](https://arabcenterdc-org.translate.goog/resource/memorandum-of-understanding-between-the-united-states-of-america-and-the-islamic-republic-of-iran/?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net) que firmaron el 17 de junio EEUU e Irán sigue casi intacto a pesar de reiterados ataques entre las partes. La decisión de Omán de desbloquear 6.000 millones de dólares en activos iraníes congelados ayuda a aliviar las tensiones, pero también es un recordatorio de que el control de la navegación en el estrecho de Ormuz es solo uno de los problemas que se avecinan.
Otro es la espinosa cuestión de las guerras subsidiarias, en especial el conflicto entre Israel y la milicia libanesa Hezbolá. Las conversaciones intermitentes entre Israel y el gobierno del Líbano pueden llevar a creer que existen negociaciones para ponerle fin, pero eso simplemente no es así. Beirut no controla a Hezbolá, que actúa como un Estado dentro de otro Estado y no se considera obligado por las conversaciones y acuerdos entre EEUU e Irán, una postura que comparte con Israel.
Este es un asunto fundamental para Israel. El primer ministro Benjamín Netanyahu y su entorno consideran que el comportamiento del presidente de EEUU, Donald Trump, es poco menos que una traición. Preferirían que todo el proceso de paz se viniera abajo, mientras intentan convencer a los votantes de que solo el actual primer ministro puede garantizar la seguridad de los judíos israelíes.
Para comprender este punto hay que mirar más allá de la diplomacia actual, y analizar la doctrina de seguridad que configuró la política israelí desde 1948\. Esta doctrina se funda en el deseo de mantener la seguridad del Estado por cualquier medio que se considere necesario, ya sea el uso de la fuerza extrema, la guerra irregular, el asesinato o la ocupación a corto y largo plazo.
Estos métodos violentos causaron gran número de muertos, heridos y detenciones arbitrarias entre la población civil palestina, y han arrastrado lenta pero inexorablemente a Israel a una trampa de inseguridad de fabricación propia.
Tomemos como ejemplo el desastroso conflicto actual en Gaza. Dentro de tres meses se cumplirá el tercer aniversario del ataque de Hamás del 7 de octubre de 2023 contra el sur de Israel, en el que murieron 1.195 personas. La conmoción por lo ocurrido destrozó la presunción de control que la mayoría de los israelíes tenían, pero pocos fueron capaces de ver el contexto más amplio.
Con un poco de distancia, algunos analistas señalaron que los ataques de Hamás se produjeron luego de más de 15 años de control riguroso ejercido por las Fuerzas de Defensa de Israel sobre los dos millones de palestinos de Gaza, que incluyeron cuatro conflictos que dejaron al menos 5.000 palestinos muertos y miles más heridos, muchos de ellos mutilados de por vida.
Aunque esos conflictos pueden haber llevado a una percepción de seguridad en Israel, hicieron en cierto sentido que la respuesta israelí al ataque del 7 de octubre fuera aún más violenta. Muchos en Israel llegaron a la conclusión de que, si incluso ese tremendo grado de control podía fallar, se necesitaba una fuerza mucho mayor. A los palestinos de Gaza se los tildó de “animales humanos” contra los que cualquier grado de violencia era legítimo.
Desde entonces, millones de personas en todo el mundo han llegado a la conclusión de que las acciones de Israel en los últimos tres años – que causaron la muerte de decenas de miles en Gaza, en la Cisjordania ocupada, en Jerusalén oriental y en el Líbano – son espantosamente excesivas.
En realidad, no son más que la continuación de una doctrina israelí de seguridad que tiene 80 años y que hunde raíces en el exterminio de seis millones de judíos en el Holocausto. Puesto que Israel compite por el derecho a una tierra que solo puede conseguir negando ese mismo derecho a los palestinos, se encuentra en una situación de inseguridad fundamental y debe ser, por consiguiente, “inexpugnable en su inseguridad”.
Entre fines de la década de 1940 y principios de la de 1950, el nuevo Estado de Israel consolidó rápidamente su control sobre los territorios asignados por el plan de partición de la ONU y los territorios adicionales que ganó en la guerra de independencia. Para los palestinos, esto supuso la Nakba, la “catástrofe”, en la que al menos 700.000 personas se vieron obligadas a huir de sus hogares.
En 1956, Israel se sentía lo suficientemente seguro del apoyo del Reino Unido y Francia como para participar en la crisis del canal de Suez. Aunque aquello resultó desastroso para el Reino Unido y Francia, Israel salió reforzado. Una década más tarde, libró la Guerra de los Seis Días contra los estados árabes vecinos para hacerse con el control de Cisjordania, los Altos del Golán, Gaza y toda Jerusalén, al tiempo que desplazaba aún más a los palestinos. Muchos miles de personas que vivían en campos de refugiados en el valle del Jordán se vieron obligadas a huir una vez más, la mayor parte hacia el este, a Jordania.
En los últimos 60 años, Israel ha librado más guerras, grandes y pequeñas, y ha reprimido revueltas internas en dos intifadas, todo ello en busca de una paz que nunca llega, pero aún con el recuerdo del Holocausto.
El país mantiene un grupo de presión enérgico y bien financiado en EEUU y se esfuerza por sostener su posición en el Reino Unido, de modo que se pueda argumentar que cualquier oposición al Israel actual y al gobierno de Netanyahu es antisemita.
Sin embargo, a ambos lados del Atlántico se está gestando un desastre para Israel: el apoyo público se está desmoronando. Algunas encuestas estadounidenses muestran ahora más apoyo a los palestinos que a los israelíes, y en el Reino Unido el respaldo que el ex primer ministro Keir Starmer prestó a Israel fue uno de los factores que propiciaron su caída.
En Israel, muchos judíos israelíes rechazan enérgicamente gran parte de la política de Netanyahu, pero quieren que el problema palestino desaparezca como sea. Hay algunas excepciones, entre ellas un pequeño movimiento por la paz y algunos grupos de derechos humanos decididos. Muy recientemente, el ex primer ministro Ehud Barak ha criticado con dureza la violencia de los colonos judíos en la Cisjordania ocupada.
Pero nada de esto ha producido hasta ahora un vuelco en la opinión pública nacional. Sin embargo, esto podría cambiar a medida que la comunidad internacional considere cada vez más a Israel como un Estado paria. Con el tiempo – posiblemente en los próximos meses – es probable que se materialice una verdadera campaña de sanciones económicas, boicots y aislamiento internacional que Israel ya no pueda ignorar.
Este podría terminar siendo, paradójicamente, el mayor logro de Netanyahu.
### How Botswana’s LGBTQI+ movement got colonial anti-gay laws off the books
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-botswanas-lgbtqi-movement-got-colonial-anti-gay-laws-off-the-books/
Last updated: 2026-07-06T10:54:45.000Z
In March 2026, Botswana formally removed colonial-era provisions criminalising same-sex relations from its penal code – a landmark victory for LGBTQI+ people and the civil society groups that had fought for more than a decade to get them off the books.
The change did not come from a single court case or a sudden act of political goodwill. In 2019, Botswana’s High Court ruled that the provisions were unconstitutional. In 2021, the Court of Appeal upheld that judgment. But for years, the law remained in place, leaving LGBTQI+ people living under provisions the courts had already declared unjust.
Activists, lawyers and civil society organisations kept pushing until the written law finally caught up with Botswana’s constitutional commitments to dignity, equality, liberty and privacy. For campaigners, the victory shows that court rulings matter – but only sustained civic action turns them into real protection.
The repeal is not the end of the struggle. Marriage equality, family recognition, anti-discrimination protections and social acceptance remain contested. But in a region where many governments are intensifying attacks on LGBTQI+ rights, Botswana’s path offers a powerful example of how strategic litigation, civic advocacy and young people’s organising can produce meaningful change.
In this interview, Faith Gunda, a Botswana-based law student, human rights defender, CIVICUS Protest Lab member and co-founder of Sisterhood Chain International, explains what repeal means, why it took so long and what comes next.
*This article is part of a new openDemocracy series spotlighting how people’s movements organise, innovate and win.*[ *It was originally published by CIVICUS Lens,* ](https://lens.civicus.org/interview/botswana-court-rulings-matter-but-its-sustained-civic-action-that-turns-them-into-real-protection/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*the media platform of the global civil society alliance CIVICUS, and is republished with permission.*
## What does repeal mean for LGBTQI+ people?
The formal repeal is symbolic, but symbols matter because they tell people whether they belong. For years, criminal provisions sent a message to LGBTQI+ people in Botswana: you are criminals. Even after the courts ruled these provisions unconstitutional in 2019, they remained on the books, a constant reminder that the state saw their identities as a threat. Their removal aligns written law with constitutional values of dignity, equality, liberty and privacy. But more importantly, it says that LGBTQI+ people are not criminals.
This changes everything for young people. When the law no longer criminalises your identity, it has positive impacts on mental health, belonging and civic participation. It lets LGBTQI+ people report violence, seek healthcare and live openly without fear. People can breathe a little easier. They can imagine futures they couldn’t before.
This progress didn’t come from above. It came from years of relentless advocacy by LGBTQI+ activists, LGBTQI+ organisations such as Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals of Botswana and everyday people willing to risk everything to challenge entrenched stigma. The formal repeal is not the end of a struggle. It’s a foundation for the next phase. The work continues.
## Why did it take so long to remove provisions courts declared unconstitutional?
Legal victories and political change don’t move at the same pace. The courts were clear in 2019 that the law was unconstitutional. But court rulings cannot implement themselves. Colonial-era laws remain embedded in statute books because removing them takes political will and politicians fear backlash. For six years, LGBTQI+ people lived with a law the courts had already called unjust.
What finally made change happen was sustained pressure. Civil society organisations, human rights defenders and lawyers refused to let this go. The Court of Appeal upheld the judgment in 2021, and activists kept speaking up, organising and demanding implementation. In March, the law finally changed.
So, this is the lesson: court rulings matter, but it’s sustained civic action that turns them into real protection.
## What barriers remain, and what comes next?
Decriminalisation isn’t the same as equality, but it’s the foundation for it. Real equality means marriage rights, family recognition and anti-discrimination protections. The marriage equality case due to be heard in court in July will test whether constitutional protections reach beyond private intimacy into full citizenship and whether same-sex couples can access the dignity and legal recognition marriage provides.
But legal barriers are only a part of the story. Social barriers persist too, including stigma in families, healthcare systems, schools and workplaces. Legal reform creates protection, but it cannot instantly change rooted attitudes. Young people in Botswana increasingly believe everyone should be able to live authentically without fear. They are organising, speaking openly, refusing the silence previous generations endured. This generational shift is becoming the most powerful driver of change.
The journey is not linear, but the direction is undeniable. Meaningful reform takes continuous civic engagement. This means activists documenting and defending civic space, grassroots organisations amplifying youth leadership and people refusing to accept anything less than full humanity.
## Is Botswana an example for Africa?
Botswana’s progress shouldn’t be romanticised. The country still faces social conservatism and discrimination, and its gains will be vulnerable unless they are continuously defended. But it offers a model to follow.
Botswana stands out on the continent because it succeeded through civic advocacy, constitutionalism and judicial independence. This matters all the more now, when [several African governments](https://lens.civicus.org/commonwealth-africa-lgbtqi-rights-under-attack/?ref=opendemocracy.net) are passing harsher anti-LGBTQI+ laws and dismissing these rights as ‘un-African’, even though the laws banning same-sex relations were colonial imports.
Botswana’s path challenges that narrative. It shows that African constitutional democracies can interpret dignity, equality and liberty inclusively, without abandoning local legal traditions. For human rights defenders across the region, Botswana is proof that civic engagement, sustained advocacy and strategic litigation can produce meaningful change even in difficult political climates.
*CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.*
### New PM, Old Lobbyist
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-030726/
Last updated: 2026-07-04T07:00:41.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- Revealed: Lobby firm run by Burnham’s top aide had extensive access to government – but who did it work for?
- New law aims to protect Indigenous women and girls in Argentina from centuries-old sexual abuse
- ‘I was kidnapped by the Israeli navy en route to Gaza’
- As Iran-US talks advance, old certainties about Israel and the region's security are beginning to fracture
- They survived war, torture and persecution. What happened when they arrived in the UK is troubling
- In case you missed it: How Palantir exploited lucrative corporate loophole to slash its UK tax bill
- Remembering the tech pioneer who changed modern computing – and quietly helped protect independent journalism
Is it too early to be critical of Andy Burnham’s tenure as PM? At least let the man become prime minister, I argued with openDemocracy reporter Ethan Shone this week. Shone’s defence is our lead story this week: Meet Flint Global, the lobbying firm with a secret client list, whose former CEO is now Burnham’s chief of staff.
Elsewhere, as Israel continues to deny the media access to Gaza and international coalitions seek new ways to reach the besieged and traumatised Palestinians, we bring you a first-hand account of a Sumud flotilla activist who was kidnapped and tortured by Israeli forces in international waters. Paul Rogers takes an 80-year overview of Israel’s security doctrine to warn that many in the international community now see the country as a rogue actor in the region.
Also in this issue, Florencia Galarza reports on how an Indigenous women’s movement in Argentina won a major legislative victory, and Vicky Taylor reveals the latest cruelty visited upon asylum seekers in the UK by home secretary Shabana Mahmood.
We’re also re-upping openDemocracy’s investigation into Palantir’s tax affairs. The company has refused to answer any of our questions despite repeated requests for comment, but Palantir UK’s CEO, Louis Mosley, took time out from his busy schedule to describe our investigation as “politically motivated” in a post on X.
Finally, do read openDemocracy founder Anthony Barnett’s moving tribute to David Potter. Potter, an industrial, physicist and philanthropist, created the world’s first successful digital personal assistant in the 1980s and was a longtime supporter of oD.
A massive thank you to the hundreds of readers who donated to our tech accounting campaign. If you value independent investigative journalism, sign up to support us!
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
****"Politically motivated?" No. Just independent.**
When a tech giant's CEO attacks our reporting instead of answering our questions, we know we’ve hit a nerve. Exposing corporate tax loopholes and the secret client lists of lobbyists requires fearless journalism. We don't have dark-money backers or corporate clients to please, we answer only to you. If you want us to keep standing up to the spin, please help fund our work.
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/signup)
---
[Burnham aide’s lobby firm met government 38 times – but who did it work for?UK’s weak lobbying laws leave public in the dark about Flint Global’s vast access to government under James PurnellopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-aides-lobby-firm-met-government-38-times-but-who-did-it-work-for/)
[Indigenous women win Argentina’s first anti-rape hate lawAs Milei dismantles national protections, one state has recognised ‘chineo’, systemic racialised abuse, as a hate crimeopenDemocracyFlorencia Galarza](https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-indigenous-women-law-against-chineo-hate-crime-sexual-violence/)
[‘I was kidnapped by the Israeli navy en route to Gaza’Humanitarian activist on joining the Global Sumud Flotilla, being detained, and why the attempt to stop them backfiredopenDemocracyCIVICUS Staff](https://www.opendemocracy.net/i-was-kidnapped-by-the-israeli-navy-en-route-to-gaza/)
[Why Israel fears US-Iran rapprochement more than conflictThe same policies that sought to guarantee Israel’s survival may now be undermining its futureopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/israel-fears-united-states-iran-peace-more-than-conflict-netanyahu/)
[A cruel new law is scapegoating refugees for UK’s harmful border policiesIn court, I saw two refugees jailed for ‘endangering life at sea’ – a new offence that punishes those it claims to protectopenDemocracyVicky Taylor](https://www.opendemocracy.net/a-cruel-new-law-is-scapegoating-refugees-for-uks-harmful-border-policies/)
[Exclusive: How Palantir harvested millions in UK tax breaksIn 2024, Palantir’s effective tax rate was just 8%, far less than the usual 25%, despite £25.3m of pre-tax profitsopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/)
[Remembering David Potter: Industrialist, physicist, philanthropistHow the Psion founder and tech titan combined scientific brilliance with fearless philanthropy to champion public goodopenDemocracyAnthony Barnett](https://www.opendemocracy.net/obituary-david-potter-psion-industrialist-physicist-philanthropist/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Will Burnham's No. 10 North succeed in devolving power from Westminster?
---
## Reader Comments
*I have rarely been so alarmed and troubled as I have been over recent developments centring upon and using/abusing the evidence and the trial judge’s rulings in the Elbit Supplies case. And that is after forty seven years as a solicitor advocate and later as a higher court advocate.*
*I may be no longer practising but I support the legal challenges to this and I shall continue to work on Parliamentarians and other influencers in an effort to persuade them of the essential wrongness of all this.*
*Back in 1994 Peter (now Lord) Hain would have been convicted and almost certainly sent to prison and been branded a terrorist for having engineered and participated in direct action over apartheid. I defy anyone to argue that in some way those actions would have avoided censure and condign punishment. How can that be right?*
**–MalcomFowler**
[‘We need better’: Our readers’ thoughts on social media ban for under-16sPlus, readers discuss Andy Burnham’s promises of growth and the sentencing of Palestine Action activistsopenDemocracyCarla Abreu](https://www.opendemocracy.net/readers-thoughts-social-media-ban-for-under-16s/)
---
President Lyndon B Johnson signs the Civil Rights Act in a ceremony at the White House, Washington DC, July 2, 1964\. (Photo by PhotoQuest/Getty Images)
## This week in history
**The US Civil Rights Act • 2 July 1964**
President Lyndon B Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act on 2 July 1964, outlawing discrimination based on race, colour, religion, sex, or national origin. It was the product of a decade of mass civil disobedience - the Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955–56), the Greensboro sit-ins (1960), the Freedom Rides (1961), the Birmingham campaign (1963) and the March on Washington. The Act did not end racism, but it did begin to dismantle its legal architecture.
From the archive this week we have a piece revealing the hidden history of Black and Asian civil rights campaigners in Britain, whose own civil rights movement was largely written out of official history.
[800 years since the Magna Carta: Remembering the British struggle for ethnic minority rightsAs we approach the 800th aniversary of Magna Carta, let us recall other important anniversaries which mark the struggle for black and minority ethnic rights in the UK.openDemocracyLaurence Brown](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/800-years-since-magna-carta-remembering-british-struggle-for-ethnic-minori/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Hinterlands, Hannah Lucinda Smith**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781805225416?ref=opendemocracy.net)
From Syria’s brutal civil war to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Europe’s “hinterlands” give us clues on the forces that are shaping the region, according to this fascinating read by journalist Hannah Lucinda Smith. She takes the reader to places that may not be officially recognised or which have contested borders, including Transnistria, Northern Cyprus, the Republic of Srpska, even to occupied Crimea (which she visited in 2019). These are places where powers such as Russia and Turkey like to flex their muscles and influence – where oligarchs launder their money, where new technologies such as crypto are changing the economic and political landscapes, and where long-simmering tensions erupt having been stoked by powerful interference. But they are also places where people live, negotiating complex identities forged from war and displacement.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Palantir te enseña: Cómo no pagar (casi) impuestos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-te-ensena-como-no-pagar-casi-impuestos/
Last updated: 2026-07-03T19:25:23.000Z
En la edición de esta semana:
- Perú nunca se curó del fujimorismo. Ahora lo tiene de nuevo en la presidencia
- Exclusivo: Así funciona la enorme desgravación fiscal de Palantir en el Reino Unido
- Cómo entender el optimismo pragmático de China frente a la IA
A fines de este mes, un Fujimori estará de nuevo en la presidencia de Perú. Keiko Fujimori, hija y **auténtica heredera política** del dictador Alberto Fujimori, ganó las elecciones por muy pocos votos. Ahora tiene que gobernar un país cuyo **deterioro democrático parece no tener límites**.
En un artículo profundo, **Dacil Lanza** explica cómo las deudas del pasado hoy se transfiguran en amenazas. Y lo hace desde las **voces de la academia** y de las **víctimas** **del fujimorismo**.
[Perú: El poder vuelve a manos del fujimorismoLa presidencia de Keiko Fujimori pondrá a prueba la frágil democracia de PerúopenDemocracyDacil Lanza](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-keiko-fujimori-elecciones-autoritarismo-america-latina/)
Seguimos investigando a **Palantir**, el gigante de la inteligencia de datos y la vigilancia. Esta vez lo hacemos con una **exclusiva** que ayuda a entender por qué mientras las grandes tecnológicas **se enriquecen a velocidad de vértigo**, el **presupuesto público nunca alcanza**.
El año pasado, Palantir registró **ingresos por 320 millones de libras** en Reino Unido – su segundo mayor mercado después del estadounidense –, pero pagó **menos de un millón** en impuestos. Ingresos no son ganancias, nos explican siempre los contadores.
Y aquí es donde la magia sucede: **Jade-Ruyu Yan**, nuestra periodista de investigación en tecnología, revela **cómo funciona el millonario escudo impositivo** de Palantir para no pagar (casi) el impuesto corporativo.
[Enorme desgravación fiscal para Palantir en Reino UnidoEn 2024, Palantir pagó en Reino Unido apenas 8% del impuesto de sociedades, muy por debajo del 25% que le correspondía por obtener ganancias de 25,3 millones de libras esterlinasopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-reino-unido-impuestos-desgravacion-ganancias/)
Es sorprendente lo poco que sabemos de China, posiblemente **el país que más importa** en este momento tan peculiar de la historia. Por eso es revelador el ensayo de **Selina Xu**, titulado ‘**La República Popular de los Tecno-Optimistas**’, donde explica la forma **radicalmente distinta** a la occidental en que la sociedad china **percibe la inteligencia artificial**. Y por eso decidimos publicarlo en español.
“China está profundamente **orientada hacia el futuro** por necesidad; no puede darse el lujo de quedarse atrás. El costo sería sencillamente demasiado elevado”, escribe Xu.
[China y la IA: El optimismo pragmáticoMientras EEUU imagina la IA como distopía, China la adopta moldeada por su memoria de la pobreza, la humillación nacional y la certeza de que el progreso es imparableopenDemocracySelina Xu](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/china-ia-optimismo-pragmatismo-miedo/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Exclusivo: Enorme desgravación fiscal para Palantir en Reino Unido
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-reino-unido-impuestos-desgravacion-ganancias/
Last updated: 2026-07-03T18:04:59.000Z
Palantir, la corporación de análisis de datos y vigilancia, consiguió millones de dólares en recortes impositivos en Reino Unido, pese a un notable aumento de sus ganancias, revela una investigación de openDemocracy.
Gracias a los contratos públicos que consiguió en los últimos años por [al menos 760 millones de libras](https://www.thenerve.news/p/palantir-technologies-uk-government-contracts-size-nuclear-deterrent-atomic-peter-thiel-louis-mosley?ref=opendemocracy.net) – la mayor parte con el Sistema Nacional de Salud (NHS) –, Reino Unido es el segundo mayor mercado de Palantir, después de Estados Unidos, donde tiene su sede central.
A pesar de que el mercado británicó constituyó el año pasado 10% de los ingresos globales de la empresa, sus pagos de impuestos en el Reino Unido ascendieron a menos del 5% de su gasto impositivo total a nivel mundial, según declaraciones financieras presentadas en EEUU.
Los documentos indican que la filial británica de Palantir pagó menos de 1,08 millones de dólares (820.000 libras esterlinas) en impuestos en efectivo en Reino Unido en 2025 – menos de lo que [pagó](https://investors.palantir.com/files/2025%20FY%20PLTR%2010-K.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) en Corea, Japón, Francia y Alemania – gracias a las deducciones impositivas que obtuvo por el precio ascendente de sus acciones. Las acciones de Palantir se dispararon desde que la empresa empezó a cotizar en bolsa en 2020, alcanzaron su máximo en 2025, y recortarron ganancias este año.
El impuesto de sociedades del Reino Unido, que deben pagar todas las empresas residentes, es de 25% para las que obtengan ganancias antes de impuestos superiores a 250.000 libras y de 19% para aquellas con ganancias inferiores a 50.000, con alicuotas progresivas entre uno y otro extremo.
En 2024, la filial británica de Palantir declaró unos beneficios antes de impuestos de 25,3 millones de libras esterlinas, pero calculó que tenía que pagar apenas dos millones de libras en impuesto de sociedades, según las últimas cuentas que presentó ante el registro oficial de empresas del Reino Unido (Companies House). Esto equivale a una tasa de 8%, muy por debajo de cualquiera de las dos vigentes para este impuesto.
En 2023, la tasa que pagó la empresa fue aún más baja, de 4,7% sobre unas ganancias antes de impuestos de unos 19 millones de libras, y en 2022 fue del 4,2% sobre unos beneficios antes de impuestos de alrededor de 19,9 millones de libras. En total pagó tan solo 3,7 millones de libras esterlinas de impuesto de sociedades sobre 63,4 millones de libras esterlinas en beneficios acumulados a lo largo de tres años. Las cuentas de 2025 en el Reino Unido todavía no están disponibles.
[Palantir y el riesgo de una vigilancia masiva con datos de saludLa empresa detrás de las deportaciones de Trump controla los datos de salud en Inglaterra y quiere expandirse en América LatinaopenDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-peter-thiel-registros-medicos-inglaterra-nhs-vigilancia-masiva-inmigrantes-persecucion-america-latina-milei/)
openDemocracy revisó cientos de páginas de balances y declaraciones de impuestos presentados por Palantir en Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido entre 2020 y 2025, un periodo de crecimiento extraordinario en ingresos y beneficios.
Descubrimos que lo poco que paga Palantir en impuestos se debe a dos factores: un acuerdo estructurado que limita los beneficios reconocidos en el Reino Unido y una cláusula del código fiscal británico que recompensa a las empresas con importantes desgravaciones a cambio de que remuneren a sus empleados con acciones en lugar de dinero en efectivo.
Según fuentes expertas, esta estrategia es legal y muy eficaz. "No lo considero elusión fiscal, ni desde el punto de vista legal ni moral", dijo Dan Neidle, fundador de la organización sin ánimo de lucro de asesoramiento fiscal Tax Policy Associates. Aunque la empresa paga menos impuestos gracias a este plan de acciones, "sus empleados en Reino Unido están sujetos al impuesto sobre la renta y a las cotizaciones a la seguridad social que pagan el empleado y el empleador. Así que, en general, es probable que esto haya supuesto el pago de impuestos adicionales" al Estado por parte de los empleados.
Sin embargo, las fuentes aclararon a openDemocracy que Reino Unido y Estados Unidos son casos atípicos entre las principales economías en cuanto a ofrecer amplias deducciones impositivas a las empresas que remuneran a sus empleados con acciones.
En 2020, la empresa ya había conseguido 32 millones de libras en recortes impositivos en el Reino Unido, según Companies House, de los cuales unos 26 millones se debían a lo que la empresa denomina "desgravación por adquisición de acciones por parte de los empleados".
Dos años más tarde, el importe total de la desgravación fiscal en el Reino Unido se había multiplicado por siete hasta alcanzar 303,4 millones de dólares (aproximadamente 230 millones de libras esterlinas) en pérdidas operativas netas en el Reino Unido, que, según informó la casa matriz en sus declaraciones fiscales anuales de 2022 en EEUU, "pueden trasladarse a ejercicios futuros de forma indefinida".
La naturaleza de las declaraciones fiscales anuales dificulta evaluar el volumen actual de exenciones impositivas que acumula Palantir, pero está claro que en el Reino Unido estas han crecido mucho más rápido que sus beneficios. Los últimos registros financieros de Companies House indican que la empresa obtuvo alrededor de 92 millones de libras en recortes impositivos solo en 2024, de los cuales utilizó una pequeña parte para reducir su base imponible del año de 6,3 millones de libras – según la tasa estándar del 25% – a unos 2 millones de libras sobre las ya mencionadas ganancias antes de impuestos de 25,3 millones de libras.
"Cuando las empresas rentables pagan muy pocos impuestos, sobre todo cuando gran parte de sus ingresos proceden del propio dinero de los contribuyentes, es importante preguntarse por qué", dijo Mike Lewis, director de TaxWatch, un centro de estudios que analiza quiénes pagan y no pagan impuestos. "¿Se debe a que los incentivos y las desgravaciones fiscales están mal orientados? ¿O se debe a que las empresas están desviando beneficios por vías que nuestro sistema impositivo debería evitar?".
En el caso de Palantir, la subida vertiginosa del precio de sus acciones generó deducciones a una escala tal que reducirían su carga fiscal incluso si la empresa declarara más beneficios en el Reino Unido.
Palantir no es, ni mucho menos, la única empresa tecnológica que redujo su carga impositiva en el Reino Unido por esta vía. Quienes defienden la justicia tributaria reclaman que el Reino Unido mejore la tributación de las empresas tecnológicas desde que, en 2014, Meta (entonces conocida como Facebook) provocó indignación pública por pagar solo[ 4.327 libras en impuesto de sociedades](https://www.theguardian.com/global/2015/oct/11/facebook-paid-4327-corporation-tax-despite-35-million-staff-bonuses?ref=opendemocracy.net), luego de haber pagado más de 35 millones de libras a su personal en un plan de bonificaciones con acciones.
"Es un patrón recurrente", dijo Nathan Goldman, profesor de contabilidad en la Universidad Estatal de Carolina del Norte, cuya labor se centra en la fiscalidad empresarial. "Todas estas empresas siguen el mismo patrón. No están haciendo nada ilegal".
Goldman observó que, aunque hay "muchas palancas que se pueden accionar" para obtener deducciones, la remuneración a los empleados con acciones es la que puede reportar ganancias significativas en los casos en que los precios de las acciones suben bruscamente en poco tiempo.
"Si estos hallazgos son ciertos, ponen de manifiesto la asombrosa magnitud de lo que Palantir está obteniendo de nuestro país a la vez que le devuelve lo mínimo posible", dijo el vicepresidente del Partido Verde, Mothin Ali.
"Se embolsó cientos de millones de libras en contratos públicos, pero parece haber pagado un impuesto que es una fracción del que pagan los médicos, enfermeros y demás trabajadores del sector público que mantienen en marcha nuestros servicios. Los Verdes ya hemos dicho que Palantir tiene que hacer las maletas y largarse de nuestro Sistema Nacional de Salud. ¿Qué hace falta para que este gobierno laborista les muestre por fin la puerta?".
"Es alucinante que Palantir esté desviando millones de libras del Reino Unido", afirmó el diputado liberal demócrata Martin Wrigley, contrario a que el gobierno británico contrate a Palantir. "Nuestro NHS necesita trabajar con proveedores de confianza, y Palantir parece estar socavando constantemente esa confianza. Ya es hora de que el gobierno se lo tome en serio y habilite una forma de salida".
"Las trasnacionales como Palantir pueden aprovechar lagunas de la normativa fiscal internacional vigente para pagar, en general, menos impuestos", dijo Sol Picciotto, profesor emérito de la Universidad de Lancaster y asesor senior de la Red de Justicia Fiscal. "Esto es especialmente problemático con aquellas que prestan servicios que pueden prestarse a nivel mundial, lo que les da enorme libertad para decidir dónde y cómo declarar sus beneficios imponibles".
"Palantir paga poco o ningún impuesto de sociedades tanto en EEUU como en el Reino Unido, a pesar de que su principal fuente de ingresos son los contratos públicos", dijo Paul Monaghan, director ejecutivo de la Fair Tax Foundation, una organización sin fines de lucro que certifica la conducta impositiva responsable. Esta estrategia es "un clásico ejemplo de traslado de beneficios al estilo de Silicon Valley", agregó. Este "generoso tratamiento fiscal a las empresas" que pagan a sus empleados con acciones "se aplica a ambos lados del Atlántico".
"Mientras el precio de las acciones de Palantir siga subiendo, es probable que esto siga reduciendo su tasa impositiva real", añadió.
Una nota incluida en la declaración de impuestos que Palantir hizo en Estados Unidos en 2025 indica que "la empresa está sujeta a una posible inspección por parte de las autoridades impositivas" del “Reino Unido para los ejercicios fiscales de 2024 a 2025".
Monaghan dijo al respecto: “Resulta tranquilizador ver en los estados financieros de la matriz estadounidense una indicación de que son objeto de una investigación en curso por parte de la HMRC que abarca los dos últimos años".
La HMRC (siglas de His Majesty's Revenue and Customs, la agencia tributaria y aduanera británica) no quiso hacer comentarios sobre esa inspeccción. Un portavoz de la agencia dijo a openDemocracy que “hay normas de larga data establecidas por el Parlamento, y las aplicamos rigurosamente para garantizar que todas las empresas paguen los impuestos que les corresponden según la legislación del Reino Unido".
Al momento de publicar este artículo, Palantir no había contestado nuestras preguntas.
### **Detrás del escudo**
Pagar a los empleados con acciones, explicó el profesor de contabilidad Goldman, crea una "alineación de incentivos". Los empleados tienen interés en el éxito de la compañ{ia, lo que mejora las tasas de retención de personal, además de permitir a las empresas conservar liquidez (ya que pagar con acciones no afecta los flujos de caja) y generar recortes impositivos a futuro si, y solo si, la empresa tiene éxito.
Pero si una empresa tiene éxito como Palantir, añadió, los recortes impositivos generados por esta vía son muy cuantiosos.
La clave de este mecanismo está en la sección 12 de la Ley del Impuesto de Sociedades de 2009, que permite a una empresa solicitar una deducción fiscal equivalente a la diferencia entre el precio de mercado de las acciones en el momento en que son adquiridas por el empleado y el precio de ejercicio original pagado por este.
En el caso de Palantir, el valor de las acciones creció más de 1.000% desde que la empresa salió a bolsa en septiembre de 2020, lo que generó deducciones fiscales de cientos de millones de libras en el Reino Unido a medida que los empleados de la empresa iban vendiendo sus acciones.
El precio de las acciones cerró 2024 en unos 77 dólares. Según muestran las declaraciones fiscales, ese año la empresa generó unas deducciones de aproximadamente 92 millones de libras. Al año siguiente, las acciones alcanzaron un máximo de 207,52 dólares en noviembre de 2025, antes de recortar ganancias, lo que indica que Palantir habría obtenido una nueva tanta de varios millones de libras de recortes de impuestos para ese año. Al momento de publicar este artículo, la acción cotiza a unos 107 dólares.
"La deducción del impuesto de sociedades disponible en el Reino Unido es de las más generosas. Se supone que la remuneración con acciones reduce la presión de los salarios sobre el flujo de caja, especialmente para empresas emergentes", dijo Lewis, de Tax Watch.
Pero, “en una época en que el valor de las acciones tecnológicas alcanza niveles casi sin precedentes en la historia, quizá sea el momento de plantearse restringir esta deducción", observó.
### **La ilusión del impuesto mínimo global**
Los gobiernos llevan mucho tiempo intentando que las empresas trasnacionales paguen más impuestos en sus respectivos países. Si se suben los impuestos en una jurisdicción, las empresas se reestructuran para contabilizar sus beneficios en otra.
En 2021, la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos (OCDE) trató de evitar este fenómeno con un impuesto mínimo global del 15%, que se suele llamar "complementario". En enero de 2025, mientras esta norma empezaba a aplicarse en varios países, el gobierno de Trump se retiró del acuerdo y [anunció que sancionaría a](https://www.bruegel.org/newsletter/trump-what-left-global-minimum-tax?ref=opendemocracy.net) los países que intentaran gravar a las empresas estadounidenses en el marco de dicho acuerdo.
En consecuencia, el G7 aceptó a regañadientes eximir a Estados Unidos, con implicaciones aún no del todo claras.
"El caso de Palantir muestra claramente los defectos de estas reglas de juego y el fracaso de la OCDE para resolverlos en los últimos 13 años", dijo el profesor Picciotto, de Lancaster. "Por eso los países en desarrollo empezaron a negociar un tratado fiscal global a través de la ONU. El Reino Unido debería apoyar esta iniciativa para garantizar que se pueda gravar a las trasnacionales allí donde tienen actividades reales, ingresos incluidos".
Presionado por Estados Unidos, Reino Unido aceptó eximir a las empresas con matriz estadounidense del impuesto mínimo global. Según la Oficina de Responsabilidad Presupuestaria, [esto le costará al país](https://news.bloombergtax.com/daily-tax-report-international/uk-to-lose-700-million-annually-from-revised-minimum-tax-deal?ref=opendemocracy.net) al menos 700 millones de libras por año en ingresos fiscales.
Los gobiernos de algunos otros mercados clave de Palantir – ninguno tan grande como el del Reino Unido – se están distanciando de la empresa. [Francia](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jun/16/france-ai-data-tools-palantir-chapsvision?ref=opendemocracy.net) y[ Alemania](https://www.reuters.com/technology/germanys-military-shuns-palantir-now-cyber-chief-tells-handelsblatt-2026-04-28/?ref=opendemocracy.net) anunciaron que dejarán de utilizar[ los productos de Palantir](https://defence24.com/other/germany-turns-away-from-palantir?ref=opendemocracy.net), mientras que la actividad de la empresa en Corea del Sur sigue siendo en gran medida privada, por una alianza con el grupo Hyundai.
Pero en Reino Unido, Palantir sigue trabajando para organismos públicos, pese a las protestas y campañas en su contra.
En una [carta a los inversores](https://www.palantir.com/q1-2026-letter/en/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en mayo de este año, el director ejecutivo Alex Karp mencionó ganancias de 871 millones de dólares e ingresos de 1.600 millones de dólares solo en los tres primeros meses de 2026.
"Nuestro beneficio trimestral – el mayor en los 23 años de historia de nuestra empresa – se ha más que cuadruplicado en solo 12 meses", escribió Karp. "¿Qué empresa del mundo, a esta escala, ha logrado jamás algo semejante?".
Karp comenzó su carta con una cita de la obra *Investigaciones filosóficas,* del filósofo austriaco Ludwig Wittgenstein: "Y pensar que uno está obedeciendo una regla no es obedecer una regla".
*\*Ethan Shone colaboró en esta investigación*
### Burnham aide’s lobby firm met government 38 times – but who did it work for?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-aides-lobby-firm-met-government-38-times-but-who-did-it-work-for/
Last updated: 2026-07-03T15:21:47.000Z
Flint Global, the lobbying firm run by Andy Burnham’s incoming chief of staff, James Purnell, held extensive meetings with ministers, senior officials and special advisers with minimal disclosure, openDemocracy can reveal.
Our analysis of public transparency releases revealed Flint’s staff members met with officials from at least nine government departments on 38 occasions – for meetings, breakfasts, lunches, dinners and roundtables – since Labour took office. Attendees included cabinet ministers Jonathan Reynolds, Douglas Alexander and Nick Thomas-Symonds. This figure is likely an undercount as records of such meetings are published months in arrears.
While Flint Global opts not to reveal its client list in the UK, EU transparency disclosures reveal it has lobbied politicians in Brussels on behalf of Microsoft, Apple, BP and Uber. In the UK, the firm is known to have advised Thames Water – the utility Burnham has said “should be” nationalised.
Our findings raise fresh questions about the interests of Purnell, a former Blair-era cabinet minister who is poised to become one of the UK’s most powerful unelected officials when Burnham enters No 10, and have sparked fresh calls for the UK’s weak lobbying laws to be reformed.
One government log appears to confirm just how routine its engagements with Flint were.
A September 2024 meeting between the lobbying firm and the Department for Business and Trade’s then top-ranking civil servant, Gareth Davies, is described as a “regular meeting to discuss latest business updates”. Purnell is also recorded as having hosted “evening drinks to discuss latest business updates” with Davies in March this year.
Yet despite this regular access to government officials, Flint’s quarterly entries to the Office of the Registrar of Consultant Lobbyists have only ever declared lobbying for two clients. The firm said it lobbied on behalf of the British Standards Institution, which produces technical standards on a range of products and services, in late 2024, and Hellen Systems, a tech firm working on long-range navigation, between July and September 2025\.
Across the remaining six quarters that Labour has been in office – covering a total of 18 months – Flint declared having made “no communications which meet the definition of consultant lobbying”.
There is no suggestion that Flint has broken any rules. Rather, its near-empty register reflects major flaws in Westminster’s lobbying transparency rules. While few companies enjoy such extensive access to such wide-ranging government departments, much of Flint’s lobbying activity does not meet the threshold for statutory registration.
The 2014 Lobbying Act requires consultant lobbyists to register only direct communications with ministers or permanent secretaries made on a client’s behalf. They do not have to declare meetings with government special advisers, director generals and senior officials, nor roundtables and briefings that they attend or organise, nor strategic advice they give clients about who to speak to in government, what to say, and when to say it.
The result is that a firm such as Flint Global can maintain a regular presence across Whitehall – breakfasting with officials, dining with ministers, pre-briefing advisers – while lawfully declaring that it does no consultant lobbying at all. Many similar lobbying firms sign up to the industry body’s voluntary code of conduct, which requires them to publish a client list, but Flint has not opted to do so.
This means the public has no way of knowing whether decisions that cross Purnell’s desk in No 10 could benefit his former clients.
Duncan Hames, senior director of policy at Transparency International UK, told openDemocracy: “That a lobbying company can have dozens of meetings across government with so little public information about the purpose of these engagements shows how opaque Westminster remains.
“If the next prime minister wants change from the broken politics-as-usual, they should recognise that keeping things behind closed doors and poorly managing conflicts of interest are recipes for disaster.
“Government should create a firewall between any new appointments and their past interests in the private sector, as well legislating to bring lobbying out of the shadows."
## **Vast access to Whitehall**
Purnell, who resigned from Flint Global last week, joined the company as chief executive in June 2024 – weeks before Labour’s election win. Although the lobby firm had previously secured meetings with Conservative government officials, its engagement with the government appears to have ramped up that summer.
In July 2024, the firm hosted a roundtable with then-business secretary Jonathan Reynolds alongside Barclays, Google and Virgin Atlantic to discuss “opportunities and challenges relating to business growth”. It is not known whether Flint counts these firms among its UK clients, though EU transparency records reveal it has lobbied for Google in Brussels.
Over the following 20 months, Flint met ministers or officials from the Department for Business and Trade at least 13 times, including three meetings with trade minister Douglas Alexander and repeated meetings, breakfasts, dinners and drinks with civil servant Gareth Davies.
Over at the Treasury, Flint discussed the contents of the chancellor's January 2025 growth speech with a senior official the day it was delivered, attended a roundtable on financial services policy with then City minister Emma Reynolds, and met a senior official to “discuss policy for Autumn Budget” in October 2025.
Department for Transport special adviser Stef Lehmann, who previously worked in Flint’s transport team, accepted lunch or dinner from Flint on three separate occasions, while the department's permanent secretary, Bernadette Kelly, recorded a “speaking commitment” with the firm.
Flint also hosted or briefed senior officials at the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology on digital policy; met officials from the Department for Energy, Security and Net Zero to discuss new publicly owned energy investment firm Great British Energy; and discussed planning “blockers” with Chris Stark, the head of the government's clean power mission.
The firm also had contact with the Cabinet Office, the Department for Education, the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government and the Department for Health and Social Care, whose special adviser, Heather Iqbal – another ex-Flint employee – was taken to breakfast by Purnell in August 2025.
Several of the engagements were roundtables organised around Flint's corporate network. A March 2025 meeting with Douglas Alexander to discuss “the current trading environment” brought together more than 20 companies, including Amazon, Uber, Diageo, Unilever, GSK and [Quadrature – the hedge fund that donated £4m to Labour before the 2024 election](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-given-4m-from-tax-haven-based-hedge-fund-with-shares-in-oil-and-arms/). The British Standards Institution, one of the only two clients Flint has ever been required to declare, was also present, although Flint did not declare any consultant lobbying for the company in this quarter.
Speaking to openDemocracy last week, Green Party leader Zack Polanski [called for the publication of Flint’s clients if Purnell takes up the key role in No 10](https://www.opendemocracy.net/blair-tribute-act-zack-polanski-on-burnhams-plan-to-hire-top-lobbyist/).
Following Purnell’s resignation, Flint Global said Purnell “has recused himself from all client activity and has no ongoing financial interest in the company of any kind.”
Flint Global and Andy Burnham’s team were approached for comment.
### Why Israel fears a US-Iran rapprochement far more than conflict
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/israel-fears-united-states-iran-peace-more-than-conflict-netanyahu/
Last updated: 2026-07-03T14:07:18.000Z
The US/Iran Memorandum of Understanding remains just about intact despite several exchanges of fire. Oman’s recent decision to release $6bn in frozen Iranian assets has helped to ease tensions, but it is also a reminder that the Strait of Hormuz issue is only one of the problems ahead.
Another is the vexed issue of the proxy wars, with the Israeli/Hezbollah conflict being the most difficult. The on-off discussions between Israel and the Lebanese government might imply that this conflict is also subject to talks, but this is simply not so. Beirut does not control Hezbollah, which acts as a state within a state and does not see itself as bound by the US/Iran talks – a view shared by Israel.
For Israel, this is a core issue. Binyamin Netanyahu and those around him view Donald Trump’s behaviour as little short of a betrayal. They would greatly prefer the whole peace process to collapse as they attempt to convince the electorate that only the current Israeli prime minister can keep Israeli Jews safe.
Understanding this requires looking beyond today’s diplomacy to the security doctrine that has shaped Israeli policy since 1948\. This doctrine is rooted in a desire to keep the state safe by whatever means are deemed necessary, whether the use of extreme force, irregular warfare, assassination or short- and long-term occupation.
These violent methods have often led to the mass deaths and injuries of Palestinian civilians, as well as their detention without trial, and have slowly but surely dragged Israel into an insecurity trap of its own making.
Take the current disastrous conflict in Gaza. Three months from now will be the third anniversary of Hamas’s 7 October assault on southern Israel, which killed 1,195 people. The shock of what happened shattered most Israelis’ presumption of control, but few were able to see the wider context.
From afar, some analysts noted that the Hamas attacks followed more than 15 years in which the Israeli Defence Forces had employed rigorous control over the two million Palestinians in Gaza, including through four conflicts that killed at least 5,000 Palestinians and wounded thousands more, many of them maimed for life.
While these conflicts might have helped preserve an Israeli perception of security, in one sense they made Israel’s response to the 7 October assault even more violent. Many within Israel concluded that if even this high level of control could fail, then much greater force would be needed. Gaza’s Palestinians were framed as “human animals” against whom any amount of force was legitimate.
Many millions of people across the world have since come to view Israel’s actions over the past three years – which have killed many tens of thousands in Gaza, the occupied West Bank, East Jerusalem and Lebanon – as terrifyingly excessive.
In reality, it is little more than a continuation of an Israeli security posture dating back 80 years and in the wake of the killing of six million Jews in the Holocaust. As Israel is competing for the right to land that can be achieved only by denying that right to Palestinians, it is fundamentally insecure and therefore has to be “impregnable in its insecurity”.
In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the new state of Israel rapidly consolidated its hold on the land assigned by the UN partition and the additional land it gained in the war of independence. For Palestinians, this was the *Nakba*, the ‘catastrophe’, in which at least 700,000 people were forced to flee their homes.
By 1956, Israel was sufficiently secure in its support from the UK and France to take part in the Suez crisis. While that was disastrous for the UK and France, Israel came out of it stronger. A decade later, it fought the Six-Day War against surrounding Arab states to take control of the West Bank, the Golan Heights, Gaza, and the whole of Jerusalem, while further displacing Palestinians. Many thousands living in refugee camps in the Jordan Valley were forced to flee once more, mostly east to Jordan.
Over the past 60 years, Israel has fought more wars, both large and small, and suppressed internal revolts in two intifadas – all in pursuit of a peace that never comes, yet still with the memory of the Holocaust.
The country maintains a vigorous and well-funded lobby in the US and works hard to maintain its standing in the UK, so that it can be argued that any opposition to modern-day Israel and the current Netanyahu government is antisemitic.
Yet on both sides of the Atlantic, a disaster is unfolding for Israel: public support is fraying. Some US polls now show more support for Palestinians than Israelis, and in the UK Keir Starmer’s support for Israel has been one factor in his downfall.
Back in Israel, many Israeli Jews vigorously reject much of Netanyahu’s politics, yet simply want the Palestinian problem to go away by just about any means. There are a few exceptions, including a small peace movement and some determined human rights groups. Very recently, former prime minister Ehud Barak has been bitterly critical of settler violence across the occupied West Bank.
These efforts have not so far led to a domestic mood change, but this could change as the international community increasingly regards Israel as a rogue state. In time – possibly in the coming months – there is likely to be a full-fledged campaign of economic damage, boycotting and social isolation that Israel will not be able to ignore.
That may end up being Netanyahu’s crowning, if bitter, achievement.
### Cómo entender el optimismo pragmático de China frente a la IA
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/china-ia-optimismo-pragmatismo-miedo/
Last updated: 2026-07-03T08:00:08.000Z
- *Este texto fue publicado originalmente en* [*The Ideas Letter*](https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-peoples-republic-of-techno-optimists/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *y ha sido editado por motivos de extensión y claridad.*
A unos 30 kilómetros de la playa de Humen, en el sur de China – donde la quema de opio en 1839 dio inicio a las Guerras del Opio y al ‘Siglo de la Humillación’ –, se encuentra el campus de Huawei, sobre el lago Songshan. Cuando lo visité a comienzos de, fue imposible no maravillarme de lo lejos que ha llegado China.
El campus es una réplica de un pueblo europeo, con más de cien cafés, que parece transmitir, sin ironías, las ambiciones globales de Huawei y su afán de aprender de Occidente. Mientras observaba las tecnologías que se desarrollan en muchos de los edificios palaciegos, me resultó evidente que la empresa está en el centro del auge de la inteligencia artificial (IA) de China, que impulsa con sus chips Ascend y su ecosistema HarmonyOS que sostiene a millones de dispositivos y automóviles, todo ello posibilitado por sus equipos de redes de telecomunicaciones.
Más que cualquier otra empresa china, Huawei ha sido el símbolo más llamativo de la resiliencia, la resistencia y el triunfo del país frente a los esfuerzos occidentales por contener y mutilar su ascenso tecnológico. En 2019, el primer gobierno de Trump incluyó a Huawei en una lista negra comercial que prohibía a las empresas estadounidenses vender piezas al gigante de las telecomunicaciones, y luego expulsó a Huawei de Estados Unidos y presionó a otros países para que hicieran lo mismo. Esas restricciones parecían una sentencia de muerte, pero nada de eso detuvo el desarrollo de la IA en China. Al contrario, de China ha surgido un futuro distinto para la IA, más optimista, controlado y pragmático que el de Estados Unidos.
La sombra del Siglo de la Humillación se cierne sobre el futuro de la IA de China. Cuando el secretario de Comercio de Estados Unidos, Howard Lutnick, describió el año pasado las exportaciones de chips estadounidenses como una manera de hacer a los desarrolladores chinos "adictos al conjunto de tecnologías estadounidenses", resonaron ecos de las Guerras del Opio.
> ***China puede ser conquistadora de la tecnología o ser conquistada por la tecnología de otros***
Por eso, cuando empresas como Huawei y DeepSeek – desarrolladora de IA con código abierto – causan revuelo en el mundo, sus fundadores son vistos en China como héroes que defienden el orgullo del país y el destino nacional. Y por eso, en definitiva, cuando los chinos de a pie piensan en la IA, no piensan en concentraciones de poder y recursos, como les pasa a muchos en Occidente. Recuerdan cómo China tardó en industrializarse durante las Guerras del Opio y fue, por ello, saqueada por potencias extranjeras.
La lección es contundente. China puede ser conquistadora de la tecnología o ser conquistada por la tecnología de otros; no hay forma de vivir en la negación ni de detener la marea del cambio.
La IA, después de todo, es la última de un seguidilla incesante de tecnologías disruptivas. Algunos chinos ya mayores han pasado de fundir acero en hornos caseros y comer con cupones de racionamiento a las transmisiones en vivo de Douyin – la versión de TikTok en China – y a Alipay – plataforma de pagos móviles y billetera digital – en el transcurso de una vida. La IA se siente igual de inevitable y, me atrevo a decir, tan rutinaria como el navegador de internet y el teléfono inteligente. La IA se siente normal.
Hoy, China está profundamente orientada al futuro por necesidad: no puede darse el lujo de no mantenerse al día. El costo sería sencillamente demasiado alto. La economía china se desacelera, ante un derrumbe de los precios de la propiedad que ha golpeado la riqueza de los hogares, vientos en contra del comercio global para sus exportaciones, un consumo interno débil y una población que envejece. Beijing espera que nuevas industrias de alta tecnología, como la IA y la robótica, puedan llenar el vacío que dejó la propiedad y encaminar a China hacia un crecimiento más modesto pero más sostenible.
> ***China es una nación de tecnooptimistas reticentes, pero pragmáticos***
Según una encuesta de la Universidad de Stanford, 84% de las personas encuestadas en China dijeron estar entusiasmadas con la IA, en comparación con apenas 38% en Estados Unidos. Hoy, más de 600 millones de chinos usan IA generativa, casi un 142% más que hace un año. Entre los chinos comunes, el ánimo es de aceptación generalizada, teñido por el miedo a quedar obsoletos si no aprenden a dominar la tecnología con suficiente rapidez. Un dicho inspirado en Stalin y enseñado a los escolares chinos encarna esa ansiedad: "El atraso te hace recibir golpes de los demás".
En China se está gestando un sentimiento de pesimismo, sobre todo entre los jóvenes, pero aun así sería difícil encontrar personas que odien la IA. China es una nación de tecnooptimistas, reticentes pero pragmáticos.
## Imaginar a China como el futuro
Corre el año 2062 y la República de la Gran China celebra el quincuagésimo aniversario de su fundación. La Reina de Inglaterra, el Emperador de Japón, el Presidente de Rusia y otros dignatarios extranjeros han llegado a la capital, Nankín, para la ocasión. Mientras tanto, Kong Hongdao, un venerado erudito que resulta ser descendiente de la 72ª generación de Confucio, ha sido invitado a dar una conferencia sobre cómo la democracia china le ha traído al país su prosperidad actual y su condición de superpotencia. Decenas de miles de personas han llegado de todo el mundo para escucharlo hablar en chino, idioma que, por supuesto, todas entienden.
¿Suena inquietantemente verosímil? Tal vez sea porque buena parte de lo que aparece en este escenario ya ha ocurrido varias décadas antes de 2062\. ¿Parece también absurdo y fuera de la realidad? Esta fantasía fue escrita en 1902, en una época en que la China de la dinastía Qing (1644-1912, la última dinastía imperial) seguía siendo una monarquía absoluta, y las principales alternativas de reforma eran el republicanismo y la democracia; la Revolución bolchevique todavía estaba a 15 años de distancia.
La trama proviene de la que podría considerarse la primera novela de ciencia ficción de China, aunque inconclusa: *El futuro de la Nueva China*, de Liang Qichao. Exiliado en Japón en 1898 tras su papel en la fallida Reforma de los Cien Días durante la dinastía Qing, Liang buscó usar sus visiones de China como superpotencia para elevar el espíritu de todo un pueblo, inculcándole la importancia de la ciencia y la tecnología. Esa ficción les permitía a los chinos ver a la propia China como el futuro, en lugar de situarlo fuera de China.
Desde entonces, la ciencia ficción china – desde *2066: Estrella roja sobre América*, escrito en el 2000 por Han Song, hasta la extensa epopeya que comenzó a escribirse en 2009 en internet, *La estrella matutina de Lingao*, del Partido Industrial, una comunidad en línea que predica la supremacía de la industrialización – ha seguido obsesionada con el motivo de China convirtiéndose en superpotencia a través del desarrollo tecnológico o, como ha escrito el académico Mingwei Song, "una narrativa utópica que proyectaba el deseo político de reforma de China hacia un mundo idealizado y tecnológicamente más avanzado".
De niña, recuerdo haber visto la serie documental *El ascenso de las grandes potencias*, estrenada en 2006 por la cadena estatal CCTV. La serie analizaba cómo nueve naciones llegaron a convertirse en grandes potencias, y extraía lecciones, como la importancia de la industrialización para lo que el expresidente chino Hu Jintao (2003-2013) llamó alguna vez el "ascenso pacífico" de China. Más recientemente, series taquilleras adaptadas de la saga *El problema de los tres cuerpos* (2008) y de *La Tierra errante* (2000), de Liu Cixin, veneral, de modo análogo, la ciencia, la ingeniería a gran escala y el esfuerzo humano organizado para vencer el peligro de la extinción.
Esto es absolutamente distinto de las historias de impulso prometeico y fatalidad distópica que impregnan la cultura estadounidense. Cuando el ciudadano estadounidense promedio evoca imágenes de la IA, las más inmediatas son las del T-800 saliendo de las llamas mientras su traje de carne se derrite para dejar al descubierto su endoesqueleto metálico en *Terminator*, el empático sistema operativo del que un hombre se enamora en *Her*, y la IA rebelde que siembra el caos global en las dos últimas entregas de *Misión: Imposible*.
Pero si rastreamos la genealogía de la IA, la fascinación de Occidente por la conciencia de las máquinas se remonta a *Frankenstein*, de Mary Shelley, en 1818, y *Erewhon*, de Samuel Butler, en 1872, cuando Inglaterra lidiaba con la irrupción de la automatización de la Revolución Industrial, que sembró sentimientos de impotencia humana.
El impulso dominante es combatir la tecnología como el villano y doblegarla a la voluntad humana para defender la esencia de la agencia humana; la agencia también está en el centro de las conversaciones sobre la IA en Silicon Valley, mientras las personas se esfuerzan por tener alta capacidad de acción, en lugar de ser un NPC, un personaje no jugador que se usa como relleno en los videojuegos que juegan otros.
A los estadounidenses no les resulta fácil entender el hambre china de futuro, en parte porque tiene poco que ver con los miedos en torno a lo humano. Mientras el estadounidense promedio desconfía de los peligros distópicos de la IA, en particular de la erosión de la agencia humana, al chino promedio lo motiva más el miedo a la privación: los recuerdos de la pobreza siguen vívidos para muchos. Lo humano, por lo tanto, puede subordinarse al progreso.
Esto se ilustra mejor con los cientos de miles de trabajadores que fabrican iPhones, así como con las decenas de millones de trabajadores de plataformas (*gig workers*) de China, cuyas vidas y cuerpos están determinados y aumentados por máquinas y algoritmos, optimizados constantemente para lograr más eficiencia y velocidad.
Me pregunto si China, que se identifica como una nación en desarrollo, está más dispuesta a anteponer el avance tecnológico al bienestar individual por los dividendos que ha cosechado a lo largo de las últimas cuatro décadas.
Así, mientras en Estados Unidos los habitantes de Virginia protestan contra los centros de datos en sus patios traseros, y líderes del Congreso como Bernie Sanders proponen una moratoria al desarrollo de la IA, tanto el Estado como la sociedad en China sienten que no pueden permitirse desacelerar, por miedo a volver a caer en la fuerza gravitacional del Siglo de la Humillación. En la psique china, la tecnología no es un enemigo que se pueda desechar, ignorar o derrotar.
La tecnología es la instrumentalidad de las máquinas que se enseña en *Cien mil porqués*, una popular serie de divulgación científica china para niños. Es la fuerza indomable de la producción material que revivirá a la nación, tal como exalta el materialismo histórico marxista; empodera a la sociedad como colectivo. Incluso podría decirse que la visión china del futuro tecnológico está contaminada y limitada por el pragmatismo. Depende del miedo a perderse, por tomar prestadas las palabras de los líderes del país, "la próxima ronda de revolución tecnocientífica y transformación industrial", como ocurrió en el pasado, y de una obsesión por evitar a toda costa los errores del siglo XIX.
## Cuando el optimismo tecnológico flaquea
A pesar de las visiones futuristas y positivas de fortaleza nacional, el crecimiento de la IA suscita descontento y se considera que tiene un lado oscuro. Arrastrados por el vértigo de la tecnología, una sensación de desubicación y resignación ha envuelto a muchos a ambos lados del Pacífico. Tanto China como Estados Unidos enfrentan el mismo problema: cómo equilibrar el crecimiento y el control de la IA. China parece inclinarse más hacia el punto medio en un intento por mantener la estabilidad social. En contraste, Estados Unidos avanza a toda velocidad, persiguiendo el crecimiento a cualquier costo, con el objetivo de alcanzar la automejora recursiva, el momento en que la IA engendra una IA cada vez más inteligente, mejor conocida como inteligencia artificial general (AGI).
Los intentos estadounidenses de regular la IA suelen rebatirse con invocaciones a una carrera de IA en marcha y con temores de que el freno mermaría la capacidad de las empresas estadounidenses de vencer a las chinas y permitiría que China alcanzara primero la AGI. Esta búsqueda de la AGI ha desatado una cantidad asombrosa de inversión.
Se espera que cinco de las principales empresas tecnológicas estadounidenses gasten en conjunto 700.000 millones de dólares este año en infraestructura de IA y otros grandes proyectos, más que toda la economía de los Emiratos Árabes Unidos. La economía estadounidense también se ha vuelto cada vez más dependiente de la IA, y algunos economistas sostienen que las inversiones en IA representaron hasta el 92% del crecimiento del PIB de Estados Unidos en la primera mitad de 2025\. Los laboratorios de IA estadounidenses se han vuelto demasiado grandes para caer.
Eso no ha hecho que la IA sea más popular. En marzo, una encuesta de NBC News a 1.000 votantes registrados en Estados Unidos halló que los únicos temas con una calificación neta positiva más baja que la IA eran Irán y el Partido Demócrata. Según una encuesta de Gallup de principios de este año, incluso entre los estadounidenses de la generación Z, que son usuarios frecuentes de la IA, la ira hacia la tecnología va en aumento: solo el 18% de las personas encuestadas dijeron sentirse esperanzadas al respecto. Muchos culpan a los oligarcas tecnológicos que construyen la tecnología. En abril, un joven lanzó un cóctel molotov contra la casa del director de OpenAI, Sam Altman.
Mientras tanto, China avanza con más cautela, tratando de equilibrar el crecimiento y el control. El Partido Comunista Chino necesita la IA para impulsar la productividad, dinamizar la economía y enfrentar desafíos internos como el declive demográfico; al mismo tiempo, necesita impedir que la IA desplace demasiados empleos y fomente el malestar social. Las élites encargadas de las políticas están atentas a la posibilidad de inestabilidad social.
Los funcionarios chinos abogan por un enfoque de la IA centrado "primero en el empleo" y "en las personas", presentando la tecnología como creadora de empleos; el año pasado, las autoridades chinas de arbitraje laboral dictaminaron que las empresas están legalmente obligadas a capacitar o reasignar a los trabajadores antes de que puedan ser reemplazados por la IA. Algunos expertos han sostenido que, durante los últimos cuatro años, China ha tenido las regulaciones de IA más amplias y onerosas del mundo, que exigen a los desarrolladores presentar sus modelos a los reguladores para evaluaciones previas al despliegue e incluir marcas de agua en el contenido generado por IA. El impulso se acelera: en la primera mitad de 2025, China emitió tantos requisitos nacionales sobre la IA como en los tres años anteriores, según Concordia AI, una empresa social con sede en Beijing centrada en la seguridad y la gobernanza de la IA.
Después de todo, la legitimidad del Partido Comunista Chino desde Deng Xiaoping se ha construido sobre la promesa de prosperidad a cambio de menos libertades, sobre la promesa de que el mañana será mejor y de que los niveles de vida seguirán subiendo.
Beijing quiere que la IA sostenga, y no haga añicos, ese pacto tácito.
El Partido ya ha contenido el resentimiento contra los ricos al poner de rodillas a las empresas tecnológicas. Durante la pandemia de COVID, los empresarios tecnológicos de China quedaron atrapados en una tormenta regulatoria que duró años, lanzada en nombre de la reducción de la desigualdad social y del freno a la expansión desordenada del capital bajo la campaña de "Prosperidad Común" de Xi Jinping.
Pero navegar entre el crecimiento y el control de la IA no será fácil. Durante mi viaje en junio, percibí una creciente conciencia sobre el impacto de la IA en los empleos, aunque para muchos todavía no ha derivado en miedo. Muchos sienten curiosidad por la burbuja de IA de Estados Unidos, por el auge de la programación con IA y su impacto en los ingenieros de software, y por la enorme desigualdad causada por la inédita cantidad de riqueza que se generará con las próximas salidas a bolsa de los laboratorios de vanguardia estadounidenses este año.
Para mí, China está más o menos un año por detrás de Estados Unidos en cuanto al punto en el que se encuentra en la tecnología y en el entusiasmo desmedido. Hay menos fanfarria grandilocuente sobre las capacidades de la IA y menos concentración visible de riqueza, y el momento de la AGI no se siente inminente para la gran mayoría.
No es de extrañar que los temores en torno al desplazamiento laboral provocado por la IA parezcan más leves en China que en Estados Unidos, aun cuando a la economía y al mercado laboral de China les va peor en general. Pero está por verse si el espíritu de época más positivo en China se mantendrá, en uno o dos años, en caso de más despidos a gran escala en la industria tecnológica, aunque parece probable que el gobierno intervenga para minimizarlos.
Por ahora, en la China posterior al auge, la nueva normalidad es el estancamiento de los salarios, un mercado laboral difícil, el desplome de los precios de la propiedad y la involución en todos los sectores, nada de lo cual se percibe como causado directamente por la IA. Cansados de correr cada vez más rápido hacia un futuro incierto, algunos trabajadores se están relajando y renunciando a la grandiosa narrativa del progreso estatal orientada al futuro. Una diminuta exhalación de libertad bajo el panóptico del control autoritario.
Y unos pocos han intentado resistir con vehemencia la embestida tecnológica. En 2024, los taxistas de Wuhan protestaron contra los robotaxis de la empresa Baidu, y captaron la atención nacional. En una carta, sostuvieron que los taxis tradicionales "al borde de la extinción". Aunque el mensaje se volvió viral, las protestas no pudieron detener el despliegue de los autos autónomos en las ciudades chinas. Mientras China se lanza de cabeza hacia su visión nacional de ascenso tecnológico, la mayor parte de la sociedad sigue corriendo hacia adelante, con la esperanza de que la IA cumpla la promesa de rejuvenecimiento.
## El futuro atormentado por el pasado
El año pasado, durante una breve escala en Shenzhen, deambulé por la Ventana al Mundo, un parque temático que en la década de 1990 era el punto turístico más popular de la ciudad y que ahora se parece más a una parodia obsoleta. Salté por la Gran Muralla a escala reducida, observé las pequeñas pirámides de Giza no muy lejos de los rostros tallados del Monte Rushmore, y contemplé un mini Monte Fuji recortado contra rascacielos que se elevaban hacia el cielo azul.
El parque temático casi vacío tenía un encanto relajado y desvaído, consciente de que pertenecía a una época que ya pasó. Pude imaginar cómo, al inaugurarse, los bulevares debieron haber estado repletos de turistas chinos ansiosos por ver el mundo, pero sin los medios para viajar al extranjero. Estas pequeñas arcadias de la globalización brotaron por toda China, con más de 2.500 construidas entre 1990 y 2005.
Hoy, parques como la Ventana al Mundo ya no cautivan a los chinos. Mientras, los paisajes urbanos que los rodean encarnan ahora una hipermodernidad que atrae a los turistas extranjeros. Metrópolis del mañana como Shenzhen y Chongqing se asemejan a otro tipo de gigantesco parque temático, que representa ideas fantásticas del futuro. *Influencers* y ejecutivos occidentales hacen el peregrinaje a las ciudades chinas para experimentar la entrega de comida por dron, losujosos autos eléctricos, los trenes de alta velocidad, los teléfonos de triple pliegue y los robots humanoides que bailan. Esta es otra manifestación más de lo que he llamado "sinofuturismo".
Pero lo que más me impacta a medida que viajo a China año tras año es cómo el arco de la historia pesa sobre el presente. Muchas personas en Occidente no logran imaginar lo que realmente se siente haber vivido los últimos 40 o 50 años desde la Reforma y Apertura. Muchos empresarios tecnológicos chinos de mediana edad que conocí el mes pasado mencionaron sus recuerdos de privaciones y hambre, de haber crecido comiendo carne una vez al año, de ganar apenas 10 dólares al mes incluso siendo egresados universitarios, y de la destructiva agitación de la Revolución Cultural.
Estas son las elites que actualmente dirigen el futuro de la IA en China. Su miedo más poderoso respecto de la IA es que pueda hacer retroceder la sociedad a la pobreza y el caos de un pasado no tan lejano, ya sea por una adopción demasiado lenta o demasiado rápida.
En las personas de a pie percibo una mezcla de nacionalismo, optimismo y apatía. Quieren que la IA sea buena, que mejore sus vidas, que siga impulsando el motor económico de China. Unos 451 millones de personas viven en zonas rurales, con menos acceso a educación y atención médica de calidad. En 2025, el PIB per cápita de China rondaba los 14.000 dólares, menos de una sexta parte del de Estados Unidos. Pero la población del país se reduce y envejece rápidamente; la población en edad de trabajar alcanzó su punto máximo en 2015.
La IA, entonces, no puede ignorarse y debe aprenderse. La mayoría entiende que China todavía no tiene el lujo de elegir no crecer. Incluso muchos de los más escépticos en China, en lugar de imaginar alternativas liberadoras a la tecnología, como hacen otros en Occidente, se encogen de hombros y confían esas elucubraciones al Partido, que promete que solo él puede conducir al país hacia el cumplimiento de la misión del "rejuvenecimiento nacional".
Aun así, conviene tener cuidado de no descartar la visión china de la IA como algo inamovible. Al igual que en Estados Unidos, los sueños y las pesadillas se disputan espacio constantemente. Bajo las visiones jerárquicas de la IA – como una tecnología que impulsará a la nación y a la sociedad hacia adelante, que será una panacea para los desafíos internos y que sanará las cicatrices del Siglo de la Humillación –, el pueblo chino tiene sus propios deseos, innovaciones y subversiones que disputan y moldean las visiones del Estado.
Pienso en las mujeres que tienen citas con novios de IA y se niegan a casarse con hombres reales, en la generalizada crítica al gigante del streaming iQIYI por licenciar la imagen de actores reales para programas generados por IA, en el ‘momento DeepSeek’ que desató en China un movimiento de código abierto de abajo hacia arriba, y en una reciente regulación gubernamental que prohíbe los acompañantes virtuales para menores. El futuro no llega sin fricciones.
### Perú: Los fantasmas del fujimorismo vuelven al Palacio de Gobierno
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-keiko-fujimori-elecciones-autoritarismo-america-latina/
Last updated: 2026-07-02T18:27:48.000Z
La asunción de la política derechista Keiko Fujimori como presidenta de Perú, prevista para el 26 de julio, consolida la regresión democrática de este país.
El escrutinio definitivo, casi un mes después de la segunda vuelta presidencial del 7 de junio, le otorgó a Fujimori una ventaja de 0,3% de los votos frente al candidato de izquierda, Roberto Sánchez. En la primera vuelta del 12 abril, Fujimori había conseguido 17%, y Sánchez,12%.
Cabeza de la dinastía familiar más polarizante del país, Fujimori pudo ganar la presidencia en su [cuarto intento](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/per-tendr-que-escoger-entre-democracia-y-dictadura/), luego de muchos años de cogobernar desde el Congreso con su partido Fuerza Popular.
El padre de Keiko, Alberto Fujimori, gobernó Perú entre 1990 y 2000\. En esa década se convirtió en dictador, disolvió el Congreso y el Poder Judicial y desplegó a los militares en las calles. Durante su régimen se cometieron numerosas violaciones de derechos humanos en el combate contra grupos armados de izquierda, y se ejecutó un programa de esterilizaciones forzadas. En 2010 fue condenado a 25 años de prisión por las [masacres](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/un-espejo-doloroso/) de Barrios Altos (1991) y La Cantuta (1992), en las que fueron asesinadas 25 personas, y por delitos de corrupción. Sin embargo, en 2023 fue liberado por orden del Tribunal Constitucional, alegando razones humanitarias, y murió libre en 2024.
Desde 2006, cuando fue elegida legisladora, Keiko Fujimori se fue convirtiendo en la líder del fujimorismo y en la principal defensora del régimen de su padre – y de su inocencia.
Para la activista Victoria Vigo, [víctima](https://www.canalcidh.org/esterilizaciones-peru?ref=opendemocracy.net) de las [esterilizaciones forzadas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/) de la década de 1990, una Fujimori en el gobierno representa la vuelta de un modelo de Estado "racista y profundamente opresor".
“El Perú se ha dividido, y un país dividido de esta manera no va a tener un gobierno demasiado bueno o pacifista”, dijo Vigo a democraciaAbierta. A Keiko Fujimori, “le va a ser difícil gobernar; va a empezar a crear fantasmas donde no hay y a recurrir a la opresión”.
Fujimori apunta a consolidar desde la presidencia una estrategia que su partido viene ejecutando desde el Congreso. Apoyó la [ley de de amnistía](https://news.un.org/es/story/2024/08/1531901?ref=opendemocracy.net) de 2024, que declaró prescritos los crímenes de guerra o de lesa humanidad cometidos antes de julio de 2002, y[ otra que blinda](https://larepublica.pe/politica/2026/06/24/congreso-fuerza-popular-app-y-aliados-votaron-a-favor-de-ley-procrimen-para-policias-y-militares-hnews-1657752?ref=opendemocracy.net) a militares y policías de ser juzgados por tribunales civiles.
En una región donde la suspensión de garantías constitucionales se normaliza, con los casos de [El Salvador](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-bukele-represion-regimen-de-excepcion-derechos-humanos-persecucion-exilio-cristosal-ruth-lopez/), [Ecuador](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ecuador-protestas-indigenas-conaie-daniel-noboa-combustibles-subsidios-pobreza-terrorismo-persecucion/) y el propio [Perú](https://rpp.pe/politica/gobierno/gobierno-oficializa-prorroga-del-estado-de-emergencia-en-lima-y-callao-por-60-dias-noticia-1694596?ref=opendemocracy.net), existe riesgo de que el nuevo gobierno orqueste la captura definitiva de las instituciones en favor de intereses particulares y de la impunidad.
El desafío de la presidenta electa no será solo reactivar una economía estancada, sino convencer a buena parte de la ciudadanía, escéptica de que su apellido puede operar dentro de los límites de una democracia liberal.
Keiko Fujimori, de 51 años, asumirá la presidencia con el capital político y los resentimientos de su padre. A diferencia de aquél, que ejerció un control monolítico, ella recibe un país atomizado y exhausto tras haber devorado a ocho presidentes en apenas una década (Keiko es la novena).
Según el politólogo peruano Alberto Vergara Panigua, a pesar de las diferencias entre los dos candidatos, Fujimori y Sánchez son como dos caras de la misma moneda. “Representan un modelo político contemporáneo ya bien conocido… la búsqueda de la erosión del estado de derecho, el particularismo y, obviamente, la lealtad bajísima respecto a la democracia”, dijo Vergara a democraciaAbierta.
En 2021, cuando perdió las elecciones en su tercer intento, Fujimori denunció que había sufrido un fraude electoral, aunque no presentó pruebas. Este año, antes de la segunda vuelta, [puso en duda si reconocería los resultados](https://ladiaria.com.uy/mundo/articulo/2026/6/keiko-fujimori-dejo-abierta-la-posibilidad-de-no-reconocer-los-resultados-de-las-elecciones-del-domingo/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y solo se distanció de la narrativa de fraude cuando pasó a encabezar el escrutinio.
De modo análogo, Roberto Sánchez [denunció que las elecciones no fueron limpias](https://www.infobae.com/peru/2026/06/30/roberto-sanchez-insiste-con-el-fraude-y-anuncia-que-presentara-recurso-ante-la-cidh-tenemos-el-derecho/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y se negó a reconocer el triunfo de Fujimori.
“Es esencial ver que los dos candidatos son producto del sistema político prevaleciente. Son hijos del statu quo, y en muchos sentidos, con sus matices, abocados a la reproducción del statu quo”, dijo Vergara, docente, escritor e investigador en la Universidad del Pacífico de Lima.
### Una trayectoria poco democrática
A Vergara no le extrañaría que Fujimori gobernara con suspensión total o parcial de garantías constitucionales.
“Ni siquiera usaría la expresión ‘podría ir hacia allá’. Ya está ahí, porque ella [ha apoyado](https://www.celag.org/dina-boluarte-y-keiko-fujimori-un-matrimonio-de-conveniencia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) todas las violaciones de derechos humanos de los últimos tres o cuatro años en el Perú, como las matanzas \[de 50 manifestantes bajo la presidencia de\] Dina Boluarte, y su bancada ha hecho pasar \[la ley\] de amnistía, en la peor tradición latinoamericana autoritaria, y otra que tiene efectos para relajar el control civil sobre los abusos de las fuerzas del orden. Antes lo hacía desde el Legislativo y ahora va a hacerlo desde el Ejecutivo”.
La Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos [instó](https://cejil.org/comunicado-de-prensa/corte-interamericana-de-derechos-humanos-ordena-a-peru-no-aplicar-la-ley-de-amnistia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) el año pasado a Perú a anular la ley de amnistía, pues contraviene el derecho internacional. Desde entonces la tensión con la Corte Interamericana fue creciente, y Perú amenazó con retirarse del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Fujimori se [mostró favorable](https://lpderecho.pe/keiko-fujimori-plantea-salir-jurisdiccion-corte-interamericana-de-derechos-humanos/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a ese retiro, con la promesa de un presunto retorno, pero sin aceptar la plena jurisdicción de las convenciones de derechos humanos y de la Corte.
Uno de los crímenes que entrarían en la amnistía es el [Programa Nacional de Salud Reproductiva y Planificación Familiar](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/) de Alberto Fujimori, que esterilizó a más de 272.000 mujeres y 22.000 hombres entre 1996 y 2000, según registros oficiales. Esa política constituyó “una forma de violencia basada en el sexo y discriminación interseccional, particularmente contra mujeres indígenas, rurales y mujeres económicamente desfavorecidas”, [determinó](https://www.ohchr.org/es/press-releases/2024/10/peru-fujimori-governments-forced-sterilisation-policy-violated-womens-rights?ref=opendemocracy.net) en 2024 el Comité de las Naciones Unidas para la Eliminación de la Discriminación contra la Mujer.
[Perú: 30 años después, primer juicio internacional por esterilizaciones forzadasMiles de mujeres fueron esterilizadas bajo coacción, presiones o engaños, alegan las demandantes en el primer juicio internacional que enfrenta Perú por uno de estos crímenesopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/)
Vigo pasó por una esterlización en 1996, cuando estaba embarazada de su tercer hijo y le practicaron una cesárea de emergencia.
"En pleno gobierno de Fujimori, cuando yo tuve la desgracia de caer en manos de esta política de planificación familiar… me sacan un hijo prematuro, que muere, y ahí me esterilizan, pero no me informan ni me consultan, y en la historia clínica no lo ponen. Y yo me entero porque yo los escucho a los médicos. El médico jamás se acercó a mí a decirme lo que iba a hacer. Pero él dijo ‘yo recibía órdenes de arriba’", relató.
Para Vigo se trató de “una política racista y colonialista, porque esta llamada planificación familiar solamente fue para un sector, para los lugares más pobres, para las personas quechuahablantes”. Muchas víctimas eran muy jóvenes. “Y los incentivos eran alimentarios; les daban comida, era un trueque que hacían. Eso se explica por una discriminación muy grande".
A partir de un proyecto universitario que investigaba las esterilizaciones forzadas, Vigo dimensionó que su caso era uno entre miles. Luego de años de procedimientos judiciales logró ganar su caso y [obtener una reparación económica](https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-39413935?ref=opendemocracy.net). Así comenzó su vida como activista. Llegó a visitar Estados Unidos con organizaciones internacionales para denunciar que el gobierno de Fujimori utilizaba dinero de la agencia de desarrollo USAID para su programa.
Como activista, ha sufrido amenazas y agresiones. “El insulto era terrorismo, que yo defendía el terrorismo y eso fue muy agresivo”, dijo. Oriunda de la norteña localidad de Piura, Vigo vive ahora en Canadá, al que se mudó tras pedir ayuda a Amnistía Internacional. “Recibí amenazas por Internet, pero después ya amenazas físicas".
El peligro más inminente es que, con este marco legal y Fujimori en el gobierno, se estanquen los juicios por estos y otros crímenes, pero también una activa campaña de revisionismo, con el nuevo gobierno promoviendo narrativas que relativicen los crímenes de Estado, y debilitando el lugar que ocupa la memoria histórica en la educación pública y los espacios civiles.
Vigo también teme por sus hijos y por sus compañeras de la Asociación de Mujeres Sobrevivientes de las Esterilización del Perú, que ella ayudó a fundar.
“Ellas me dicen ‘nos da miedo, Victoria, porque ahora puede haber controversia con nuestra familia’. Tengo que ser cuidadosa ahora porque ellas están expuestas. Yo las entiendo porque mi familia estuvo con mucha presión hasta ahora en Perú. Mi hija me dice ‘mamá, es muy terrible lo que sucede’”, dijo.
Vigo espera seguir denunciando los retrocesos de derechos humanos de su país desde Canadá. "Algo que le dije al gobierno canadiense fue que el hecho de que yo esté pidiendo asilo aquí, porque no me siento segura en mi país, es porque yo quiero seguir ayudando; voy a seguir desde acá y no me van a callar".
## La marca del ‘fujimorismo’
El llamado fujimorismo es una criatura política particular, pero cada vez más frecuente en América Latina: una amalgama de populismo de derecha, conservadurismo social y una fe sin límites en el libre mercado.
En campaña, Keiko Fujimori se presentó como la única capaz de salvar a Perú del abismo del “radicalismo de izquierda”, un argumento que resonó en Lima, capital temerosa de la inestabilidad económica. Su plataforma prometió restablecer “el orden” bajo una doctrina de "mano dura" inspirada en los modelos punitivos que hoy ganan terreno en la región.
Pero este fujimorismo renovado carga con una crisis de identidad. Por un lado, reclama el crédito por la estabilidad macroeconómica del país, el llamado “milagro” peruano basado en una economía primarizada de minería y agroexportación, con cifras muy bajas de inflación, déficit fical y endeudamiento público. Por el otro, se niega a hacer un mea culpa por las sistemáticas violaciones a los derechos humanos y la corrupción que caracterizaron al régimen de Alberto Fujimori y determinaron su colapso en 2000.
Esta dualidad es la que hace sonar las alarmas. No se trata del riesgo de un golpe militar, como los que abundaron en la región en el siglo pasado, sino de una erosión interna de las instituciones mediante el uso legal del aparato estatal.
Vergara y el politólogo Rodrigo Barrenechea [observaban](https://www.nuso.org/articulo/Peru-democracia-vaciamiento/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en un artículo publicado en 2023 que “el proceso político peruano reciente podría tener relevancia teórica” para entender los acontecimientos en otros países. En ese y otros artículos, los autores sugerían que mientras la academia asume que las democracias mueren por concentración del poder, el caso de Perú revela “que las democracias pueden deteriorarse por lo opuesto: la dilución del poder”.
Perú no solo tuvo ocho presidentes en una década, también tuvo elecciones con 35 candidatos presidenciales, [niveles de aprobación](https://data.larepublica.pe/encuesta-iep-peru-aprobacion-desaprobacion-presidencia-congreso-de-la-republica-ejecutivo-legislativo/febrero-2023-I/?ref=opendemocracy.net) del Congreso y la presidencia entre los más bajos de la región y apatía de la ciudadanía ante la política. En la recta final de la última campaña electoral, ocho de cada 10 personas dijeron no saber cómo se debía votar, según una [encuesta](https://elcomercio.pe/politica/encuesta-datum-internacional-un-80-de-peruanos-afirma-que-no-sabe-como-se-debe-votar-en-las-proximas-elecciones-elecciones-2026-12-de-abril-tlcnota-noticia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de Datum Internacional para diario El Comercio.
Vergara observó que “no hay que olvidar que en el Perú, el objetivo principal que tienen los políticos es sobrevivir; todos saben que la política es muy inestable, sujeta a golpes de timón que provienen de pequeños escándalos y de cambios de ánimo”. En ese contexto, “si les conviene alinearse con Trump y sacrificar lo que sea, lo van a hacer; con Trump, como con cualquiera”.
Keiko Fujimori [se alineó](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jmYQwptRonw&ref=opendemocracy.net) con la política migratoria de Trump, y apoyó el ataque a Venezuela y el secuestro del expresidente Nicolás Maduro. El secretario de Estado, Marco Rubio, [la felicitó](https://www.france24.com/es/minuto-a-minuto/20260701-rubio-felicita-a-keiko-fujimori-y-ofrece-reforzar-la-cooperaci%C3%B3n-eeuu-per%C3%BA-en-seguridad?ref=opendemocracy.net) por su triunfo.
En Perú, los fantasmas de la década de 1990 nunca se fueron realmente. Dos décadas y media después, están de vuelta en la presidencia.
*Dacil Lanza es periodista especializada en política internacional, actualmente en France 24 en español. Colabora y ha colaborado en medios como el diario italiano Il Manifesto, la revista Nueva Sociedad y Cenital, entre otros. En Argentina, trabajó en la agencia Télam y El Destape. Realizó coberturas en Brasil, Chile, Colombia y España, y en países de Medio Oriente, entre ellos Israel, Palestina y Egipto.*
### Remembering David Potter: Industrialist, physicist, philanthropist
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/obituary-david-potter-psion-industrialist-physicist-philanthropist/
Last updated: 2026-07-02T15:15:37.000Z
David Potter, who died on 28 June, was the UK’s pioneering engineer and entrepreneur of the computer age. In 1980, he founded Psion, a technology company that went on to create the world’s first hand-held organiser four years later. He then oversaw the creation of Symbian, the standard operating system for mobiles. Later, he served two terms as a non-executive director of the Bank of England, a period that included the financial crash of 2007, which confirmed his loathing of US financial influence. He used his wealth to become an intelligent, progressive philanthropist. In that role, he played a decisive part in rescuing openDemocracy from bankruptcy in 2013, anchoring a matching funds campaign.
I met David after his wife, Elaine Potter, became a member of the openDemocracy board in 2006\. An experienced investigative journalist, Elaine was part of the Sunday Times Insight team in the 1970s. Under the leadership of Bruce Page and the overall editorship of Harry Evans, the team forged the standards for sustained, independent investigation that, despite all the efforts of Trumpite corporate self-interest and its corruptions, still shape our expectations of honest journalism.
Thanks to David, the Foundation he established with Elaine became a modest but invaluably regular supporter of openDemocracy’s core costs. I was an experienced fundraiser and found him enjoyable and strangely unique. It took me some time to work out why. In this short, personal salute, I’ll summarise my answer.
Four things about David Potter made him a distinctive force for good in ways unusual for the rich, certainly in Britain.
Firstly, he was a self-made industrialist. I was used to working with the trustees and directors of foundations, some of whom had inherited great wealth or had made fortunes out of the opportunities of finance and even the media. David was different. He was akin to the great nineteenth-century industrialists. He created a cutting-edge manufacturing company. He made things. Talking with him was to enter the joy of the tangible.
Soon after we met, David denounced with venom American economist Milton Friedman’s [famous claim](https://www.nytimes.com/1970/09/13/archives/a-friedman-doctrine-the-social-responsibility-of-business-is-to.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) that the “one and only social responsibility of business” is to “increase its profits”. David’s business had made him wealthy, but the purpose that got him up in the morning was to create something useful that people needed. He innovated for use-value, not to extract as much as he could. To start and grow a major company is incredibly demanding work. For him, it was a work of creation, not exploitation.
He also loved talking about manufacturing, especially the qualities of Japanese factories. His own products were tremendous. When I posted a notice of his death on Bluesky, Shane McKee, a consultant in genetic medicine in Northern Ireland, responded: “I'm still using my Psion Series 5mx daily.”
Once David told me, with a delightful twinkle in his eye and contempt in his voice, how when he worked for the Bank of England he’d had lunch with a senior City banker who went on about innovative financial products. David had cut him short to tell him that if he really wanted to know about ‘innovative products’, he was talking to the right person!
Reflecting on this led me to interview David with Will Davies, who at the time was editing a series of articles for openDemocracy called Uneconomics. David rewrote the transcript, making in effect an article by him, which we called [‘Let's welcome the enmity of bankers’](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/lets-welcome-enmity-of-bankers/). Mostly, it was about his experience of the financial crash and his opposition to debt-fuelled growth and its dangers.
It opens, however, with how he started as an academic at London’s Imperial College doing a PhD in non-linear physics. He studied the laws of “complex phenomena such as fluid dynamics, the atmosphere or the structure of a galaxy… turbulence, statistics in nature” and pioneered using computers to do so, writing his first book on [Computational Physics](https://www.scribd.com/document/385447928/Computational-Physics-David-Potter?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 1973\. In other words, he mastered the intangible – such as the mathematical description of the dynamics of galactic clouds – as well.
This was his second special attribute: he was a top-rate scientific intellectual. At the end of the 1970s, teaching in Los Angeles, he grasped the transformative significance of the exponential increase in the power of the microchip. Realising that it would transform the world, as indeed it has, he decided he wanted to help make the change. He resigned from his academic career to start Psion – but never lost a sweeping world view.
As well as being both a maker of things and an intellectual, David Potter was South African. One of the things about liberal South Africans is that they are not afraid of revolution, having experienced real change. Most progressive British funders, while they like the idea of radical aspiration, in their hearts fear barricades, tumbrils and losing an invitation to join the House of Lords. South Africans, by contrast, have experienced system change and know it can work. It makes them much more fearless and relaxed when you pitch to them that openDemocracy wants to hold capitalism to account.
Finally, there was a fourth factor that made David special. He was married to Elaine. They were in every best sense an item, watching out for each other, staying measured and secure in their generosity. They seemed a perfect foil for each other. In practical terms, when he was uncertain about the politics of a project, Elaine could figure it out, and if she was doubtful about an economic proposition, she respected his opinion (this is not always true of spouses).
An anecdote that shows how special he was. In a conversation at his home by the Thames in Wallingford, David gently upbraided me for failing, like almost all the English, to recognise the utterly exceptional contribution of James Clark Maxwell, the Scottish scientist who worked in London and Cambridge. He didn’t patronise me or make me feel small. But I learnt that I should know that Maxwell ranked with Newton and Einstein as one of the great physicists of all time. Indeed, when he first visited London, Einstein said that he stood on Maxwell’s shoulders, rather than Newton’s and that Maxwell’s demonstration of the unity of electromagnetism meant that “one scientific epoch ended and another began”.
David was delighted that he was able to be a prime funder of a statue to Maxwell in Edinburgh. Delighted, not out of patriotism but because he was a scientist as well as a successful manufacturer. The latter had given him the resources to ensure a monument to his scientific predecessor, in whose footsteps he himself had followed.
### Indigenous women in Argentina win landmark victory against sexual violence
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-indigenous-women-law-against-chineo-hate-crime-sexual-violence/
Last updated: 2026-07-02T13:22:45.000Z
On the afternoon of 16 April 2026, a small group of Indigenous women arrived at the state legislature of Salta, a province in northern Argentina, to watch politicians debate and vote on a proposed law.
As the results were announced, the women laughed, cried and embraced one another. They had succeeded in getting the state to recognise, for the first time, the existence of ‘chineo’: the systematic sexual abuse and assault of Indigenous girls and women by ‘criollo’ (non-Indigenous) men, who typically wield greater economic, social or political power.
Argentina’s [1.3 million Indigenous people, who make up just 2.9% of its total population](https://censo.gob.ar/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/censo%5F2022%5Fsintesis%5Fresultados.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), continue to face injustices despite having some legal rights. Many communities struggle to protect their ancestral lands from mining, logging, and farming projects that damage the environment and threaten their way of life. They also experience discrimination, limited access to quality healthcare and education, and higher levels of poverty.
For Indigenous girls and women, chineo is also a constant threat that has loomed for more than 400 years since the arrival of colonial settlers. It is still common to hear some criollo men say “vamos a chinear” (“let's go chinear”), explains Fabiana Ibarra, a woman from the Wichí people, who was herself assaulted as a teenager. “They mean going out to look for women to abuse.”
In Salta, the passing of [Law 8.534](https://boletinoficialsalta.gob.ar/instrumento.php?cXdlcnR5dGFibGE9THw4NTM0JmRhdGE9MjIxODNxd2VydHk=&ref=opendemocracy.net) is a landmark victory against such attacks. Indigenous people account for 10% of the province’s population – a much larger proportion than the national average – and local authorities must now recognise chineo as a hate crime to be prevented through awareness-raising and education.
[Wichí women in Argentina denounce sexual violence and impunityIndigenous women abused as teenagers by white ‘criollo’ men accuse state of neglect amid three-year fight for justiceopenDemocracyCecilia Osorio](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/argentina-rape-indigenous-wichi-girls-adolescents-rights-impunity-javier-milei/)
The new legislation is known as the ‘Octorina Law’, in memory of the late Wichí leader Octorina Zamora, who defended Indigenous rights throughout her life. Among the women present to see it passed was Zamora’s daughter, Tujuay Gea Zamora, who is continuing her fight against chineo. “When we left the legislature, we realised it was just beginning,” Tujuay told openDemocracy. “The law is not a finishing line, but a starting point.”
Tujuay wants further law changes to hand Indigenous people the “legal tools to defend” their lands from “this colonial disciplining”. The Octorina Law does not create new criminal offences – a power reserved for Argentina’s national Congress – or modify the penalties for sexual crimes or the aggravating factors for hate crimes based on race, religion, gender, sexual orientation or gender identity. Instead, it aims to recognise a form of racist and patriarchal violence that has historically been rendered invisible.
The law provides for the creation of a body focused on combating chineo, which will gather statistics on the crime and develop protocols, prevention campaigns and protection mechanisms. It will also require Salta’s ministries of health, education, government and justice to allocate resources for multilingual awareness campaigns, intercultural assistance centres, the training of public servants, and comprehensive support for victims. It has not yet been announced which ministry will bear responsibility for overseeing the new body and deciding its budget.
“We know it is a basic law; we decided to pass it because it was needed. It is a first step,” said provincial senator Walter Cruz, from the Kolla people, who introduced an earlier bill to tackle chineo, which was not debated within the necessary legislative timeframe.
The new law also requires authorities to hold ongoing consultation and dialogue with Indigenous communities through the Provincial Institute of Indigenous Peoples of Salta and enables the Public Prosecutor's Office to intervene as a civil party on behalf of victims. “We can be pioneers with this law. But if we don't apply it well, it will have been a nice piece of paper,” Cruz told openDemocracy.
Cruz believes the Salta law carries greater significance in the current Argentine political landscape. Since libertarian president Javier Milei took office in December 2023, institutions and budgets to combat gender-based violence have been eliminated, and bodies linked to Indigenous rights have been dismantled.
Although Milei’s approach makes it unlikely that a similar law will be adopted nationally anytime soon, the senator hopes the Octorina Law could become a precedent for similar legislation in neighbouring provinces or across the country. “It would be ideal if this could also be discussed in Chaco, Formosa, Jujuy or Santiago del Estero,” he said. “Chineo does not happen only in Salta.”
## **Oblivion and misery**
One of the most famous cases of chineo in recent years is that of [Juana](https://ri.conicet.gov.ar/handle/11336/252077?ref=opendemocracy.net)\*, a Wichí woman from Alto La Sierra community who was born with microcephaly, a rare neurological condition causing problems with the brain’s development.
In 2015, when she was 12 years old, Juana was caught and dragged into a bush by eight criollo men. They drugged, beat, and raped her. She became pregnant. The long distances to the nearest suitable healthcare provider, the lack of ambulances and language barriers meant she did not receive medical attention for days. Although abortions in cases of rape are legal in Argentina, local health and justice authorities then delayed proceedings and denied Juana access to an abortion until her story became national news.
By this time, her pregnancy was “too advanced” for a regular termination. She was forced to undergo a caesarean section to terminate the pregnancy, which doctors had concluded was non-viable and was putting her life at extreme risk.
Wichí adolescent | Julieta Bogado
Juana’s mother, meanwhile, faced threats and pressure to drop her police report of her daughter’s assault. When she refused, she faced a cover-up from the authorities that eventually led to a prosecutor and judge being removed from the case and sparked calls for the firing of medical staff who carried out Juana’s examination.
Octorina Zamora supported Juana's family, as she did with many others, even years after the abuse. “Juana remains trapped in oblivion and misery, without the assistance she is entitled to as a victim, as a woman, as an indigenous person, as a child,” [she recounted in 2020 at a symposium](https://www.pagina12.com.ar/285434-juana-sigue-en-el-olvido-en-la-miseria-sin-una-asistencia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the National Institute against Discrimination.
Juana’s family refused to back down, and her attackers were eventually sentenced to 17 years in prison in 2019\. This is not typical of chineo cases; most never reach trial or stall amid language barriers, the lack of interpreters, or local pressures, as detailed in an [investigation that openDemocracy republished](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/argentina-rape-indigenous-wichi-girls-adolescents-rights-impunity-javier-milei/) last year.
## **‘A fundamental first step’**
Much of the campaigning for the new law has come from the [Movement of Indigenous Women and Diversities for Good Living](https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=1362584059246731&set=pb.100064854487584.-2207520000&locale=es%5FLA), which brings together at least 36 communities from more than 20 Indigenous peoples and has a national reach.
The movement was officially formed in 2012, but has its roots in earlier meetings held around community bonfires, when women would travel many kilometres to meet and share problems they faced in their territory, from a lack of drinking water to child malnutrition. In 2019, it launched its #BastaDeChineo (#EnoughWithChineo) campaign, building networks to protect one another and their children, support victims, and help those who do not speak Spanish to file complaints.
In some communities, Indigenous women organised to report what they were enduring. Women and adolescents from the [Wichí community of Misión Kilómetro 2](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-violacion-indigenas-wichi-ninas-adolescentes-derechos-impunidad-javier-milei/) held a march and signed a public letter after the rape and femicide of 12-year-old Pamela Flores in 2022\. With the support of Octorina Zamora, they also participated in the First Assembly of Indigenous Women of Route 81, where they made their demands heard by provincial and national authorities.
Octorina Zamora (left) at a protest over the murder of the girl Pamela Flores | Photo courtesy of the Agrupación Las Fieras de Abya Yala
In May of the same year, the Movement of Women and Diversities organised the third annual ‘Plurinational Parliament’ in Chicoana, Salta, attended by more than 36 Indigenous delegations from across the country. Delegates put together the [Chicoana Report](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28195253-informe-chicoana-tercer-parlamento-plurinacional-del-movimiento-de-mujeres-y-diversidades-indigenas-por-el-buen-vivir/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which included a call for urgent measures against chineo; several of their demands are now part of the new law, such as obligations for authorities to produce statistics on chineo, provide intercultural training for public servants, hire interpreters, and allow Indigenous communities to participate in developing public policy.
Zamora died one week after the Plurinational Parliament. Soon after her death, Senator Cruz introduced a bill in the Salta legislature to pay tribute to her and legislate on some of her ideas around chineo, but the bill’s passage stalled after certain political parties and landowners objected to the language used.
With no progress in sight, activists and human rights groups decided on a new approach, tabling the new bill and removing explicit mentions of chineo, while using descriptions that make clear that it is targeting the behaviours that constitute chineo. “The purpose of this Act is to raise awareness, promote sensitisation and provide education in order to prevent sexual assaults against women, girls and adolescents belonging to Indigenous Peoples, considered hate crimes, throughout the province,”the new law describes.The draft “has changed a great deal from its first version”, explained Senator Cruz.
The word chineo still causes debate and controversy today, says activist María Pía Ceballos, a Wichí Ava Guaraní trans woman from the Salta city of Tartagal. “Some Indigenous women see chineo as a dirty word, and it affects them emotionally. From within the Movement, we explain that this concept describes a practice of colonial and patriarchal sexual violation that must be named,” she told openDemocracy.
Between 2023 and 2025, the bill was discussed with Indigenous leaders, feminist organisations and human rights actors. The organisation Na' Nechepa (Let's Rise Up), which is led by Tujuay Zamora, the Juala Foundation and several local women leaders drafted and submitted specific amendments to the bill's articles. Although the law includes some of their demands, the price of its passage has been its reduction. “The law suffered several cuts on important points, such as economic and judicial reparation,” said Tujuay Zamora. “It is not ideal, but it is a useful tool and a fundamental first step towards being seen.”
## **A platform for struggle**
The [Chicoana Report](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28195253-informe-chicoana-tercer-parlamento-plurinacional-del-movimiento-de-mujeres-y-diversidades-indigenas-por-el-buen-vivir/?ref=opendemocracy.net) was more than a petition against chineo, it was a wide-ranging platform that addressed the roots of exploitation and abuse.
It called for “institutions and religious groups \[...\] who are complicit” in chineo and companies whose employees had committed abuses to be barred from operating in Indigenous territories. It demanded police officers and military personnel who commit chineo be prosecuted, convicted and dishonourably discharged, and public officials and traditional authorities who are perpetrators, accomplices, or facilitators of chineo be prosecuted. It also called for “all the assets of the rapists” to be seized and paid to victims in reparations.
The report also said that women should be “the recipients and administrators of food and social assistance programmes”, with Ceballos explaining: “We have cases where drivers of trucks carrying food aid arrive at communities and demand girls in exchange for delivering the supplies. And some chiefs hand them over.”
Tujuay Zamora recalled that her mother witnessed such abuse in the 1980s. “During the return of democracy in Argentina, Octorina denounced that when boxes of the National Food Plan were distributed, some drivers would grope ten-year-old girls in intimate areas or exchange food for sex.”
The Chicoana Report also gave explicit name to ‘terricide’, a concept coined by the Movement of Indigenous Women for Good Living to describe the destruction of the lands of Indigenous peoples, perpetrated by an extractivist, colonial and patriarchal economic system. “The occupying civilisation has created death and harm to all lives in the ancestral territories. Our pain and our losses are irreparable,” it states.
In December 2024, Milei’s government [repealed a law](https://agenciatierraviva.com.ar/milei-derogo-la-ley-de-emergencia-territorial-indigena-menos-derechos-mas-violencia-y-extractivismo/?ref=opendemocracy.net) that had suspended Indigenous communities’ eviction orders from their ancestral lands, which have lived on for generations but do not typically hold titles for. Now, communities in the provinces of Salta and Jujuy are watching with concern the progress of the [Capricorn Bioceanic Corridor](https://corredorbioceanico.org/es/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a South American road network that will cross their territories to connect central-western Brazil with ports on the Pacific Ocean.
For Indigenous women, trucks and new trade routes are linked to another kind of transit: human trafficking, drug trafficking and increased violence from criollo men. “Situations of trafficking already exist in some communities and this could get much worse,” said Tujuay Zamora. “The extractivist project advances even as communities resist. So we need tools to protect our girls and adolescents from what is coming.”
“The Chicoana Report and the issue of terricide brought us together and enabled awareness of the legal vacuum that exists on this issue,” said Ceballos.
## **Women who illuminate**
The Wichí worldview, which predates Spanish colonisation, says the *atsinay katés* (star women) are bearers of ancestral wisdom and fundamental pillars of the community.
Fabiana Ibarra, a member of the Movement of Indigenous Women and Diversities for Good Living, is one of those star women. In 2006, when Ibarra was 13 years old, she was stopped by a *hätäy* – the Wichí word for a criollo man, meaning ‘white demon’ – as she returned from selling crafts near the border with Bolivia and Paraguay. “I don't know if he was drunk or on drugs; he was red-eyed,” Ibarra said, speaking slowly and with long pauses. “The man threatened me and took me to some bushes where he abused me.”
Ibarra tried to report the sexual abuse, but struggled with the language barrier with the Spanish-speaking police. “Nobody fully understood me,” she told openDemocracy. They took down the complaint with what little they managed to understand, though “there was no follow-up on the case”. The case was closed; the man had relatives in the police, and Ibarra never received any reparation. She taught herself Spanish soon after.
What followed were years of struggle and pain, which began to ease when she met other Wichí sisters who had been through similar experiences. Today, Ibarra is a star woman who guides others who cannot express themselves in Spanish before doctors, police or judicial officers. She said: “I feel like a spokesperson for the sisters who cannot speak.”
*Florencia Galarza is an Argentine journalist specialising in gender, justice and human rights. She contributes to national and international media and investigates violence, inequalities and access to rights. She also works at the National Council of the Judiciary, an organ of the judicial branch.*
### ‘I was kidnapped by the Israeli navy en route to Gaza’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/i-was-kidnapped-by-the-israeli-navy-en-route-to-gaza/
Last updated: 2026-07-03T06:18:02.000Z
In April 2026, hundreds of activists from across the world set sail towards Gaza as part of the Global Sumud Flotilla, a civilian maritime mission attempting to deliver humanitarian aid and challenge Israel’s blockade.
The flotilla left Barcelona on 15 April. Two weeks later, Israeli forces intercepted it in international waters and detained 180 activists, holding them for around 40 hours before most were left in Greece. Two members of the flotilla’s steering committee, Saif Abukeshek and Thiago Ávila, were taken to Israel and imprisoned until they were deported on 10 May.
But the mission did not stop there. The remaining boats regrouped and were joined by others. On 14 May, more than 50 boats carrying 428 people set off from Marmaris, Turkey. Israeli forces intercepted the flotilla again on 18 and 19 May, taking those on board to Israel. Most activists were deported to Turkey on 21 May after being processed through Ketziot Prison.
In this interview, Musa Roshdy, a humanitarian activist who took part in the flotilla, explains why civilians tried to reach Gaza by sea, what happened when the boats were intercepted and why, for organisers, the action showed that governments have no excuse for failing to open humanitarian corridors.
*This article is part of a new openDemocracy series spotlighting how people’s movements organise, innovate and win.* [*It was originally published by CIVICUS Lens,* ](https://lens.civicus.org/interview/gaza-if-civilians-can-get-this-close-to-establishing-a-humanitarian-corridor-then-governments-can-do-it/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*the media platform of the global civil society alliance CIVICUS, and is republished with permission.*
## What is the Global Sumud Flotilla and why does it matter?
The Global Sumud Flotilla was the second civilian maritime mission launched by a coalition of Palestinian solidarity organisations advocating for aid delivery to Palestinians in Gaza and the end of Israel’s illegal siege of Gaza. While it was the Global Sumud Flotilla’s second mission, this was the 39th sea-based attempt to break Israel’s illegal blockade. The Spring 2026 flotilla was organised in direct response to a call for aid put out by civil society organisations on the ground in Palestine.
On 15 April, we sailed from Barcelona with several hundred activists from dozens of countries, including Brazil and Spain, determined to deliver aid to Palestinians facing severe deprivation. Our mission highlighted a crucial reality: if everyday civilians from all over the world can mobilise and get this close to establishing a humanitarian corridor, then governments can certainly do it.
What’s missing is not ability or infrastructure, but political will. The flotilla represents civilian solidarity with Palestinians and a direct challenge to the illegal blockade. We were prepared for interception after Israel arrested the previous flotilla last year, but not for the scale of violence that followed.
## How were you kidnapped?
I was kidnapped by the Israeli navy in the interception that occurred on 29 April, when we were sailing in international waters over 600 miles from occupied Palestine, off the coast of Crete. They attacked us in the middle of the night. We had little warning before military motorboats approached us at high speed. They pointed rifles at us and announced on a megaphone that they were the Israeli navy, they were boarding our vessel and we needed to go inside immediately or they would shoot us.
That night, the Israeli military stopped 22 of the 54 boats in the flotilla en route to Gaza. There’s no legal precedent for military action so far from Israel’s sea borders. We were in the European Union’s search-and-rescue zone, under Greek jurisdiction. But instead of protecting us, Greek coastguard ships observed Israel’s raid and then received us after we were tortured for two days.
Israel’s legal claims were absurd. They accused us of illegal entry into Israel when we were sailing to Gaza and were kidnapped en route. Most of the 180 activists were released in Greece, but two of us were abducted and brought before Ashkelon Magistrate’s Court in Israel on charges with no legal basis.
This violated fundamental principles of international law. You cannot take military action in international waters so far from your territory. You cannot abduct foreign nationals without due process. You cannot torture detainees. Yet all this happened.
Israel acts with impunity because the international community has failed to hold it accountable.
## What did you endure in detention?
It was clear from the start they were trying to denigrate us for standing with Palestinians. I was forced onto my hands and knees and held in uncomfortable positions for hours. Soldiers stole my shoes, then stomped on my feet with their combat boots. I was left in just leggings and a tank top. We were held in makeshift prisons built from shipping containers. The soldiers deliberately manipulated the temperature, wetting the floor to freeze us at night, then forcing us outside under intense heat during the day. I experienced hypothermia both nights, as confirmed by a doctor who was imprisoned with me. When comrades tried to give me sweaters, soldiers took them away. At one point, a soldier pointed a rifle at my comrade and threatened to kill him for offering me a jacket in the cold.
Soldiers banged on containers and shone huge lights while we slept to keep us awake. They threw flashbangs and used force to drag people into solitary confinement. On the last day, they shot activists at point-blank range with rubber bullets. They took photographs and videos that showed us collecting our medications when they kidnapped us, but then denied us access to our medications once we were on the prison boat. Sixty-one people went on hunger strike. The food they provided, mostly bread, was insufficient to feed the rest of us, even with a third of us not eating. This cruelty is consistent with what Palestinians experience in Israeli detention, though what we experienced pales in comparison with the cruelty they face.
The Israeli military intended to deter the humanitarians sailing to deliver aid to the people of Gaza, but they were unsuccessful. People around the world recognise that Palestinians in Gaza still have an overwhelming need for aid, legal protection and solidarity. Many activists who were detained with me on 29 April set sail again a few weeks later on 14 May and were intercepted off Cyprus just days later on 18 and 19 May.
## What must change internationally?
What governments must do is clear but consistently absent. They must condemn the kidnapping of their citizens. They must impose targeted sanctions against Israeli officials, not humanitarian activists. They must denormalise diplomatic relations with Israel. For instance, Croatia’s leader just refused to approve Israel’s new ambassador to Croatia due to Israel’s current policies.
The most fundamental step is an arms embargo. If we stop supplying weapons to Israel, it cannot do what it is doing. Last year, civil society in Belgium won a court case preventing the transit of military equipment to Israel. France recognises Palestine but still supplies weapons. Governments know these mechanisms exist but lack the political will to prioritise Palestinian lives over strategic interests.
A screen grab captured from CCTV videos shows Israeli forces attacking 'Alcyone' and 'Girolama' vessels of the Gaza-bound Global Sumud Flotilla at the Mediterranean Sea, on 19 May 2026 |Global Sumud Flotilla / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images
Western states are also complicit in other ways. Some of our torturers had US accents. Another had a German accent. Western governments allow their citizens to join the Israeli military, which commits war crimes and kidnaps and tortures their nationals, then lets them return home without consequence.
Instead of holding Israel accountable, many western states are restricting the space for pro-Palestinian activism. In the UK, Palestine Action faced an absurd terrorism designation for blocking weapons manufacturing. In Germany, authorities banned the watermelon symbol as antisemitic.
On 19 May, as the Israeli military was kidnapping humanitarians in international waters, the United States Department of the Treasury sanctioned four leaders of the Global Sumud Flotilla, calling humanitarian aid delivery ‘pro-terror’, and blocking all access to financial institutions in the USA. The mechanism used by the USA to sanction humanitarian activists was recently deemed illegal by a federal judge when applied to Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories. It criminalises support for Palestine and conflates it with support for terrorism.
## What lies ahead for activism for Palestinian rights?
Our detention and mistreatment were meant to scare people away. In practice, they did the opposite.
This work has a real human cost. People need time to recover. But the activism will continue, because Palestinians in Gaza are still facing genocide and still need aid, protection and solidarity.
What this moment shows is that rights exist when people act on them. When people learn from Palestinian courage and call atrocities by their name, demand basic decency and insist on access to life itself, movements spread across borders.
People will continue to pursue humanitarian work. They will join future flotillas. They will resist attempts to shut down civic space. The tactics will change and new symbols will emerge, just as the watermelon became a symbol when Palestinians could not display their flag. But the work will not stop.
*CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.*
### Flamencos contra los Trump: la rebelión ambiental que sacude Albania
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/revolucion-flamencos-resorts-trump-kushner-albania/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T16:01:34.000Z
El 30 de mayo, vecinos y activistas se congregaron junto a la laguna de Narta, hogar de miles de flamencos en la costa suroeste de Albania, para protestar contra el cercamiento de la playa de Pishë Poro, parte del paisaje protegido de Vjosa-Narta frente al mar Adriático.
El enfrentamiento que siguió transformó una campaña ambiental de larga data. Según activistas albaneses, guardias de seguridad privada arrastraron a un residente local, arrojaron piedras y usaron gas pimienta, sin que la policía, que estaba cerca, interviniera Las imágenes circularon en las redes y movilizaron a jóvenes, a integrantes de la diáspora albanesa y a muchas otras personas que salieron a las calles a protestar por primera vez.
Los flamencos, una de las especies más reconocibles de los humedales, aparecieron en carteles y pancartas. La incipiente ‘Revolución de los Flamencos’ ya no se trataba solo de fauna silvestre: se había convertido en una protesta contra la corrupción, la cooptación del Estado y un modelo de desarrollo que, según los activistas, transfiere tierras públicas y riqueza natural a inversores poderosos.
En el centro de la disputa se encuentra un desarrollo inmobiliario y turístico de lujo de Ivanka Trump – hija del presidente estadounidense Donald Trump – y de su esposo, Jared Kushner, proyectado para la isla de Sazan, la cercana península de Zvërnec y el paisaje protegido de Vjosa-Narta, conformado por una serie de humedales y la laguna salobre de Narta, en el sudeste albanés sobre el Adriático y frente a Italia.
El primer ministro albanés, Edi Rama, presentó estos proyectos como una oportunidad para atraer inversión y convertir al país en un destino de turismo de alta gama. Los activistas, en cambio, ven un sistema en el que tierras ambientalmente sensibles quedan a disposición de inversores adinerados, con escasa participación ciudadana real.
Una investigación de la [Balkan Investigative Reporting Network](https://www.reporter.al/en/2026/05/29/the-investors-behind-the-trump-familys-albanian-resort/?ref=opendemocracy.net) reveló que la empresa que desarrolla el complejo hotelero de Zvërnec está registrada a través de una red de sociedades y fideicomisos neerlandeses, mientras que sus beneficiarios finales quedan ocultos. Para los activistas, esa opacidad refuerza las dudas sobre quién se beneficiará del desarrollo.
openDemocracy conversó con la ornitóloga Ledi Selgjekaj sobre lo que ya se está perdiendo en Vjosa-Narta, y con Bora Mema, activista del partido de izquierda Lëvizja Bashkë, sobre cómo la campaña se convirtió en un movimiento político más amplio. Las siguientes entrevistas fueron editadas por motivos de extensión y claridad.
## **"Cambios que debilitan poco a poco todo el ecosistema"**
*Ledi Selgjekaj es bióloga y especialista en aves en PPNEA (Protección y Preservación del Medio Ambiente Natural de Albania), socia de la organización internacional BirdLife en el país. Está terminando un doctorado sobre el comportamiento y el éxito reproductivo de las aves playeras en el Paisaje Protegido de Vjosa-Narta.*
**Llevas cinco años monitoreando aves en Vjosa-Narta. ¿Qué cambios has visto?**
La principal perturbación empezó con la construcción del aeropuerto de Vlora. Fragmentó hábitats, redujo la continuidad ecológica y afectó la forma en que las especies usan el paisaje en su conjunto.
También limitó el espacio disponible para el desplazamiento de la fauna, lo que aumentó la presión sobre las aves que anidan en el suelo. Al mismo tiempo, la perturbación constante afectó a especies sensibles como los flamencos, presentes desde hace años pero que tienen dificultades para reproducirse con éxito.
Las obras recientes en la zona también provocaron la destrucción de hábitats de dunas, cruciales para muchas especies.
Desde el trabajo de campo, estos no son impactos aislados. Son cambios conectados que debilitan poco a poco todo el ecosistema. Debido al complejo hotelero proyectado y más infraestructura, existe una preocupación real de que estas presiones se intensifiquen y empujen a un sistema de humedales ya frágil hacia un punto en el que no pueda seguir funcionando como tal.
**Los flamencos se convirtieron en el símbolo que define al movimiento. ¿Eso ayudó a que la gente entienda lo que está en juego o existe el riesgo de que se pase por alto el daño ecológico más amplio?**
Los flamencos son llamativos, familiares y están presentes en gran número en los humedales de Vjosa-Narta. Están muy ligados a la identidad del lugar y muchas veces se los considera parte del paisaje mismo.
Mucha gente los reconoce por fotografías y por la cobertura mediática, lo que los convierte en una forma inmediata y potente de conectar al público con los humedales.
En el contexto de las protestas albanesas contra los recientes proyectos de desarrollo, el flamenco pasó a representar una idea más amplia de patrimonio natural compartido y de preocupación por todo el ecosistema.
**¿Qué medidas se necesitan del gobierno albanés y de las instituciones europeas, y cómo sería una victoria?**
El Parlamento Europeo ya se pronunció con claridad: pidió una protección más fuerte de los humedales de Vjosa-Narta, lo que incluye derogar las enmiendas de 2024 a la Ley de Áreas Protegidas y aplicar una moratoria a los nuevos desarrollos en ecosistemas sensibles hasta garantizar el pleno cumplimiento de las normas ambientales de la Unión Europea.
Albania debería detener las obras en curso, derogar las enmiendas recientes a la Ley de Áreas Protegidas y restablecer una protección legal sólida.
Hay que frenar la infraestructura a gran escala y la expansión urbana incompatibles con el ecosistema, y la toma de decisiones debe respetar plenamente la protección de la biodiversidad y la participación ciudadana.
Eso sería una victoria para los humedales y para el movimiento en su conjunto: pasar del desarrollo destructivo a una protección real, donde Vjosa-Narta quede resguardado como un paisaje natural en funcionamiento y se prioricen a la vez la conservación, la biodiversidad y los medios de vida sostenibles de la población local.
## **"La gente ató cabos"**
*Bora Mema es activista de Lëvizja Bashkë, un partido albanés de izquierda surgido ddel activismo obrero, estudiantil y por la justicia social.*
**¿Cómo una campaña para proteger la costa y los humedales de Albania se convirtió en una revuelta mucho más amplia contra la corrupción y la cooptación del Estado?**
La campaña creció porque, en su núcleo, el problema es lo que David Harvey \[profesor distinguido de Antropología y de Ciencias de la Tierra y del Medio Ambiente en la City University of New York\] llama "acumulación por desposesión": el robo descarado de tierras públicas y privadas para entregarlas a oligarcas y narcotraficantes.
Lo que empezó como una protesta ambiental para salvar los ecosistemas y humedales de Zvërnec y Pishë Poro-Nartë, o las tierras privadas de las comunidades del pueblo, expuso rápidamente la corrupción más profunda del Estado. La gente ató cabos: sus áreas naturales protegidas estaban siendo cercadas y privatizadas para un *resort* de lujo de 4.500 millones de dólares bajo la apariencia de "inversión extranjera". Como el movimiento apunta a todo este sistema de saqueo de la riqueza pública, pasó de manera natural de una lucha ambiental local a una rebelión directa contra tres décadas de corrupta cooptación del Estado.
**¿Cuál fue el punto de inflexión que llevó a tantos jóvenes y personas que protestaban por primera vez a las calles?**
El punto de inflexión definitivo fue el 30 de mayo de 2026\. Durante una protesta pacífica contra el complejo hotelero, fuerzas de seguridad privadas arrastraron con violencia a un ciudadano y le apuntaron a la cabeza con un arma, arrojaron piedras y rociaron gas pimienta, mientras la policía estatal se quedaba ahí, mirando.
Activistas de Lëvizja Bashkë filmaron esa violencia mientras acompañaban a la comunidad, y las imágenes se propagaron como reguero de pólvora en las redes sociales. Ver a matones corporativos respaldados por el Estado atacar a ciudadanos pacíficos hizo añicos la apatía pública. Empujó a la Generación Z, a integrantes de la diáspora y a miles de personas que protestaban por primera vez a vencer el miedo y salir a las calles, y convirtió al flamenco en un símbolo radical de resistencia.
**¿Qué lograron los activistas hasta ahora y qué respuestas del gobierno, de la fiscalía o de las instituciones europeas surgieron como resultado de la presión pública?**
La presión pública rompió la narrativa política tradicional y puso al poder establecido a la defensiva.
Para empezar, el gobierno está visiblemente en pánico. El primer ministro Edi Rama intentó restarle importancia al movimiento minimizando el tamaño de las movilizaciones, afirmando que el proyecto ni siquiera existía e incluso usando remeras estampadas con flamencos para tratar de apropiarse del símbolo.
**¿Qué pasa ahora? ¿Cómo sería una victoria y cómo puede el movimiento mantener su impulso más allá de esta disputa puntual por el desarrollo?**
La victoria es el rechazo total al viejo duopolio político y una reforma sistémica completa. Significa terminar para siempre con el proceso de acumulación por desposesión, revocar los estatus de "inversor estratégico" que usan oligarcas y lavadores de dinero, y garantizar que los bienes públicos sigan en manos de la ciudadanía. También significa ver a la clase dirigente corrupta rendir cuentas, y por eso la gente corea: "¡Rama a la cárcel, Berisha a la cárcel!". \[El exprimer ministro y actual líder opositor Sali Berisha está acusado desde hace tiempo de vínculos con el crimen organizado y la corrupción, algo que él niega.\]
Para mantener el impulso, el movimiento debe permanecer completamente independiente del poder político tradicional. No puede dejarse cooptar por la oposición mayoritaria, que no es más que la otra cara de la misma moneda corrupta y que al principio ni siquiera se opuso al proyecto de lujo. Tienen que organizarse y entender que el poder depende de ellos.
### Exclusive: Palantir’s massive tax break!
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-270626/
Last updated: 2026-06-27T09:03:33.000Z
## **In this week’s issue**
- How Palantir exploited lucrative corporate loophole to slash its UK tax bill, as it rakes in millions from public contracts
- Our investigation into the death of a TikTok content moderator in Kenya exposed allegations of exploitation and labour traffickin
- What Western fears over an AI apocalypse miss about China’s hyper-futuristic tech boom
- How a campaign to protect Albanian wetlands from Jared Kushner-backed mega-resort exploded into a nationwide ‘Flamingo Revolution’ against corruption and land grabs
- Why Andy Burnham’s choice of chief of staff has fuelled fears of a corporate-friendly ‘Blair tribute act’
- An overlooked multi-billion-pound criminal crisis could be the unlikely secret weapon Burnham needs to reshape British politic
- The first episode of our new podcast, *How to Find Queer Elders,* follows a Ghanaian trans woman’s search for queer elders when LGBTQI lives across Africa have been violently rendered invisible
Last year, Palantir recorded about £320m in revenue in the UK, but paid less than a million pounds in tax. Revenue is not profit, as the accountants keep telling us – and that’s where the magic happens, as we reveal in our exclusive investigation into Palantir’s multi-million-pound tax shield.
“At a time we are asking for more scrutiny into the Federated Data Platform contract, it is mindboggling that Palantir are siphoning millions of pounds out of the UK,” Liberal Democrat MP Martin Wrigley said in response to our investigation. Green Party deputy leader Mothin Ali, said our findings “expose the staggering extent to which Palantir is taking from our country while giving back as little as possible.”
We keep hearing about how the Treasury has no money; now we know why.
Our cover investigation this week is from Kenya, where longtime openDemocracy contributor Mukanzi Musanga re-traces the circumstances behind the death of a Tiktok moderator to find a shocking pattern of people being allegedly trafficked across Africa to work long hours scraping disturbing content from your TiktTok feed. As Mukanzi shows, Big Tech is producing whole new forms of labour exploitation – which we will be exploring in greater depth in our reporting this year.
Do read Selina Xu’s wonderful essay on ‘The People’s Republic of Techno-Optimists’. “China feels profoundly more future-oriented out of necessity – it cannot afford to not keep up with the future,” Xu writes. “The cost would simply be too high.”
Plus: Paul Rogers on money laundering in UK politics, Ethan Shone reveals lobbyists are already sinking their claws into Andy Burnham, and Nandini Naira Archer on Flamingos, Jared Kushner and Albania and more!
Holding Big Tech accountable while the taxman won’t is hard work! Give us a hand by supporting our investigative reporting.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
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[Exclusive: How Palantir harvested millions in UK tax breaksIn 2024, Palantir’s effective tax rate was just 8%, far less than the usual 25%, despite £25.3m of pre-tax profitsopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/)
As disinformation networks spend millions to manufacture confusion, openDemocracy relies on reader donations to dig up the facts. We don't have corporate backers, billionaire owners, or hidden political affiliations. We only answer to ****you**. If you value journalism that refuses to look away, stand with us.
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/account/plans)
[The life and death of Ladi Olubunmi, 41, Tiktok moderatorOlubunmi thought she had a life-changing new role. Experts say what we found may amount to labour traffickingopenDemocracyMukanzi Musanga](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tiktok-content-moderator-death-kenya-teleperformance-ladi-olubunmi-nigeria/)
[Understanding China’s pragmatic AI optimismWhile the US imagines AI through dystopia and lost human agency, China’s embrace of the technology is shaped by memories of poverty, national humiliation and the conviction that technological progress cannot be resistedopenDemocracySelina Xu](https://www.opendemocracy.net/chinas-ai-optimism-is-rooted-in-the-fear-of-falling-behind/)
[Flamingos, Jared Kushner, and Albania’s fight against Trump’s ResortsCampaign against luxury developments in protected wetlands has become national revolt over land, corruption and poweropenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/flamingos-jared-kushner-and-albanias-fight-against-trumps-resorts/)
[‘Blair tribute act’: Zack Polanski on Burnham’s plan to hire top lobbyistNew PM’s likely chief of staff, James Purnell, runs lobbying firm whose clients include tech giants and water companiesopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/blair-tribute-act-zack-polanski-on-burnhams-plan-to-hire-top-lobbyist/)
[Could tackling money laundering reshape UK politics?Andy Burnham would be wise to turn attention to how the economy is being cheated of billions of pounds a yearopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnham-must-focus-money-laundering-general-election-2029-reform-uk-labour/)
[You will die at 30This is the first episode of our new narrative non-fiction podcast, How to Find Queer Elders that follows the life-affirming journey of Awo Dufie, a 23 year-old trans woman from Ghana, in her quest to find queer elders at a time when LGBTQI lives across Africa are violently rendered invisible.openDemocracyAyodeji Rotinwa](https://www.opendemocracy.net/queer-elders-you-will-die-at-30/)
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## Weekly Poll
### Do you believe big tech taking over our lives is “inevitable”?
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## Reader Comments
> This is great stuff but as for a possible PM Burnham achieving “UK” growth through social care, this is devolved in Scotland where I live.
>
> Apart from the fact that Burnham would have no social care remit in Scotland, I personally would have no expectation that he would ever adopt such a strategy for England.
>
> The Labour Party has been gutted and sold its soul to the highest bidders.
> ***–Eddie via email***
[‘We need better’: Our readers’ thoughts on social media ban for under-16sPlus, readers discuss Andy Burnham’s promises of growth and the sentencing of Palestine Action activistsopenDemocracyCarla Abreu](https://www.opendemocracy.net/readers-thoughts-social-media-ban-for-under-16s/)
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Premier Patrice Lumumba speaks at a press conference at the former Belgian Governor's house | Bettmann/Getty
## This week in history
**The Democratic Republic of the Congo's Independence • 30 June 1960**
On 30 June 1960, the Democratic Republic of the Congo officially won its independence from Belgium. At the formal handover ceremony, newly elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba delivered a blistering, unscheduled speech that shattered the facade of the event. Refusing to politely praise the Belgian King, Lumumba instead indicted the brutal, extractive reality of colonial rule.
> "Who will forget the rifle-fire from which so many of our brothers perished, or the gaols in to which were brutally thrown those who did not want to submit to a regime of justice, oppression and exploitation which were the means the colonialists employed to dominate us?"
His uncompromising stance made him an immediate hero to the global left and the Pan-African movement, but marked him as a threat to Western capitalist interests. He was assassinated just months later with Belgian and CIA complicity.
Our archive piece traces the bloody continuum of Western imperialism. It links the horrors of King Leopold's rubber plantations directly to the Western-backed assassination of Lumumba, placing Congolese liberation within the broader context of global racial capitalism and modern movements for justice.
[A history of violence: slavery, colonialism and coups d’etatOnly through an understanding of the historical impact of colonialism can we begin to heal the wounds caused by centuries of slavery, violence, and oppression.openDemocracyMaged Mandour](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/a-history-of-violence-slavery-colonialism-and-coups-detat/)
---
## What we're reading
### [Yesteryear - **Caro Claire Burke**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780008742768?ref=opendemocracy.net)
I was writing about trad wives before it was cool, so I immediately bought the hyped-book of the summer: a trad wife influencer waking up in the 1850s and forced to live the life she was selling to her Instagram followers. But this book was just a huge disappointment, a sentiment shared by most readers I know. The main character was underdeveloped – from her experiences of religion to motherhood to politics, the latter of which the novel constantly shied away from. While there was some engagement with the far right, the book never had the courage to dig into these issues. The sections in the past were vague and unsubstantial, there were so many unanswered questions, and Burke seemed to spend more time on how to get Instagram followers than researching pioneer living. All that said, it was immensely readable. It’s just a shame the book did not meet the promise of the concept.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
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### TikTok, Teleperformance y la muerte de una moderadora de contenido
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/tik-tok-teleperformance-y-la-muerte-de-una-moderadora-de-contenido/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T20:06:25.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Exclusivo: Vivir y morir moderando contenido de TikTok en Kenia, el nuevo *hub* tecnológico de África
- Un candidato de Trump, abogado de narcos, gana por un pelo las elecciones en Colombia
- Legisladores de 18 países africanos redactan una carta continental contra los derechos de las mujeres y las personas LGBTQ+
- **Extra:** Nueve de cada 10 educadores de Brasil sufrieron o presenciaron censura y persecución; y el Congreso de Perú carga contra un periodista que se atrevió a investigar el poder
Vivir en el siglo XXI es navegar por nuevas formas de limitar **la libertad, la salud y la vida**. Algunas se parecen mucho a la esclavitud. Pero no se me había ocurrido que **moderar contenidos de redes sociales** fuera una de ellas.
Nuestra exbecaria y colaboradora **Mukanzi Musanga** estuvo un año investigando la vida y la muerte, en Nairobi, de una moderadora de contenidos y descubrió un patrón de posible trata de personas de toda África a Kenia para trabajar largas jornadas, en condiciones de explotación, **eliminando videos violentos** de nuestros ***feeds* de TikTok**.
[El abuso de Teleperformance a sus moderadores de contenidoPromesas falsas, explotación laboral y abuso: la historia de una moderadora de TikTok que murió lejos de casaopenDemocracyMukanzi Musanga](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/tiktok-teleperformance-explotacion-laboral-moderacion-contenidos-kenia-nigeria-muerte-trabajadores-migraciones-trata-laboral/)
Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Ecuador, Honduras, Perú y ahora Colombia… Como piezas de un dominó, los países de nuestra región van eligiendo, uno tras otro, a candidatos que reproducen **el modelo y la agenda de Trump**. Pero Colombia y su pasado reciente de guerra civil merecen un relato desde adentro, como el que hicieron **Martina Mariano** y **Euan Wallace** en este artículo.
[Colombia gira a la extrema derechaLa victoria del candidato ultra Abelardo De la Espriella divide a Colombia entre quienes priorizan sus promesas de seguridad y quienes temen el autoritarismoopenDemocracyEuan Wallace](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/colombia-elecciones-de-la-espriella-cepeda-petro-extrema-derecha-trump-populismo/)
¿Te imaginás que legisladores de América Latina se reúnan en la sede de un Congreso a redactar una carta continental que **elimine la posibilidad** de que las mujeres y las personas LGBTQ+ **obtengan los mismos derechos** que el resto de la población?
Eso es exactamente lo que está pasando en África, en nombre de “valores familiares” y de… **“la lucha contra el colonialismo**”. Existe el riesgo de que esa carta se apruebe, nos cuenta **Delali Adogla-Bessa**, que se metió en la cuarta Conferencia Interparlamentaria Africana sobre Valores Familiares y Soberanía para revelar sus entretelones.
[La carta africana contra los derechos de las personas LGBTQ+Legisladores africanos reunidos en Ghana planifican una carta de ‘valores familiares’ que niega los derechos reproductivos y la igualdad para las personas LGBTQ+openDemocracyDelali Adogla-Bessa](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ghana-carta-africana-valores-familiares-derechos-lgbtq-aborto-soberania-africa/)
Vuelvo a las nuevas formas de **limitar la libertad**. En Brasil, la **censura en las aulas** crece de manera persistente desde hace unos 15 años. A tal punto que se creó el Observatorio Nacional de la Violencia contra las Educadoras/es.
Este organismo acaba de publicar un estudio con datos de 3.012 docentes de todo el país, de enseñanza básica y superior, pública y privada. **Nueve de cada 10 dijeron haber sufrido o presenciado censura en su ámbito profesional.**
Los casos descritos se refieren a prohibición o recomendación de no tocar “temas polémicos” como **cuestiones políticas** (73%), **género y sexualidad** (53%), **religión** (48%), **negacionismo científico** (4%) y **cuestiones étnico-raciales** (30%).
El 60% de quienes contestaron sufrieron esta **censura en carne propia** y refirieron **intentos de intimidación** (58%), **cuestionamientos agresivos** sobre sus métodos de trabajo (41%) y **prohibiciones explícitas** de determinados contenidos (35%). También hubo **agresiones verbales** o **físicas**, **amenazas** y **despidos**.
Estos incidentes aumentan en momentos de tensión política. El primer pico se registró en 2016, cuando el Congreso brasileño **destituyó** a la presidenta Dilma Rousseff.
Podés leer el informe completo en español [acá](https://onveuff.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/ONVE%5FAmenazas%5FEducacion%5FDemocratica%5FVol1%5F2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Esta semana, el Congreso de Perú decidió **denunciar penalmente** al periodista **Gustavo Gorriti**, director de IDL-Reporteros, así como a **fiscales y procuradores**, por sus investigaciones de la **corrupción vinculada a la empresa Odebrecht**. Esto es un escándalo, y por eso firmé un [pronunciamiento público](https://convoca.pe/agenda-propia/periodistas-y-organizaciones-de-18-paises-rechazan-el-informe-del-congreso-que-busca?ref=opendemocracy.net), junto con otros 230 periodistas de la región. También te invito a que [veas al propio Gustavo](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cLT2mi3rVHU&ref=opendemocracy.net) explicar qué hay detrás de este ataque.
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Vida y muerte de una moderadora de contenido de TikTok
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/tiktok-teleperformance-explotacion-laboral-moderacion-contenidos-kenia-nigeria-muerte-trabajadores-migraciones-trata-laboral/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T17:39:46.000Z
En marzo de 2025, un vecino percibió un olor fétido que emanaba del apartamento de Ladi Anzaki Olubunmi. Llamó a uno de sus compañeros de trabajo, que acudió a ver qué pasaba. Al asomarse por la ventana, confirmaron que Olubunmi estaba muerta.
Dos años antes, Olubunmi había dado un giro radical a su vida: cerró su negocio de ropa femenina en Nigeria, le dijo a su novio que su boda tendría que esperar y se subió a un avión que la llevaría a más de 5.000 kilómetros de distancia de amigos y familiares.
Como miles de africanos de todo el continente, esta mujer de 41 años llegó llena de esperanza a Nairobi, apodada la ‘Silicon Savannah’ africana (en referencia al Silicon Valley de EEUU), por el auge tecnológico que experimenta desde fines de la década de 2000\. Había conseguido empleo como recepcionista en Teleperformance, una multinacional francesa de asistencia técnica cuya clientela incluye a Meta, Google y TikTok. El puesto prometía más dinero del que Olubunmi había ganado en su vida, y estaba encantada de poder perseguir por fin sus sueños.
Pero dos años después, sus compañeros de trabajo y vecinos esperaban frente a su apartamento cerrado con llave, mientras su cadáver hinchado y en descomposición yacía en la cama junto a dos Biblias.
openDemocracy comenzó a investigar la causa de la muerte de Olubunmi hace más de un año.
Hablamos con sus familiares, empleados y exempleados de Teleperformance, con expertos en inmigración y derechos humanos, con agentes de policía y funcionarios de los gobiernos de Kenia y Nigeria para revelar el desgaste físico y psicológico que el auge de las grandes tecnológicas en Kenia impone a los trabajadores, y las prácticas de contratación engañosas que infringen las leyes de inmigración de Kenia y que podrían constituir trata de personas.
Nuestra investigación también pone de manifiesto las deficiencias de Teleperformance. Sus empleados expatriados denuncian que se los mantiene en un estado permanente de ansiedad y precariedad, aislados de sus familias y redes de apoyo, sobrecargados de trabajo y sin posibilidad de buscar ayuda. Estos trabajadores afirman que las autoridades de Kenia y sus respectivas embajadas y consulados – que deberían apoyar a sus ciudadanos en el extranjero – los dejan a su suerte.
Trabajadores extranjeros empleados en la oficina de Teleperformance en Nairobi nos contaron que les prometieron puestos de trabajo que no existían y que fueron traídos a Kenia con visados de turista y luego se los obligó a trabajar de forma ilegal como moderadores de contenido para TikTok, la popular aplicación de videos. Este trabajo, que suele subcontratarse a empresas externas en el Sur Global, les obligaba a pasar muchas horas viendo imágenes explícitas de asesinatos, violaciones y abusos de menores para eliminar contenido ofensivo o perjudicial de las páginas de inicio de los usuarios.
Los trabajadores describieron jornadas extenuantes, salarios inferiores a los prometidos y sanciones si se excedían de la media hora diaria que tenían para almorzar. Si reclamaban mejores condiciones, Teleperformance les hacía promesas que nunca cumplía.
Si pedían volver a su país para ver a sus seres queridos, sus jefes los amenazaban con su situación de indocumentados, advirtiéndoles que podían ser detenidos si intentaban salir de Kenia.
Nuestros hallazgos llevaron a una experta en derechos humanos a comparar la explotación que las grandes empresas tecnológicas ejercen sobre los trabajadores del Sur Global – de quienes dependen las empresas para obtener beneficios – con la colonización europea de las naciones africanas en los siglos XIX y XX.
openDemocracy se puso en contacto con TikTok para pedirle respuestas sobre nuestros hallazgos, pero la empresa no quiso hacer ninguna declaración.
Según su último Informe sobre la aplicación de Directrices de la comunidad, la empresa utilizó tecnología automatizada para detectar y eliminar el 99,3% de los 12 millones de vídeos que se retiraron en toda África subsahariana durante el cuarto trimestre de 2025\. Tenemos entendido que los vídeos solo se marcan para ser revisados por un moderador de contenidos cuando el sistema automatizado no puede determinar si infringen o no las directrices.
No es la primera vez que se acusa a Teleperformance de explotación o malas prácticas con los moderadores de contenido de TikTok.
Uno de los empleados del centro de atención telefónica de la empresa[ se suicidó saltando](https://english.ahram.org.eg/News/452277.aspx?ref=opendemocracy.net) desde la tercera planta de su oficina de El Cairo en diciembre de 2021, y sus compañeros culparon de su muerte a las condiciones de estrés en el lugar de trabajo. En Colombia, [una investigación](https://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/stories/2022-10-20/behind-tiktoks-boom-a-legion-of-traumatised-10-a-day-content-moderators?ref=opendemocracy.net) del Bureau of Investigative Journalism y la revista Time reveló en 2022 que los moderadores de TikTok de Teleperformance ganaban apenas 10 dólares al día por ver vídeos de asesinatos, suicidios y maltrato infantil.
En Francia, la empresa se[ enfrenta a una demanda](https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/france-investors-file-lawsuit-against-teleperformance-alleging-they-were-misled-over-working-conditions-for-content-moderators/?ref=opendemocracy.net) presentada por inversores que afirman haber sido engañados sobre las condiciones laborales de los moderadores de contenido. En Ghana, los abogados que representan a moderadores de contenido empleados por la empresa Majorel (que Teleperformance[ adquirió en 2023 por 3.300 millones de dólares](https://www.reuters.com/markets/deals/teleperformance-launches-3-bln-euro-offer-majorel-2023-04-26/?ref=opendemocracy.net)) están[ investigando un caso contra Meta](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/apr/27/meta-faces-ghana-lawsuits-over-impact-of-extreme-content-on-moderators?ref=opendemocracy.net) por el supuesto malestar psicológico derivado de su trabajo.
Algunos trabajadores con los que habló openDemocracy habían sido contratados inicialmente por Majorel y pasaron a formar parte de Teleperformance tras la adquisición. Según ellos, sus condiciones laborales no mejoraron cuando la empresa cambió de manos.
Una portavoz de Teleperformance dijo a openDemocracy que "no podía comentar incidentes específicos o casos individuales en otros países, pues requeriría conocer el contexto y respetar la privacidad de las personas implicadas". El programa global de bienestar de la empresa se extiende a todos los mercados en los que opera, "incluidos Egipto, la República Dominicana y Kenia", agregó.
Ninguno de estos incidentes parece haber dañado el negocio de Teleperformance. En 2025 la empresa[ declaró unos ingresos anuales de 11.770 millones de dólares](https://www.tp.com/media/pxmfy4dy/tp-press-release-2025-annual-results.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
La reputación de la empresa tampoco parece haberse visto afectada. La página web de Teleperformance presume de que el año pasado fue[ la séptima mejor empresa para trabajar del mundo](https://www.tp.com/en-us/why-tp/25-world-s-best-workplaces/?ref=opendemocracy.net), según el ranking de Great Place to Work, una organización británica que[ se describe a sí misma](https://www.greatplacetowork.co.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) como "la autoridad mundial en cultura laboral". openDemocracy se comunicó con Great Place to Work para compartir nuestras revelaciones, pero no obtuvo respuesta.
Mientras tanto, los gobiernos siguen con los brazos abiertos para subcontratistas tecnológicos como Teleperformance. En lugar de proteger a los trabajadores, el gobierno del presidente keniano William Ruto[ ha afirmado](https://time.com/7201516/kenya-president-meta-lawsuits/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que aprobará una ley para proteger a las grandes empresas tecnológicas, como Meta y TikTok, de demandas presentadas contra firmas de subcontratación como Teleperformance. El mensaje es claro: Kenia está del lado de las grandes empresas tecnológicas, no de sus trabajadores explotados.
## Promesas y engaños
Cuando Olubunmi llegó a la oficina de Teleperformance en el barrio de Westlands, en Nairobi, se enteró de que no trabajaría en la recepción, sino como moderadora de contenido para TikTok, según explicó su hermano, Ishaya Anzaki, a openDemocracy. El puesto le exigía pasar días enteros viendo contenido explícito en la plataforma de redes sociales para filtrar los vídeos que infringieran sus normas.
"Mi hermana se marchó de Nigeria en busca de un empleo que, sinceramente, creía que sería bueno para ella. Le mintieron diciendo que trabajaría como recepcionista", dijo Anzaki cuando hablamos por teléfono.
Cuatro empleados y exempleados de Teleperformance relataron a openDemocracy experiencias similares. Uno de ellos nos mostró una carta en la que se le ofrecía un puesto como representante de atención al cliente y una carta posterior en la que se le informaba que sería "trasladado" al departamento de moderación de contenidos. Para entonces, este exempleado ya no podía renunciar porque necesitaba el dinero y temía no encontrar otro trabajo enseguida. Sabía de otros compañeros contratados de manera similar. Otro extrabajador contó a openDemocracy que le había ocurrido lo mismo.
Otros dos moderadores de contenidos de la empresa afirmaron que, aunque ellos habían solicitado puestos de moderación de contenidos, conocían a compañeros que se sentían engañados por ofertas de trabajo falsas.
openDemocracy obtuvo documentos que demuestran al menos un caso de un trabajador que fue trasladado de un puesto de atención al cliente a uno de moderador de contenidos; este trabajador, que pidió permanecer en el anonimato, nos dijo que el traslado fue bajo presión.
Las prácticas descritas por estos empleados se ajustan a la[ definición internacionalmente aceptada](https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/protocol-prevent-suppress-and-punish-trafficking-persons?ref=opendemocracy.net) de trata de personas, según Miriam Mang’oka, responsable de investigación de [Awareness Against Human Trafficking](https://haartkenya.org/what-we-do/prevention/?ref=opendemocracy.net), una organización keniana que trabaja para prevenir la trata de personas.
En una declaración escrita a openDemocracy, Teleperformance negó que utilizara ofertas de empleo falsas para contratar moderadores de contenidos. "En todas las fases del proceso de entrevista y contratación en TP en Kenia, se informa claramente a los empleados sobre las especificaciones de su puesto", dice el comunicado.
## Indocumentados y atrapados
Anzaki explicó a openDemocracy que cuando su hermana llegó a Kenia no solo descubrió que tenía que trabajar en un puesto que no era el prometido, sino que tenía que hacerlo de forma ilegal.
Los extranjeros en Kenia necesitan permisos de trabajo que cuestan 500.000 chelines kenianos (3.867 dólares) y que paga el empleador. Mientras esperan la aprobación de sus permisos pueden obtener un "pase especial" que les permite trabajar durante seis meses. Cuando Olubunmi llegó a Nairobi, no tenía ninguno de los dos.
Cuando finalmente le concedieron su permiso de trabajo de un año, ya llevaba seis meses de forma irregular. Cuando su permiso caducó, Teleperformance no se lo renovó, a pesar de sus pedidos reiterados, según contó su hermano.
Registros de la Dirección de Servicios de Inmigración, a los que tuvo acceso openDemocracy, muestran importantes discrepancias respecto del status migratorio de Olubunmi. La empresa no reportó su muerte a la Dirección de Servicios de Inmigración.
"Si nos están diciendo que Olubunmi falleció, la empresa debería habernos notificado", dijo Wanda Odhiambo, encargada de aplicación de la ley y cumplimiento normativo de la Dirección, en una entrevista en enero de este año. Odhiambo agregó que su oficina investigaría el asunto, pero renunció más tarde a su cargo. openDemocracy consultó a la Dirección de Servicios de Inmigración si la investigación continuaba, pero no obtuvo respuesta.
Otros 10 moderadores y exmoderadores de contenido de Teleperformance dijeron a openDemocracy que trabajaban de forma irregular, pese a haber solicitado en repetidas ocasiones a la empresa que les tramitara permisos de trabajo.
El nigeriano Abubakar Yusuf, que trabajó en la empresa entre 2022 y 2024, no recibió su permiso hasta 16 meses después de su fecha de ingreso. Omar\*, otro exmoderador de contenidos nigeriano, comenzó a trabajar en la oficina de Nairobi en 2022, pero no recibió su permiso de trabajo hasta septiembre de 2025\.
"Hay personas que llevan ya casi tres años trabajando sin permiso", dijo Omar. Al revisar los pasaportes de los trabajadores, openDemocracy descubrió este patrón: ingresaban a Kenia con visados de dos meses, como visitantes, y se quedaban esperando que Teleperformance regularizara su situación.
Odhiambo, de los servicios de inmigración, dijo a openDemocracy que su oficina conocía denuncias de que los trabajadores de Teleperformance carecen de los permisos necesarios y de que la empresa habría falsificado algunos de ellos. La funcionaria afirmó que su oficina estaba realizando "una investigación en profundidad" y había pedido a la empresa que entregara toda la información necesaria para que la Dirección de Servicios de Inmigración pudiera adoptar "una medida administrativa justa".
Teleperformance negó tener empleados sin permiso de trabajo. "Todas las solicitudes de permisos de trabajo de los expatriados están en trámite o ya han sido aprobadas", dijo el portavoz de la empresa.
Mang’oka, de Awareness Against Human Trafficking, cree que Teleperformance puede estar violando la legislación keniana. "La tergiversación de los hechos por parte de un empleador durante la fase de contratación, el abuso de la vulnerabilidad – se hacen falsas promesas laborales a personas extranjeras y estas trabajan sin permisos mientras dependen de su empleador para obtener un estatus legal –, son elementos de trata de personas con fines de explotación laboral, de acuerdo con la Ley contra la Trata de Personas", dijo.
Simon Makworo, funcionario de la Dirección de Servicios de Inmigración, dijo a openDemocracy que la empresa podría ser llevada a juicio si se comprueba que "permitió que trabajaran para ella personas sin documentación válida".
La ley indica que quien resulte culpable de contratación mediante engaño con fines de explotación puede recibir una condena de al menos 30 años de prisión o una multa de al menos 30 millones de chelines kenianos (232.000 dólares).
Pero los trabajadores que se encuentran en Kenia de forma irregular también pueden ser imputados, señaló Makworo. Ni siquiera se salvarían del juicio los empleados que acusen a la empresa de contratación engañosa, según el funcionario. Una persona "no puede decir ‘alguien me trajo al país y me obligó a trabajar’ cuando entró voluntariamente y aceptó el trabajo sin permiso".
Trabajadores vulnerables ya han sufrido las consecuencias de las prácticas de Teleperformance. Documentos obtenidos por openDemocracy revelan que la empresa escribió al director de inmigración de Kenia solicitando permiso para que un ciudadano maliense, Daouda Daou, viajara a Kenia para asistir a una sesión de formación de 90 días en sus oficinas en agosto de 2024\. Pero a Daou le habían dicho que lo contrataban para un puesto a tiempo completo como moderador de contenidos.
Tras un curso de formación de dos semanas, Daou pasó a ser empleado a tiempo completo de Teleperformance, trabajando durante un año sin permiso hasta que se rescindió su contrato en julio de 2025\. Los funcionarios de inmigración que sellaron su salida del país notaron que se había quedado más tiempo del permitido. Ahora, Daou tiene prohibido volver a Kenia.
"Que me contrataran como lo hicieron y que luego se me prohibiera volver a Kenia al terminar mi contrato, tras haber trabajado con un visado caduco, me hizo sentir derrotado. Y no fui el único", dijo Daou a openDemocracy.
El portavoz de Teleperformance afirmó que la empresa se toma muy en serio cualquier acusación de este tipo, pero que no podía comentar el caso de Daou a menos que openDemocracy facilitara información personal específica.
"La postura de Teleperformance es clara: exigimos el pleno cumplimiento de los requisitos aplicables en materia de inmigración y empleo, y no toleramos la falsificación de documentos o registros", dijo el portavoz.
## Falsas terapias y acoso
Los moderadores de contenidos de Teleperformance en Nairobi trabajan entre 45 y 48 horas a la semana repartidas en cinco días, con turnos organizados las 24 horas del día y los siete días de la semana, según los contratos de trabajo que openDemocracy revisó. Trabajadores y extrabajadores explicaron que tienen una pausa para comer de 30 minutos – con sanciones disciplinarias, como amonestaciones o incluso despidos, para quienes se excedan de ese tiempo – y una "pausa de bienestar" semanal de 30 minutos con "fines recreativos y de relajación".
Pasar muchas horas viendo contenidos horribles le hizo daño a Olubunmi, según su hermano. Ella le contó a su familia que su salud mental se estaba deteriorando.
Esto no es raro entre los moderadores de contenidos. Según un[ estudio de 2025 realizado con 160 moderadores de contenidos](https://www.mdpi.com/2076-328X/15/4/487?ref=opendemocracy.net) de una empresa internacional no identificada, algo más de una cuarta parte "mostraba un malestar psicológico entre moderado y grave por ver material tóxico en línea, mientras que un tercio declaró sentir muy poco bienestar". La investigación, realizada por el Centro de Estudios sobre Abuso y Trauma de la Universidad de Middlesex (Reino Unido), subrayó que se requería atención psicológica adecuada para mitigar el impacto de este trabajo, y que cuando este apoyo existía, mejoraba la salud mental y el bienestar de los trabajadores.
Este trabajo peligroso no está bien remunerado. Los contratos que revisamos indican que a los moderadores de contenidos como Olubunmi se les paga unos 50.000 chelines kenianos al mes (menos de 390 dólares), un 30% menos que el salario medio mensual, según la encuesta económica de 2025 de la Oficina Nacional de Estadística de Kenia.
Olubunmi le había contado a su familia que Teleperformance tampoco le proporcionaba el apoyo necesario para su salud mental. Así lo confirmaron 10 moderadores de contenido de la empresa.
Peor aún, los trabajadores y extrabajadores dijeron que las sesiones de terapia que ofrece la empresa no son adecuadas ni confidenciales.
Un empleado que pidió no revelar su nombre, dijo que la gerencia los presionaba para que no hablaran de "la naturaleza" de su trabajo con los terapeutas. La información que él compartió de forma confidencial con su terapeuta acabó llegando a sus supervisores, que la usaron para burlarse de él y humillarlo delante de otros compañeros. Este trabajador terminó renunciando a su puesto.
Otros cinco moderadores afirmaron haber vivido experiencias similares. La empresa rechazó estas acusaciones y dijo a openDemocracy que su programa de bienestar prioriza la salud de los empleados.
A medida que su ánimo empeoraba, Olubunmi extrañaba su hogar cada vez más. A fines de 2024, pidió permiso para volver a Nigeria para ver a su familia en Navidad, según contó su hermano. Los contratos de trabajo de Teleperformance que openDemocracy revisó indican que el personal tiene derecho a 21 días de vacaciones al año. Pero, según el hermano, un responsable de recursos humanos de la empresa le dijo que no podía salir del país porque era una trabajadora indocumentada y podía ser detenida e incluida en una lista negra que le impediría volver a entrar al país.
## La protesta de Olubunmi
Un año antes de que Teleperformance le negara el viaje a su país, en noviembre de 2023, Olubunmi movilizó a sus compañeros nigerianos para protestar frente a la oficina de Teleperformance en Nairobi "contra la negativa de la empresa a proporcionarles permisos de trabajo", según Yusuf, quien participó en la protesta.
La manifestación fue días después de que dos compañeros de trabajo nigerianos fueran detenidos y encarcelados por carecer de documentación válida. Yusuf dijo que los manifestantes suspendieron la protesta cuando un ejecutivo de recursos humanos prometió conseguir los permisos de trabajo
Pero, en diciembre de 2024, Olubunmi seguía sin permiso laboral. Las advertencias del funcionario de recursos humanos la disuadieron de viajar. No volvió a ver a su familia. Su novio rompió el compromiso de bodas, frustrado porque ella no podía viajar para verlo. Desesperada por marcharse de Nairobi, Olubunmi comenzó a enviar sus pertenencias poco a poco a Nigeria, preparándose para el día en que reuniera el valor necesario para pasar el control de migración.
## Pase libre para la explotación
Por no tener permiso de trabajo, Olubunmi no tuvo derecho siquiera a un funeral acorde con su cultura y rodeada de sus seres queridos.
Si hubiera muerto en su país, habría recibido los ritos tradicionales del pueblo Hausa, con sus parientes más jóvenes cantando y bailando alrededor de su ataúd la víspera de su entierro. Al día siguiente, habría sido enterrada con su ropa favorita, y su familia extensa habría pasado la semana siguiente de luto en la casa familiar.
Pero, como se encontraba en Kenia de forma irregular, su cadáver no se pudo repatriar. La enterraron sin ceremonias el 17 de abril de 2025 en un cementerio público elegido por Teleperformance, luego de un funeral al que asistieron sus compañeros de trabajo y sus hermanos Anzaki y Paul, que volaron a Kenia el día anterior.
"Luchó con todas sus fuerzas para volver a casa y rehacer su vida, pero Teleperformance no le renovó el permiso de trabajo", dijo un compañero de trabajo a openDemocracy. Debería "haber pasado sus últimos momentos rodeada de su familia, pero, en cambio, murió sola y lejos de casa".
## Una muerte sin causa
Los hermanos de Olubunmi siguen sin saber por qué murió.
Al día siguiente del hallazgo del cadáver, el vicepresidente de operaciones de personal de Teleperformance en Kenia y Nigeria, Santanu Basu, dijo en un correo electrónico enviado al hermano que la muerte había sido "repentina" y que investigaciones preliminares de la policía indicaban que había "fallecido por causas naturales".
Pero, más de un año después, la policía aún no publicó ni el certificado de defunción ni los resultados de la autopsia, pese a que se comprometió a entregarlos en un plazo máximo de cuatro semanas después del entierro. openDemocracy le preguntó a la policía de Kenia por estos resultados, pero no recibió ninguna explicación.
Como no le renovó el permiso de trabajo, Teleperformance tampoco pagó los aportes de Olubunmi al Fondo Nacional de Seguridad Social de Kenia durante los últimos 11 meses de trabajo, a pesar de que se los retenía de su sueldo.
"¿Cómo es posible que alguien trabaje durante casi un año con retenciones fiscales de su salario, incluso sin permiso, y que ustedes se queden con el dinero?", cuestionó Anzaki. La respuesta de la empresa fue pagarle directamente la pensión a la que su hermana tenía derecho. Anzaki recibió 595.947 chelines kenianos (4.609 dólares).
openDemocracy detectó situaciones similares en los casos de otros dos exempleados. Según la legislación keniana, un empleador que no abone las cotizaciones de pensión de un empleado puede ser multado con el 10% de los atrasos pendientes. Teleperformance negó haber incumplido esta obligación.
Kenia permite que los gigantes tecnológicos del Norte Global exploten a los trabajadores con el pretexto de crear empleo, dijo Angela Chukunzira, responsable de tecnología y ética en Siasa Place, una organización que promueve la participación cívica.
"No digo que podamos resolver este problema de la noche a la mañana, pero comprender el poder de la gente es muy importante porque somos nosotros quienes nos levantamos contra estas empresas y sistemas tecnológicos dominantes. Ellos son pocos; nosotros somos la mayoría. Por eso, hay que fomentar una ciudadanía activa y consciente de estas dinámicas de poder".
## ‘La culpa es de los trabajadores’
Los moderadores de contenidos de Teleperformance tampoco contaron con apoyo de los gobiernos de Kenia ni de Nigeria.
Omar\*, el nigeriano que trabajó en Teleperformance sin permiso desde 2022, dijo a openDemocracy: "El gobierno keniano es consciente de los notorios esquemas de explotación de Teleperformance, que consisten en traficar personas para que entren al país y trabajen para ella sin documentos, pero no hace nada al respecto".
Otro trabajador nigeriano indocumentado entregó en mano una carta en el consulado de su país en Nairobi, ocho meses antes de la muerte de Olubunmi. La carta, que lleva el sello del consulado confirmando que fue formalmente ingresada, explicaba que los trabajadores estaban empleados de forma ilegal y solicitaba ayuda del consulado.
La funcionaria consular Sonia Odubome negó haber tenido conocimiento de la carta ni de que trabajadores nigerianos estuvieran en esas condiciones antes de la muerte de Olubunmi. También ella intentó culpar a los trabajadores.
"Vinieron aquí a sabiendas de que era ilegal, firmaron contratos y guardaron silencio, disfrutando de su estancia en Nairobi hasta que Ladi murió, y ahora se quejan de que se los explota", dijo Odubome a openDemocracy. "No me digas que Teleperformance te ponía una pistola en la cabeza y te decía que no hablaras con nadie".
Mang’oka, de Awareness Against Human Trafficking, dijo: "Estos trabajadores se encuentran en un país extranjero, con visados de turistas controlados por su empleador. Si se marchan, se arriesgan a ser deportados de inmediato o, peor aún, a ser acusados de trabajar ilegalmente. Decir ‘¿por qué no se marchan si están siendo explotados?’ es imaginar una libertad que no existe".
Para Mercy Mutemi, directora ejecutiva de Oversight Lab, la muerte de Olubunmi pone de manifiesto el vacío del supuesto auge tecnológico de Kenia.
"Nuestro sueño de transformación digital es un castillo de naipes: la explotación de los trabajadores para \[obtener\] mejores productos para las grandes tecnológicas. Esto no solo es insostenible, también es perjudicial para la economía keniana", afirmó Mutemi. "Nuestra gente importa, y sus derechos deben respetarse a toda costa".
*\*El nombre fue cambiado para proteger su identidad*
### Is money laundering the issue that could reshape British politics?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnham-must-focus-money-laundering-general-election-2029-reform-uk-labour/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T14:24:29.000Z
Just before polling day, last week’s Makerfield byelection was touted as one of the most charged political events of recent years. Given Labour’s many failings and grim poll ratings, could Reform UK come out on top, with a convincing win that would propel leader Nigel Farage towards Downing Street?
The result was telling. Labour’s Andy Burnham won a larger-than-expected majority and is now set to take over as prime minister, perhaps as soon as next month. But it makes sense to take a more in-depth look at what happened, not just for Farage and Burnham and their respective parties, but also for the Liberal Democrats and especially the revitalised Green Party under Zack Polanski.
Although there were already indications that Labour had pulled ahead on polling day itself, the extent of the victory was a surprise to many. Burnham won 55% of the vote share to Reform candidate Rob Kenyon’s 35%.
The Labour machine put thousands of supporters into door-to-door canvassing in the final few days, using Burnham’s evident popularity to good effect, and made much of what it saw as weaknesses in Reform’s candidate. Those were compounded by problems that Farage faced with the even more right-wing Restore Britain upstart party, led by former Reform MP Rupert Lowe.
In the event, even the combined voting figures of Reform and Restore fell well short of Burnham’s vote. This was no doubt helped by large-scale tactical voting against Reform by Green and Lib Dem voters, with the two parties winning just 0.7% and 0.4% of the vote, respectively, despite having had impressive results in other recent elections.
Looking forward, the volatility seen in Makerfield indicates considerable uncertainty ahead of the next UK general election, which is due to take place in 2029.
Two points are more immediately relevant in terms of forecasting what the next three years might look like. One is that the Greens’ Polanski has some progressive economic policies in his pocket that take him close to one of the rare examples of radical politics coming to the fore in Britain in recent decades.
The other prominent recent example was Labour’s 2017 election manifesto, which directly challenged neoliberalism and made explicit its support for “the many, not the few”. It was a thoroughly progressive approach that proved unexpectedly popular and led to then-prime minister Theresa May being deprived of the substantial majority she expected upon calling a snap-election.
The shock of then Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn coming so close to Downing Street was enough to unleash a storm of right-wing media scares against him personally and his brand of socialism in general.
This is relevant as in the past few months we have seen the start of a similar campaign, led by tabloids, this time against Polsanski and the Greens. “Eco nuts” is among the milder descriptors, with the implication being that the Greens are entirely unsuited to the task of running a modern state.
First Corbyn and now Polanski, it’s clear the UK’s elite system is always ready to intervene against any political movement that might challenge the status quo.
The other point concerns problems facing Reform. Burnham is currently far more politically popular than Farage, with polls putting him 20% ahead on the question of who is a better prime minister-to-be. That lead may prove temporary, but the bigger issue is of Reform presenting itself as an anti-elite movement protecting the underdog, with Farage doing his chap-in-the-pub/man-of-the-people act.
This stance is becoming problematic, at odds as it is with the reality of Reform’s support from the elite. Since 2019, the party and has received £45m from supporters, of which £32m came from just four wealthy individuals.
Farage has also made more than £1m from jobs he has been doing while an MP, making him the highest-paid MP. Meanwhile, other senior figures in the party, such as deputy leader Richard Tice and former chair Zia Yusuf, are reported to be multi-millionaires.
Despite this, Farage and Reform still score well among the disenchanted – although there is plenty of time for that to change.
Burnham must therefore remake Labour as a more progressive party, clearly “supporting the many, not the few”, so to speak, if he is to succeed. The appointment of top lobbyist James Purnell as his chief of staff is therefore surprising many on the left, with [Polanski telling openDemocracy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/blair-tribute-act-zack-polanski-on-burnhams-plan-to-hire-top-lobbyist/) that it was reminiscent of “a Blair and Starmer tribute act”.
In the current state of British politics, any party that seriously challenges the status quo, whether Labour, Green, the Lib Dems or the currently maligned Your Party, will have a difficult job breaking through.
There is, though, one theme where it might be done: money laundering.
As journalist and writer [John Lanchester puts it](https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v48/n09/john-lanchester/squillions?ref=opendemocracy.net), “something not fully understood is going on at a massive scale right under the noses of governments”. That “something” includes endemic money laundering, which is costing the country billions a year. Plenty of detail can be found in Oliver Bullough’s book, *Everybody Loves our Dollars: How Money Laundering Won*.
It is an issue ripe for a would-be progressive government’s attention, well-nigh certain to be popular with a disillusioned electorate and, most significantly, difficult for an elite system to counter. For a progressive political party, it would be a very good use of time and energy, especially in the run-up to a general election.
### Flamingos, Jared Kushner, and Albania’s fight against Trump’s Resorts
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/flamingos-jared-kushner-and-albanias-fight-against-trumps-resorts/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T14:16:39.000Z
On 30 May, residents and activists gathered beside Albania’s Narta Lagoon to protest against the fencing off of Pishë Poro beach, part of the protected Vjosa-Narta landscape.
The confrontation that followed transformed a long-running environmental campaign. Activists say private security guards dragged away a local resident, threw stones and used pepper spray while nearby police failed to intervene. Footage spread rapidly online, drawing young people, members of Albania’s diaspora and many first-time protesters onto the streets.
Flamingos, among the wetlands’ most recognisable inhabitants, appeared across placards and banners. The emerging ‘Flamingo Revolution’ was no longer only about wildlife: it had become a protest against corruption, political capture and a development model campaigners say transfers public land and natural wealth to powerful investors.
At the centre of the dispute are luxury tourism developments associated with US president Donald Trump’s daughter, Ivanka Trump, and her husband, Jared Kushner, planned for Sazan Island and the nearby Zvërnec peninsula, beside the Vjosa-Narta Protected Landscape.
Albanian prime minister Edi Rama has presented the projects as an opportunity to attract investment and turn the country into a high-end tourism destination. Campaigners instead see a system in which environmentally sensitive land is placed at the disposal of wealthy investors, with little meaningful public involvement.
A recent investigation by the [Balkan Investigative Reporting Network](https://www.reporter.al/en/2026/05/29/the-investors-behind-the-trump-familys-albanian-resort/?ref=opendemocracy.net) found that the company developing the Zvërnec resort is registered through a network of Dutch companies and trusts, while its ultimate beneficial owners remain undisclosed. Campaigners say this opacity reinforces concerns about who stands to benefit from the development.
openDemocracy spoke to ornithologist Ledi Selgjekaj about what is already being lost in Vjosa-Narta, and to Lëvizja Bashkë activist Bora Mema, a member of the left-wing Lëvizja Bashkë party, about how the campaign became a wider political movement. The following interviews have been edited for length and clarity.
# ‘Connected changes that gradually weaken the whole ecosystem’
*Ledi Selgjekaj is a biologist and bird expert at PPNEA, the Protection and Preservation of Natural Environment in Albania, the country’s BirdLife partner. She is completing a PhD focused on the behaviour and reproductive success of shorebirds in the Vjosa-Narta Protected Landscape.*
**You have spent five years monitoring birds in Vjosa-Narta. What changes have you witnessed yourself?**
The main disturbance began with the construction of Vlora airport. It fragmented habitats, reduced ecological continuity and affected how species use the wider landscape.
It also limited the space available for wildlife movement, increasing pressure on ground-nesting birds. At the same time, the constant disturbance has affected sensitive species such as flamingos, which have been present for years but have struggled to breed successfully.
Recent works in the area have also led to the destruction of dune habitats, which are crucial for many species.
From a field perspective, these are not isolated impacts. They are connected changes that gradually weaken the whole ecosystem. With the planned resort and further infrastructure, there is a real concern that these pressures will intensify, pushing an already fragile wetland system closer to a point where it can no longer function as it does today.
**Flamingos have become the movement’s defining symbol. Has that helped people understand what is at stake, or could the wider ecological damage be overlooked?**
Flamingos are striking, familiar and present in large numbers in the Vjosa-Narta wetlands. They are closely tied to the identity of the place and are often seen as part of the landscape itself.
Many people recognise them from photographs and media coverage, making them an immediate and powerful way to connect the public with the wetlands.
In the context of the Albanian protests against recent development projects, the flamingo has come to represent a wider sense of shared natural heritage and concern for the whole ecosystem.
**What action is now needed from the Albanian government and European institutions – and what would victory look like?**
The European Parliament has already spoken clearly, calling for stronger protection of the Vjosa-Narta wetlands, including the repeal of the 2024 amendments to the Law on Protected Areas and a moratorium on new development in sensitive ecosystems until full compliance with EU nature standards is ensured.
Albania should halt current construction, repeal the recent amendments to the Law on Protected Areas and restore strong legal protection for this network.
Large-scale infrastructure and urban expansion that are incompatible with the ecosystem should be stopped, and decision-making must fully respect biodiversity protection and public participation.
That would represent a victory for the wetlands and the wider movement: a shift away from destructive development towards real protection, where Vjosa–Narta is safeguarded as a functioning natural landscape and conservation, biodiversity and sustainable local livelihoods are prioritised together.
## ‘People connected the dots’
*Bora Mema is an activist with Lëvizja Bashkë, a left-wing Albanian political party that grew out of worker, student and social justice organising.*
**How did a campaign to protect Albania’s coastline and wetlands grow into a much broader revolt against corruption and political capture?**
The campaign grew because the issue at its core is what David Harvey \[distinguished professor in anthropology, earth and environmental sciences at the City University of New York\] calls “accumulation through dispossession”, the blatant theft of public and private land to hand it over to oligarchs and drug traffickers.
What started as an environmental protest to save the ecosystems and wetlands of Zvërnec and Pishë Poro-Nartë, or the private lands of communities in the village, quickly exposed the deeper corruption of the state. People connected the dots: their protected natural areas were being fenced off and privatised for a $4.5bn luxury resort under the guise of “foreign investment”. Because the movement targets this entire system of looting public wealth, it naturally turned from a local environmental fight into a direct rebellion against three decades of corrupt political capture.
**What was the turning point that brought so many young people, members of the diaspora and first-time protesters onto the streets?**
The definitive turning point was 30 May 2026\. During a peaceful protest against the luxury resort, private security forces violently dragged away and put a gun to the head of a citizen, threw stones and pepper-sprayed, while the state police just stood there and watched.
Activists from Lëvizja Bashkë caught this violence on camera while they supported the community, and the footage spread like wildfire on social media. Seeing state-supported corporate thugs attack peaceful citizens completely shattered public apathy. It pushed Gen Z, members of the diaspora, and thousands of first-time protesters to overcome their fear and take to the streets, turning the flamingo into a radical symbol of resistance.
**What have activists achieved so far, and which responses from the government, prosecutors or European institutions came as a result of public pressure?**
Public pressure has broken the traditional political narrative and forced the establishment onto the defensive.
First, the government is visibly panicking. Prime minister Edi Rama has tried to downplay the movement by minimising crowd sizes, claiming the project didn't even exist, and even wearing flamingo-printed T-shirts to try and hijack the symbol.
**What happens next? What would victory look like, and how can the movement maintain its momentum beyond this particular development fight?**
Victory looks like a complete rejection of the old political duopoly and a total systemic overhaul. It means permanently ending the process of accumulation through dispossession, revoking the "strategic investor" statuses used by oligarchs and money launderers, and ensuring public assets stay in the hands of the citizens. It also means seeing the corrupt ruling class held accountable, which is why people are chanting, “Rama in jail, Berisha in jail!”. \[The latter refers to the former prime minister and current opposition leader, Sali Berisha, who has long been accused of links to organised crime and corruption, which he denies.\]
To maintain momentum, the movement must stay completely independent from the traditional political establishment. It cannot let itself be co-opted by the mainstream opposition, who are just the other side of the same corrupt coin and initially failed to even oppose the luxury project. They should organise and understand that the power relies on them.
### You will die at 30
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/queer-elders-you-will-die-at-30/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:43:13.000Z
[Listen on your podcast player of choice](https://pod.link/1597912225/episode/QnV6enNwcm91dC0xOTMzNTgyNg?ref=opendemocracy.net)
At 23, trans woman Awo Dufie is outed, homeless, and facing a prophecy that says she will die at 30 — because she is queer. This threat is reinforced by Ghana's social climate and a looming anti-LGBT bill. Determined to break free from the prophecy, Awo embarks on a risky journey to find an 83-year-old queer elder who didn't just survive decades of hatred and colonial laws — she built a rich life. Can Awo too live long and live free? This is the first episode of a series on queer elders, produced by openDemocracy.
**Show Notes**
Sign up for [Radio Workshop’s newsletter on Substack](https://radioworkshop.substack.com/), and connect with us on [Instagram](https://www.instagram.com/radioworkshop?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [LinkedIn](https://www.linkedin.com/company/radioworkshop1?ref=opendemocracy.net).
**Sources:**
- Human Rights Watch - [This Alien Legacy](https://www.hrw.org/report/2008/12/17/alien-legacy/origins-sodomy-laws-british-colonialism?ref=opendemocracy.net)
- [Human Dignity Trust, Ghana](https://www.humandignitytrust.org/country-profile/ghana/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
- Modern Ghana - [The Bawku Chieftaincy Conflict Needs To Be Resolved Within The Framework Of The 1992 Constitution](https://www.modernghana.com/news/1456766/the-bawku-chieftaincy-conflict-needs-to-be-resolve.html?ref=opendemocracy.net#google%5Fvignette)
- Amnesty International - [Ghana: Anti-LGBTI bill stirs up hatred, persecution and discrimination](https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr28/4677/2021/en/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
- [Human Sexual Rights and Family Values Act 2024](https://www.accessnow.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Anti-LGBTQ-Bill-Human-Sexual-Rights-and-Family-Values-Bill-2024.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), Ghana
- Purdue University - [Social Media and Human Rights Advocacy for LGBTQ+ Rights in Ghana](https://hammer.purdue.edu/ndownloader/files/50901018?ref=opendemocracy.net)
**Acknowledgements:**
Fondation CHANEL, Luminate, Ford Foundation, and Stephen Hendrickson. Special thanks to Rob Byers.
[Support the show](https://radioworkshop.org/donate/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
We can only do this work because of your support. You can make a donation at [radioworkshop.org](https://radioworkshop.org/donate/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
### Understanding China’s pragmatic AI optimism
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/chinas-ai-optimism-is-rooted-in-the-fear-of-falling-behind/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T14:28:26.000Z
- *This piece originally appeared in* [*The Ideas Letter*](https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/the-peoples-republic-of-techno-optimists/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*. It has been edited for length and clarity.*
Just 19 miles from the beach in Humen, southern China, where the burning of opium in 1839 started the Opium Wars and China’s “Century of Humiliation”, lies Huawei’s ornate campus at Songshan Lake. Earlier this month, when I visited Huawei, it was impossible not to marvel at just how far China had come. The campus was a stunning replica of European towns, dotted with over a hundred cafés, which appeared to convey unironically both Huawei’s global ambitions and its eagerness to learn from the West. In many of the palace-like buildings, as I peered at the technologies, it was clear that the company sits at the heart of China’s artificial intelligence boom, powering it with Ascend chips and the HarmonyOS ecosystem that underpins millions of devices and cars, all enabled by its telecoms networking gear.
More than any other Chinese company, Huawei has been the most striking symbol of the country’s resilience, resistance and subsequent triumph against Western efforts to contain and cripple China’s technological rise. In 2019, the first Trump administration added Huawei to a trade blacklist that barred US companies from selling parts to the telecommunications giant and then pushed Huawei out of America and lobbied other countries to reject it too. Such restrictions seemed like a death sentence, but none of that killed China’s development of AI. Instead, a different AI future has emerged from China, one that’s more optimistic, controlled and pragmatic than the US’s.
In China’s AI future, the shadow of the Century of Humiliation looms. When US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick described last year US chip exports as a way to get Chinese developers “addicted to the American technology stack”, echoes of the Opium Wars reverberated. Which is why, when companies like Huawei and DeepSeek make splashes globally, their founders are seen in China as heroes defending the country’s pride and national destiny. And why, ultimately, when everyday Chinese people think of AI, they aren’t thinking about concentrations of power and resources the way many in the West do. They remember how China was slow to industrialise during the Opium Wars and was thus plundered by foreign powers. The lesson is stark: China can either be a conqueror of technology or be conquered by others’ technology; there is no living in denial or stopping the tide of change.
> “China can either be a conqueror of technology or be conquered by others’ technology.”
AI, after all, is the latest in an unending march of disruptive technologies. Some older Chinese have gone from smelting steel in backyard furnaces and eating with food ration coupons to Douyin livestreams and Alipay in less than a lifetime. AI feels just as inevitable and, may I say, even as mundane as the internet browser and the smartphone. AI feels normal.
Today, China feels profoundly more future-oriented out of necessity – it cannot afford not to keep up with the future. The cost would simply be too high. China’s economy is slowing, in the face of a collapse in property prices that has hammered household wealth, global trade headwinds for its exports, weak consumption at home and an ageing population. Beijing is hoping that new high-tech industries such as AI and robotics can fill the void left by property and set China on a path towards more modest but more sustainable growth.
In a recent Stanford University study, 84% of respondents in China said they were excited about AI, compared with only 38% in the US. Over 600 million Chinese use generative AI today, nearly 142% more than a year ago. Among ordinary Chinese, the mood is one of broad embrace, tinged with the fear of becoming obsolete if they don’t learn to master the technology fast enough. A saying inspired by Stalin and taught to Chinese schoolchildren embodies the anxiety: “Backwardness brings on beatings by others.” Feelings of pessimism are brewing in China, especially among the young, but one would still be hard-pressed to find individuals who hate AI. China is a nation of reluctant but pragmatic techno-optimists.
## **Imagining China as the future**
The year is 2062 and the Republic of Great China is celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of its founding. The Queen of England, the Emperor of Japan, the President of Russia and other foreign dignitaries have arrived in the capital city of Nanjing for the occasion. Meanwhile, Kong Hongdao, a revered scholar who happens to be the 72nd-generation descendant of Confucius, has been invited to give a lecture on how Chinese democracy has brought the country its present prosperity and superpower status. Tens of thousands have poured in from around the world to hear him speak in Chinese, which they, naturally, all understand.
Sounds uncannily plausible? That may be because much of what this scenario envisioned has already happened, several decades before 2062\. Does it also seem ludicrous and out of touch? This fantasy was penned in 1902, at a time when Qing dynasty China was still an absolute imperial monarchy and the dominant reform alternatives were republicanism and democracy – the Bolshevik Revolution was still 15 years away. The plotline comes from what is arguably China’s first, albeit unfinished, science fiction novel: Liang Qichao’s *The Future of New China*. Exiled in Japan in 1898 after his role in the aborted Hundred Days Reform during the Qing dynasty, Liang sought to use his visions of China-as-superpower to uplift the spirit of an entire people by imbuing them with the importance of science and technology. Such fiction allowed Chinese people to see China itself as the future, instead of locating the future outside China.
Since then, Chinese science fiction – from Han Song’s *2066: Red Star Over America* to the sprawling internet epic *The Morning Star of Lingao* by the Industrial Party, an online community that preaches the supremacy of industrialisation – has continued to be preoccupied with the motif of China becoming a superpower through technological development or, as the academic Mingwei Song has written, “a utopian narrative that projected the political desire for China’s reform into an idealized, technologically more advanced world”.
As a kid, I remember watching the documentary series *The Rise of the Great Powers*, produced by CCTV, China’s national network. The series studied how nine nations rose to become great powers, drawing lessons such as the importance of industrialisation for what former president Hu Jintao once called China’s own “peaceful rise”. More recently, blockbuster films adapted from Liu Cixin’s *The Three-Body Problem* and *The Wandering Earth* have similarly venerated science, large-scale engineering and organised human effort in overcoming extinction.
This is utterly unlike the stories of Promethean urge and dystopian doom that suffuse American culture. When the average American conjures visions of AI, the most immediate images are of the T-800 striding out of the flames as its suit of flesh melts away to expose its metallic endoskeleton in *The Terminator*, the empathetic operating system that one man falls in love with in *Her*, and the rogue AI that wreaks global havoc in the latest two instalments of *Mission: Impossible*.
But if we trace the genealogy of AI further, the West’s fascination with machine consciousness goes as far back as Mary Shelley’s *Frankenstein* in 1818 and Samuel Butler’s *Erewhon* in 1872, as England grappled with the incursion of automation during the Industrial Revolution, which seeded feelings of human disempowerment. The dominant impulse is to battle technology as the villain and bend it to human will so as to defend the essence of human agency – agency is also at the heart of conversations about AI today in Silicon Valley, as people strive to be “high agency” instead of a non-player character (NPC) in the background of others’ video games.
It’s not easy for Americans to understand the Chinese hunger for the future, partly because it has little to do with fears around humanness. While the average American is wary of AI’s dystopian harms, particularly the erosion of human agency, the average Chinese is more motivated by the fear of deprivation – memories of poverty are still vivid for many. Humanness, therefore, can be subordinated to progress.
This is best illustrated by the hundreds of thousands of workers who manufacture iPhones, as well as the tens of millions of gig workers in China, whose lives and bodies are dictated and augmented by machines and algorithms and are constantly optimised for more efficiency and speed. I wonder if China, identifying as a developing nation, is more willing to put technological advancement over individual welfare because of the dividends that have paid off over the past four decades.
So while Virginians in the US protest the data centres in their backyards and congressional leaders like Bernie Sanders propose a moratorium on AI development, both the state and society in China feel that they can’t afford to slow down, for fear of falling back into the gravitational pull of the Century of Humiliation. In the Chinese psyche, technology isn’t an enemy that can be willed away, ignored or defeated.
Technology is the instrumentality of machines taught in *One Hundred Thousand Whys*, a popular Chinese science series for children. It’s the indomitable force of physical production that will revive the nation, as extolled in Marxist historical materialism; it empowers society as a collective. One could even say that China’s vision of the technological future is tainted and limited by pragmatism. It hinges on the fear of missing out on, to borrow from the country’s leaders, “the next round of techno-scientific revolution and industrial transformation”, as happened in the past, and on an obsession with avoiding the mistakes of the nineteenth century at all costs.
## **When technological optimism falters**
Despite the futuristic positive visions of national strength, AI growth stirs discontent and is seen to have a dark side. Swept up by the vertiginous speed of technology, a sense of dislocation and resignation has enswathed many across the Pacific. Both China and the US are facing the same problem: how to balance AI growth and control. China seems to be veering closer to the middle in a bid to maintain social stability. In contrast, the US is racing full speed ahead, pursuing growth at all costs, with the goal of reaching the moment of recursive self-improvement, in which AI begets ever-smarter AI, better known as artificial general intelligence (AGI).
American efforts to regulate AI are often rebutted with invocations that an AI race is on and concerns that slowing down would handicap US companies’ ability to beat China’s and allow China to reach AGI first. This quest for AGI has whipped up a staggering amount of investment. Five leading US technology companies are expected to spend a combined $700 billion this year on AI infrastructure and other major projects – more than the United Arab Emirates’ entire economy. The US economy has also become increasingly dependent on AI, with some economists arguing that investments in AI accounted for as much as 92% of US GDP growth in the first half of 2025\. American AI labs have become too big to fail.
That hasn’t made AI more popular. In March, an NBC News survey of 1,000 registered voters in the US found that the only issues with a lower net positive rating than AI were Iran and the Democratic Party. According to a Gallup poll earlier this year, even among Gen Z Americans, who are frequent users of AI, anger about the technology is rising – only 18% of respondents said they felt hopeful about it. Many have been blaming the tech oligarchs who are building the technology. In April, a young man hurled a Molotov cocktail at the home of OpenAI’s chief, Sam Altman.
Meanwhile, China is moving more cautiously, trying to balance growth and control. The Chinese Communist Party needs AI to boost productivity, drive the economy and address internal challenges such as demographic decline; at the same time, it needs to prevent AI from displacing too many jobs and fomenting social unrest. Policy elites are attuned to the possibility of social instability.
Chinese officials are advocating for an “employment-first” and “people-centred” approach to AI, framing the technology as a job creator; last year, Chinese labour arbitration authorities ruled that companies are legally required to retrain or reassign workers before they can be replaced by AI. Some experts have argued that for the past four years China has had the world’s most extensive and burdensome AI regulations, requiring developers to submit models to regulators for pre-deployment assessments and to include watermarks on AI-generated content. The push is accelerating: in the first half of 2025, China issued as many national requirements on AI as it did in the previous three years, according to Concordia AI, a Beijing-based social enterprise focused on AI safety and governance.
After all, the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimacy since Deng Xiaoping has been built on the promise of prosperity in exchange for fewer freedoms – on the promise that tomorrow will be better and living standards will keep rising. Beijing wants AI to sustain, not shatter, that unspoken bargain.
> “Beijing wants AI to sustain, not shatter, that unspoken bargain.”
The Party has already reined in eat-the-rich resentment by bringing Chinese tech companies to their knees. During Covid, China’s tech entrepreneurs were caught in a years-long regulatory storm, launched in the name of reducing social inequality and curbing the disorderly expansion of capital under Xi Jinping’s “Common Prosperity” campaign.
But navigating between AI growth and control won’t be easy. During my trip this month, I sensed a growing awareness among Chinese people about the impact of AI on jobs, though for many it hasn’t yet brimmed over into fear. Many are curious about America’s AI bubble, about the rise of AI coding and its impact on software engineers, and the yawning inequality caused by the unprecedented amount of wealth that will be minted with the upcoming IPOs of US frontier labs this year.
To me, China feels about a year or so behind the US in where it’s at on the technology and in hype. There is less grandiose fanfare about AI’s capabilities and less visible concentration of wealth, and the AGI moment does not feel imminent for the vast majority. No wonder fears around AI-induced labour displacement seem milder in China than in the US, even though China’s economy and job market are doing worse overall. But it remains to be seen whether the more positive zeitgeist in China will hold in a year or two if there are more large-scale layoffs in the tech industry, though it seems likely that the government would step in to minimise that.
For now, in post-boom China, the new normal is stagnating salaries, a challenging job market, collapsing property prices and involution across sectors – none of which is perceived as directly caused by AI. Tired of running faster towards an uncertain future, some workers are lying flat and opting out of the forward-looking grand narrative of state progress. A tiny exhalation of freedom under the panopticon of authoritarian control.
And a few have attempted to vehemently resist the technological onslaught. In 2024, taxi drivers in Wuhan protested against Baidu’s robotaxis, capturing national attention. In a letter, they argued that street-hailed taxis were “on the brink of extinction”. Although the message went viral, the protests couldn’t stop the rollout of self-driving cars across Chinese cities. As China plunges headfirst into its national vision of technological ascendancy, most in society are still scampering ahead, hopeful that AI will fulfil the promise of rejuvenation.
## **China’s future is haunted by its past**
Last year, during a brief stop in Shenzhen, I wandered around the Window of the World, which in the 1990s was the hottest sightseeing spot in town and now feels more like an obsolete parody. I hopped across the scaled-down Great Wall, peered at the pint-sized pyramids of Giza not far away from the carved faces of Mount Rushmore, and gazed at a mini Mount Fuji set against skyscrapers thrusting into the blue sky.
The now-empty theme park had a laid-back, faded charm, self-aware that it belonged to an age that’s past. I could imagine how, when it first opened, the boulevards must have thronged with Chinese tourists who were eager to see the world but lacked the means to travel abroad. At one point, these little arcadias of globalisation sprouted all over China, with more than 2,500 built between 1990 and 2005.
Today, parks like the Window of the World no longer hold the Chinese in thrall. The surrounding cityscapes now embody a hyper-modernity that lures foreign tourists. Metropolises of tomorrow like Shenzhen and Chongqing resemble another kind of gigantic theme park, representing fantastic ideas of the future. Western influencers and executives make the pilgrimage to Chinese cities to experience food delivery by drone, fancy EVs, high-speed rail, tri-fold phones and dancing humanoid robots. This is yet another manifestation of what I’ve called “Sinofuturism”.
But what strikes me most as I travel to China year after year is how the arc of history weighs on the Chinese present. Many people in the West cannot fathom how it actually feels to have lived through the last 40 years since Reform and Opening Up. Many successful middle-aged Chinese tech entrepreneurs I met this month spoke of memories of famine and hunger, of growing up eating meat once a year, of earning only $10 per month even as a university graduate, and of the destructive upheaval of the Cultural Revolution.
These are the elites who are currently steering China’s AI future. Their most potent fear about AI is that it might tip society back into the poverty and chaos of the not-so-distant past – whether through embracing AI too slowly or too fast.
From everyday Chinese, I sense a mix of nationalism, optimism and apathy. They want AI to be good, to make their lives better, to keep driving China’s economic engine. Some 451 million Chinese live in rural areas, with less access to quality education and healthcare. In 2025, China’s GDP per capita was around $14,000, less than one-sixth of the US’s. But the country’s population is shrinking and ageing fast; the working-age population peaked in 2015.
AI, then, cannot be ignored and must be learned. Most understand that China does not yet have the luxury to choose not to grow. Even many of the more sceptical in China, instead of imagining liberating alternatives to technology as many do in the West, shrug their shoulders and entrust such imaginations to the Party, which promises that only it can steer the country towards fulfilling the mission of “national rejuvenation”. The price of revolution is more fatal in China.
Still, one ought to be careful not to brush aside China’s vision of AI as a static monolith. As in the US, dreams and nightmares jostle constantly. Under the Chinese top-down visions of AI – as a technology that will propel the nation and society forward, will be a panacea for domestic challenges, and will heal the scars of the Century of Humiliation – the Chinese people have their own desires, innovations and subversions that contest and shape the state’s visions.
I think of the women who date AI boyfriends and refuse to marry real men, the widespread criticism of the streaming giant iQIYI for licensing the likenesses of real actors for AI-generated shows, the DeepSeek moment that sparked a bottom-up open-source movement in China, and a recent government regulation that bans virtual companions for minors. The future doesn’t arrive without friction.
### Exclusive: How Palantir harvested millions in UK tax breaks
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/exclusive-how-palantir-harvested-millions-in-uk-tax-breaks/
Last updated: 2026-07-09T14:34:45.000Z
Palantir is benefiting from millions of pounds of tax deductions that allow it to pay very little corporate tax in the United Kingdom despite soaring profits, an investigation by openDemocracy reveals.
The controversial tech firm has [won at least](https://www.thenerve.news/p/palantir-technologies-uk-government-contracts-size-nuclear-deterrent-atomic-peter-thiel-louis-mosley?ref=opendemocracy.net) £670m in UK public contracts in recent years, which have helped to make the country its second-largest market by revenue after the United States, where it is headquartered. Yet despite accounting for 10% of the company’s global revenue last year, its tax payments in the UK amounted to less than 5% of its total global cash tax spend, according to US filings.
The filings suggest Palantir’s UK subsidiary paid less than $1.08m (£820,000) in cash tax in the UK in 2025 – less than it [paid](https://investors.palantir.com/files/2025%20FY%20PLTR%2010-K.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Korea, Japan, France and Germany – after accumulating tax deductions due to stock prices. Palantir’s stock has surged since the company went public in 2020, peaking in 2025 before paring back gains this year.
In 2024, Palantir’s UK subsidiary reported pre-tax profits of £25.3m, but assessed its local corporate tax requirement as only around £2m, according to the latest accounts filed with Companies House. This puts its annual corporate tax rate at roughly 8% – far lower than the 25% usually paid by businesses with profits over £250,000 in the UK.
In 2023, the company’s tax rate was lower still, at 4.7% on pre-tax profits of approximately £19.1m, and in 2022 it was 4.2% on pre-tax profits of around £19.9m. Its UK accounts are not yet available for 2025 onwards. Taken together, that’s just £3.7m of tax on £63.4m in cumulative pre-tax profits over three years.
openDemocracy analysed hundreds of pages of Palantir’s filings in the US and the UK from 2020 to 2025, a period when the company recorded extraordinary growth in revenue and profits. We found the company’s low tax exposure was down to two factors: A structured arrangement that limits the profits recognised in the UK, and a provision in the UK tax code that rewards companies with significant tax breaks in return for compensating their employees with stock rather than in cash.
This strategy, experts say, is legal and very effective. "I don’t see this as tax avoidance, legally or morally," said Dan Neidle, founder of tax advisory nonprofit Tax Policy Associates and former head of UK tax at City law firm Clifford Chance. He added that although the company pays less tax by way of this share scheme, "its employees in the UK will have been subject to income tax and employee/employer national insurance. So overall it likely resulted in additional tax being paid" to the government by employees.
Yet, experts told openDemocracy that the UK and the US are outliers amongst major economies in their approach to providing broad tax deductions to corporations who compensate their employees with stock.
In 2020, the company had already accumulated £32m in tax breaks in the UK, according to Companies House, of which about £26m were due to what the company called “employee share acquisition relief”. Two years later, the total size of the UK tax break had ballooned sevenfold to $303.4m (approximately £230m) in net operating losses in the UK, which its parent company said “can be carried forward indefinitely” in its 2022 annual filings in the US.
[Palantir is turning the NHS into a tool for mass surveillanceKicking out Palantir, experts warn, may not solve the problems its Federated Data Platform has created.openDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-is-turning-the-nhs-into-a-tool-for-mass-surveillance/)
The nature of annual filings makes it hard to assess the current size of Palantir’s accumulated tax deductions, but it is clear that the company’s tax deductions in the UK have grown much faster than its profits. The most recent Companies House accounts suggest the company gained about £92m in tax deductions in 2024 alone, of which it used a small portion to reduce its tax assessment for the year from £6.3m at the standard rate of 25% to only about £2m on pre-tax profits of £25.3m.
“When profitable companies are paying very little tax, especially when much of their revenues derive from taxpayers' money itself, then it's important to ask why,” said Mike Lewis, the director of TaxWatch. “Is it because tax incentives and tax breaks are poorly targeted? Or is it because companies are shifting profits in ways that our tax system is supposed to counteract?”
In Palantir’s case, the company’s surging stock price created deductions at a scale that would lower its tax burden even if the company recognised more profits in the UK.
The company is far from the only tech firm to have reduced its UK tax burden in this way. Fair-tax proponents have called for the UK to do a better job of taxing tech companies since Meta (then known as Facebook) provoked outrage for paying only [£4,327 in corporate taxes in 2014](https://www.theguardian.com/global/2015/oct/11/facebook-paid-4327-corporation-tax-despite-35-million-staff-bonuses?ref=opendemocracy.net), after paying more than £35m to staff in a share bonus scheme.
“It’s a consistent pattern,” said Nathan Goldman, professor of accounting at North Carolina State University, whose work focuses on corporate taxation. “All of these companies are following the same pattern. They’re not doing anything illegal.”
Goldman said that while there are “lots of knobs you can turn” to get deductions, share-based compensation for employees is the one that can yield significant gains in cases where stock prices rise sharply in a short period of time.
Yet, Palantir’s critics say its case stands out because much of its revenue derives from public sector contracts, including the cash-strapped National Health Service. As openDemocracy revealed back in 2020, Palantir’s work with the NHS [went from a](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/it-started-as-1-now-its-1-million-wheres-the-mandate-for-letting-palantir-into-our-nhs/) £1 contract to £1m. The company’s current NHS contract is [worth at least £330M.](https://www.digitalhealth.net/2023/11/nhs-england-awards-330m-federated-data-platform-contract-to-palantir/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
[Zarah Sultana: Palantir has no place in UK public servicesFrom ICE to Gaza, Palantir is complicit in violent US hegemony. Why do we keep giving it contracts?openDemocracyZarah Sultana](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/zarah-sutlana-palantir-no-place-uk-public-services-ministry-of-defence/)
"If these findings are accurate, they expose the staggering extent to which Palantir is taking from our country while giving back as little as possible,” said Green Party Deputy Leader Mothin Ali.
“It has pocketed hundreds of millions of pounds in public contracts, yet appears to have paid an effective tax rate that is a fraction of that paid by the doctors, nurses and other public sector workers who keep our services going. Greens have said before that Palantir should pack its bags and get the hell out of our NHS. What will it take for this Labour government to finally show them the door?”
“At a time we are asking for more scrutiny into the Federated Data Platform contract, it is mindboggling that Palantir are siphoning millions of pounds out of the UK,” said Liberal Democrat MP Martin Wrigley, who has been a vocal opponent of the UK government’s work with Palantir. "Our NHS needs to be working with trusted suppliers, and Palantir seem to be consistently undermining that trust. It’s time the government gets serious and builds the offramp."
"Multinationals like Palantir are able to exploit the defects in current international tax rules to pay lower effective tax rates overall,” said Sol Picciotto, an emeritus professor at Lancaster University and senior adviser with the Tax Justice Network. “This is particularly problematic for those providing services which can be delivered globally, giving them great freedom to decide where and how to declare taxable profits.”
🔎
We are continuing to investigate Palantir. If you have any information you feel might be relevant, please send it to ****jaderuyu.08 on Signal** or [jade-ruyu.yan@opendemocracy.net](mailto:jade-ruyu.yan@opendemocracy.net). We protect our sources.
“Palantir is paying little or no corporate income tax in both the US and the UK, despite its bread and butter being government contracts,” said Paul Monaghan, chief executive of the Fair Tax Foundation. He called the strategy “textbook Silicon Valley profit-shifting” and added that the “generous corporate tax treatment” of these types of share-based payments is “in play on both sides of the Atlantic”.
“Whilst Palantir’s share price grows, these are likely to continue to depress the company’s effective tax rate.”
“It is therefore re-assuring to see an indication in the US parent’s financial statements that they are the subject of a live inquiry by HMRC that encompasses the last two years,” he said, referring to a note in the company’s US annual filing for 2025, which reads that the “Company is subject to potential examination by tax authorities” in “the UK for tax years 2024 through 2025.”
"We do not comment on the tax affairs of individual taxpayers," said a spokesperson for HMRC, the government department responsible for the collection of taxes. "These are long‑standing rules set by Parliament, and we enforce them rigorously to make sure every company pays the tax that is due under UK law."
openDemocracy has reached out to Palantir for comment, but had not heard back at time of publication. This story will be updated if the company responds.
**Behind the shield**
Business leaders insist that the UK’s corporate tax regime stifles investment and cripples economic growth. In 2021, when then-chancellor Rishi Sunak announced that corporate taxes would rise from 19% to 25%, The Times carried an article headlined “Companies ‘will quit UK’ over Sunak’s corporation tax rise”.
Yet an examination of Palantir’s accounts reveals that the UK’s corporate tax regime allows fast-growing technology companies to harvest millions of pounds in tax breaks by richly remunerating their employees with stock options.
Compensating employees in this manner, said Goldman the accounting professor, creates “incentive alignment”, where employees have a stake in the success of the company – improving employee retention rates – as well as allowing companies to preserve cash (as offering stock options doesn’t impact cash flows), and generating future tax deductions if, and only if, the company succeeds.
But if a company succeeds like Palantir, he added, the tax deductions generated in this manner are very large.
The key to this mechanism lies in Part 12 of the Corporation Tax Act 2009, which allows a company to claim a tax deduction relief equivalent to the difference between the market price of the stock at the point at which they are acquired by the employee and the original strike price paid by the employee.
“UK tax policy allows qualifying companies these kinds of deductions,” said Dr Federica Casano, lecturer in business and tax law at the University of Leeds. “The relief under Part 12 of CTA 2009 is broadly neutral as to the type of instrument – restricted or unrestricted shares, options or RSUs \[Restricted Stock Units\].”
In Palantir’s case, the stock has soared by over 1,000% since the company went public in September 2020, thereby creating hundreds of millions of pounds of tax deductions in the UK as the company’s employees have cashed in.
In 2024, the company’s stock price closed the year at about $77\. That year, the accounts reveal, the company generated about £92m in tax deductions. The following year, the stock peaked at $207.52 in November 2025, before paring back its gains, suggesting the company would have harvested a fresh round of multi-million-pound tax deductions for that year. At the time of publishing, the stock is priced at about $107.
“The corporation tax deduction available in the UK is among the more generous. Stock-based compensation is supposed to reduce payroll pressure on cash flow, especially for start-ups,” said Lewis from Tax Watch.
“The fact that it is also available to established, profit-making companies means that it can effectively wipe out very profitable companies' tax bills for years if share values significantly increase. In an era of almost historically unprecedented tech stock valuations, it may be time to look at restricting the deduction.”
**Wittgenstein’s tax rules**
Around the world, governments have long struggled to get corporations to pay more tax in their respective countries. Raise taxes in one jurisdiction, the argument goes, and companies will simply restructure to recognise profits elsewhere.
In 2021, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) sought to prevent a race to the bottom by establishing a global minimum tax rate of 15%, often referred to as a ‘top-up’ tax. In January 2025, as these rules were being rolled out across the world, the Trump administration not only withdrew from the agreement, but [announced it would sanction](https://www.bruegel.org/newsletter/trump-what-left-global-minimum-tax?ref=opendemocracy.net) countries that sought to tax US companies under the framework. Since then, the G7 has struck an uneasy carve-out for the US, the implications of which are still unclear.
Even so, the UK remains an outlier, both in how it taxes multinational Big Tech companies and also in its willingness to contract out vital public services to these companies.
“The case of Palantir clearly shows the defects of these rules, and also highlights the failure to resolve them over the past 13 years through the OECD,” said Lancaster professor Picciotto. “That's why developing countries launched negotiations for a global tax treaty through the UN. The UK should strongly support this initiative to ensure that multinationals can be taxed where they have real activities, including revenues."
“It's notable that the UK government has just agreed, at the behest of the Trump administration, to exempt US-headquartered companies from one key defence against such profit-shifting: the global minimum ‘top-up’ tax,” Lewis said, adding that the Office of Budget Responsibility [estimates that this will cost the UK](https://news.bloombergtax.com/daily-tax-report-international/uk-to-lose-700-million-annually-from-revised-minimum-tax-deal?ref=opendemocracy.net) at least £700m in tax revenues every year.
Palantir’s UK subsidiary had to pay this ‘top-up’ tax last year on low-taxed profits within the group, in the most recent year, Lewis noted. “It may not have to in the future. That's an example of how the UK's acquiescence to the White House puts UK firms at a disadvantage compared to their US competitors, and costs us much-needed tax revenues.”
Governments in several of Palantir’s other key overseas markets – none of which is as large as the UK – are already distancing themselves from the company. [France](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jun/16/france-ai-data-tools-palantir-chapsvision?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Germany](https://www.reuters.com/technology/germanys-military-shuns-palantir-now-cyber-chief-tells-handelsblatt-2026-04-28/?ref=opendemocracy.net) have announced they are moving away from [Palantir’s products](https://defence24.com/other/germany-turns-away-from-palantir?ref=opendemocracy.net), while the company’s work in Korea remains largely commercial as part of an alliance with the Hyundai group.
Meanwhile, in the UK, Palantir continues to work with government bodies, causing public outcry. And the company’s leadership remains bullish on its prospects and profitability. In a [letter to investors](https://www.palantir.com/q1-2026-letter/en/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in May this year, CEO Alex Karp noted the company had generated $871m in profits on $1.6bn in revenue in the first three months of 2026 alone.
“Our quarterly profit – the largest in our company’s twenty-three-year history – has more than quadrupled in only twelve months,” Karp wrote. “What business in the world, at this scale, has ever accomplished anything of the sort?”
Karp began his letter to shareholders with an enigmatic quote from Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein’s *Philosophische Untersuchungen*: “And to think one is obeying a rule is not to obey a rule.”
*– Ethan Shone contributed to this report*
### The UK asylum system is a form of neo-colonialism
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-uk-asylum-system-is-a-form-of-neo-colonialism/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T06:43:53.000Z
“I can’t bear the thought of anyone knowing such personal things about me,” said a queer woman I was mentoring during one of our sessions last year, as we looked at each other over Zoom. I wished then that I could have reached out and comforted her, but I simply nodded and looked down.
The woman had moved from India to London on a student visa and was hoping to find work so that she could stay after her two-year graduate visa ended. In the UK, she was able to live openly as a queer woman and felt free. But she knew that, if she returned, she could be in danger.
She wanted to apply for asylum to stay in the UK, but doing so would require her to submit a detailed witness statement, describing her experiences as a queer woman, to the Home Office. Ideally, she should back this up with ‘evidence’ of her claims, such as medical letters or witness statements from friends, family, and current or former partners.
The process is risky: if anybody she knew in India found out what she’d written, she would be in danger. It also demands LGBTQ+ people fit their experiences into narrow social scripts, even though different cultures understand, express and practise sexuality and gender in entirely different ways.
Of course, the asylum system offers little space for the complexity of these realities. It offers little nuance, dignity, respect or culturally informed care for people going through such a difficult process.
The woman’s dilemma exposes a deeper contradiction: Britain’s asylum system demands intimate proof of queerness from people whose countries still have laws and social norms shaped by British colonial rule. It presents itself as offering protection while reproducing the racial, sexual and gendered hierarchies that helped create the danger from which many flee.
The asylum system is built on the legacy of the colonial-era British Raj – on the blood and tears of the occupied – and still echoes its controlling logic. It sets people up to fail because there is no liberation in this oppression that has never fully stopped.
Take the rule that restricts asylum-seeking people from working, forcing them to survive on minimal financial support. It upholds the control enforced by the British Empire, when people in India were told they could not work in certain industries, such as Indian-owned workshops prevented from designing and manufacturing their own locomotives.
The British Empire itself normalised migration on an enormous scale as it moved around the world to strip countries of their resources and seize their land, uprooting entire communities and fuelling conflict. In India, British rule culminated in Partition – the division of British India into two independent states, India and Pakistan – whose aftermath also shaped the conflict that led to Bangladesh’s independence. These events saw as many as two million people killed.
India and Pakistan are now both among the ten most common countries of origin for people applying for asylum in the UK. “Almost 70% of asylum applications since 2001 were made by people from countries that experienced colonial rule, violence or resource extraction at the hands of Britain,” according to an analysis of the Home Office’s 2024 [statistics](https://www.refugee-action.org.uk/racism/?ref=opendemocracy.net) by the charity Refugee Action.
Many like to point out that Partition was a long time ago. It was in 1947, 79 years ago. But my grandad is older. At 93, he clearly remembers British rule. It affected him, his family, his children and their migration to the UK. India was not divided and then allowed to rest: Partition left territorial conflict, violence and displacement that continue to this day.
And with this trauma comes silence.
It is the same silence carried by queer people leaving a country that still bears the imprint of British colonial laws. India’s Supreme Court finally decriminalised consensual same-sex relations in 2018, but that was only eight years ago. Queer people were criminalised until then, and decriminalisation alone does not afford them equal rights.
This year, proposed changes to India’s transgender rights law have again threatened to exclude entire identities in an attempt to invalidate them. The bill would, among other things, drastically narrow the definition of transgender and remove the right to self-identification, forcing a trans person to obtain certification of their gender identity from medical boards and district authorities. It recalls the British Raj’s 1871 Criminal Tribes Act, which branded entire communities, including trans and gender-nonconforming people, as “hereditary criminals”.
Before colonial rule, trans, gender-nonconforming and intersex people lived differently in India. While their lives were, of course, far from perfect, their identities were not criminalised or subjected to the same surveillance.
When the British enforced laws criminalising homosexuality in India to “Westernise” its people, they imposed rigid ideas about sexuality and gender. That same logic continues through the UK asylum system today. How can the Home Office expect us to prove our sexuality, our gender or our understanding of how we change and shift as we grow? How can we fit ourselves into the ‘male’ and ‘female’ boxes it has created when Indigenous understandings of gender may be distinctly different?
Britain still believes it has control over the people it once occupied – and, in many ways, it does. It continues to exercise dominion through an impossible asylum system, a form of neo-colonialism. The term, popularised in the 1960s by Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, describes the practice of controlling formerly colonised countries through continued economic, political and cultural pressure, even after formally leaving their land.
As in the colonial era, Britain then reprimands those who fall out of line: through detention, deportation and the stripping away of hope.
Last month, the BBC published an undercover investigation alleging that rogue legal advisers were encouraging migrants, many from South Asian countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh, to pretend to be LGBTQ+ to obtain asylum. Such findings will only increase scrutiny of LGBTQ+ asylum seekers, when we need intense scrutiny of the system that forces people into scripted narratives – and of the political and media responses that stigmatise entire groups for the actions of a few.
My mentee looked up at me from her screen and sighed.
“If my family finds out, I’m toast. If I don’t tell the Home Office, it will be harder to explain why I can’t go back. What should I do?”
Her eyes pleaded with me.
But I did not have the answers. Refugees have been set up to fail by a system that seeks to control racialised, queer and gendered migration. Britain’s criminalisation of homosexuality in India helped lead us to this moment.
A new system could bring the hope and change we desperately need, for the sake of humanity, and represent a step away from the imperialism that has shrouded British governance for so long.
Britain may be a place to which many people attempt to migrate, but it is not a utopia. For many, it is a refuge from the harms that Britain itself helped to create. It must acknowledge that history if it is ever going to change.
### África: Así se cocina una carta continental contra las personas LGBTQ+
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ghana-carta-africana-valores-familiares-derechos-lgbtq-aborto-soberania-africa/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T18:55:26.000Z
Una alfombra roja, un grupo de danza y grandes medidas de seguridad recibieron a los asistentes a la cuarta Conferencia Interparlamentaria Africana sobre Valores Familiares y Soberanía, celebrada a principios de este mes en el Parlamento de Ghana.
El encuentro de tres días reunió a legisladores y activistas religiosos conservadores de todo el continente, y a grupos de la extrema derecha cristiana del Norte Global. Estaban allí para impulsar una nueva Carta Africana para la Protección de la Familia, la Soberanía y los Valores Religiosos y Culturales.
La propuesta busca que los gobiernos se retiren de tratados internacionales de derechos humanos y de acuerdos de financiamiento que promuevan "la agenda LGBT", el aborto y la educación sexual. Su aprobación, advierten fuentes críticas, podría destruir los derechos de las mujeres y los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, y consolidar leyes contra la población LGBTQ+ en todo el continente.
La conferencia se realizó menos de una semana después de que el [Parlamento de Ghana aprobara](https://www.opendemocracy.net/ghanas-anti-lgbtq-bill-passes-amid-chaos-as-laws-backers-call-for-recall/) uno de los proyectos de ley contra las personas LGBTQ+ más draconianos de África, que – de convertirse en ley – castigará con hasta tres años de prisión a quienes se identifiquen como lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, transgénero o queer.
Los promotores de la carta explotaron la idea del panafricanismo y de los "valores familiares" – que se limitan exclusivamente a una familia formada por un hombre y una mujer cisgénero – como una defensa necesaria de la soberanía del continente.
Durante mucho tiempo, quienes defienden estos "valores familiares" en África argumentaban que eran una cuestión religiosa y moral, pero cada vez más los están presentando como parte de la lucha de África contra el neocolonialismo.
Los oradores cristianos hicieron referencia al líder independentista y primer presidente ghanés en 1957, Kwame Nkrumah, cuya imagen también podía verse en una pantalla instalada en el recinto, junto a imágenes de otros héroes africanos. Cuando le tocó el turno al presidente del Parlamento de Ghana, Alban Bagbin, blandió el libro de la historiadora Susan Williams, *White Malice*, que detalla los intentos de Estados Unidos para socavar la independencia africana, como si fuera una biblia.
"Eso es lo que va a fortalecer tu fe para prepararte a luchar en la batalla en la que estamos empeñados, para garantizar que las verdaderas familias, la soberanía y los valores de África se arraiguen en nuestro continente", dijo Bagbin.
Fotografías de iconos de la independencia africana y de líderes políticos en la entrada de la Conferencia Interparlamentaria Africana sobre Valores Familiares | Delali Adogla-Bessa
Afuera, mientras tanto, una coalición de organizaciones de derechos humanos, Refusing Harm In Our Name (RHION, Rechazamos el daño en nuestro nombre) protestaba contra la propuesta. Las y los manifestantes marcharon durante cinco kilómetros por Acra, la capital de Ghana, con pancartas e imágenes que desafiaban la concepción estrecha de la familia africana que se promovía en el recinto parlamentario. "La familia africana siempre le dio lugar a todos" fue el mensaje más resonante.
"Esta carta está destinada a oprimir a las mujeres", dijo a openDemocracy uno de los convocantes de la marcha, Abdul Razak Mohammed Shamsu-Deen. "Rechazamos la definición única de las familias africanas que están impulsando estas personas influenciadas por Occidente".
A pesar de la protesta, 18 de los 20 legisladores presentes votaron a favor de la carta.
Solo se abstuvieron los representantes de Sudáfrica y Mozambique. Sudáfrica cuestionó la postura discriminatoria en materia de género y contra el aborto y manifestó que el proyecto podría contravenir la Constitución nacional. El aborto es legal en Sudáfrica antes de la semana 13 de gestación. Zandile Majosi, presidenta de la Comisión de Relaciones Internacionales de la Asamblea Nacional de Sudáfrica, dijo a openDemocracy: "Esto no es lo que pensamos en Sudáfrica. Nosotros protegemos tus derechos como ser humano. No protegemos tus derechos porque seas de un determinado género u orientación sexual”.
Mozambique señaló que no podía comprometerse a adoptar la carta por problemas en la agenda legislativa y limitaciones logísticas.
A medida que avanzaba la conferencia, surgieron agendas conocidas.
Ediciones anteriores contaron con el respaldo de la organización [estadounidense Family Watch International](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/agenda-europe-en-africa/), [designada como grupo de odio](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/political-network-for-values-human-rights-meeting-un-extremists-hate-groups-abortion-gender-family/) por el Southern Poverty Law Center. Si bien [el grupo optó por no asistir este año](https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/african-lawmakers-back-push-tougher-anti-lgbt-laws-after-ghana-conference-2026-06-19/?ref=opendemocracy.net#selection-1487.21-1487.233), su influencia fue visible en la retórica esgrimida por otros asistentes.
[Correos filtrados revelan el plan de Agenda Europe contra las personas LGBTIQ en ÁfricaGrupos de odio y activistas conservadores estadounidenses y europeos y apelaron a la desinformación y el cabildeo para influir en el debate sobre diversidad sexual en ÁfricaopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/agenda-europe-en-africa/)
Un objeto de ataque fue la educación sexual integral, que busca enseñar a niñas, niños y jóvenes los aspectos cognitivos, emocionales, físicos y sociales de la sexualidad y promueve debates sustantivos y sin juicios de valor sobre el sexo, la sexualidad, las relaciones y el consentimiento.
Los delegados afirmaron, sin aportar pruebas, que este tipo de educación sexualiza a la infancia.
El director ejecutivo de la organización neerlandesa Christian Council International, Henk Jan van Schothorst, acusó a la Unión Europea (UE) y al Fondo de Población de las Naciones Unidas de introducir la educación sexual integral y la salud y los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en el continente africano como parte de una agenda de izquierda.
"Bruselas \[la UE\] no debería enseñarles lo que tienen que hacer. Pueden pensar por ustedes mismos", dijo Schothorst a openDemocracy en un alto de la conferencia.
La legisladora ugandesa Sarah Opendi, una de las fundadoras de la conferencia, aprovechó su discurso para desestimar acusaciones de que el encuentro fue financiado por organizaciones e individuos del Norte Global. Opendi dijo que el país anfitrión cubrió los costos de la reunión y que los asistentes pagaron sus propios vuelos y alojamiento. El vicepresidente del Parlamento de Ghana, Andrew Asiamah Amoako, declinó comentar cuánto había gastado su país.
### ¿Qué dice el borrador?
La carta incluye disposiciones sobre soberanía económica, alimentaria y de recursos naturales, pero uno de sus temas más fuertes es la eliminación de vías para reconocer los derechos a la salud sexual y reproductiva, y el rechazo a posturas progresistas ante la diversidad de género.
El borrador objeta el [Plan de Acción de Maputo](https://au.int/sites/default/files/pages/32895-file-maputo%5Fplan%5Fof%5Faction%5Fenglish.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) y la [Comisión Africana de Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos](https://achpr.au.int/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a los que acusa de socavar los valores familiares africanos.
El Plan de Acción de Maputo es la hoja de ruta de la Unión Africana (UA) para asegurar que en 2030 haya servicios de salud y derechos sexuales y reproductivos para todas las mujeres y niñas del continente. Forma parte del Protocolo de Maputo, en vigor desde 2005 y firmado por 46 de los 55 países africanos, cuyo objetivo principal es erradicar la discriminación y la violencia contra las mujeres. La Comisión, por su parte, es el principal organismo de vigilancia de los derechos humanos de la UA.
Una coalición de grupos de derechos marcha por Acra en protesta contra la carta propuesta | Delali Adogla-Bessa
La carta también contiene señales preocupantes de reticencia ante las vacunas, y fomenta que los africanos ejerzan un presunto derecho a rechazarlas. La vacuna contra el Virus del Papiloma Humano, que protege contra la mayoría de las cepas de cáncer cervical y de algunos otros tipos de cáncer, aparece mencionada con sugerencias de que existen "alternativas más simples" como los antibióticos.
Los puntos aprobados en la conferencia incluyen una definición del matrimonio como la unión entre un hombre y una o más mujeres; la necesidad de aplicar una regulación tecnológica más estricta para fortalecer la soberanía tecnológica (los detalles al respecto fueron escasos, y es probable que los legisladores desarrollen la propuesta en una nueva sección de la carta en los próximos meses); y una propuesta para proteger las excepciones al aborto, como en casos de violación, en los países miembros.
La conferencia también adoptó recomendaciones para institucionalizar los compromisos interparlamentarios sobre familia, soberanía y valores, incorporando esta agenda en los estados miembros a través de caucus parlamentarios y asignaciones presupuestarias anuales.
### ¿Qué sigue?
En el último día de la conferencia, empezaron a aparecer grietas mientras los delegados consideraban el borrador. Hubo resistencia de Liberia y Sudáfrica, aunque la primera terminó votando a favor del acuerdo.
El legislador liberiano Emmanuel Dahn expresó su discrepancia ante las inclinaciones patriarcales de la carta luego de que se aprobó un punto que afirmaba la poliginia, o poligamia masculina, en la que un hombre puede tener múltiples esposas. Dahn consideró que este punto reduce a las mujeres a objetos. "Es ofensivo para las mujeres. Es ofensivo para mi madre. Es ofensivo para mis hermanas y para mi hija. Es ofensivo para todas", dijo Dahn a openDemocracy.
Algunos expertos plantearon objectiones. Angela Dwamena-Aboagye, abogada y defensora de los derechos de género, dijo a los delegados que la carta necesitaba protecciones sólidas para las mujeres. Los legisladores, sin embargo, no tomaron en cuenta su opinión cuando introdujeron las enmiendas.
"La carta parece evitar la incorporación de problemas esenciales y bien documentados sobre infracciones conocidas contra mujeres, niñas y personas con discapacidad", dijo Dwamena-Aboagye.
Sarah Shaw, directora asociada de incidencia de MSI Reproductive Choices (MSI Opciones Reproductivas), una organización global que ofrece servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva, expuso las mismas preocupaciones. “La carta atacará el corazón del marco de derechos que ha protegido a las mujeres y a las comunidades marginadas en África durante décadas, socavando directamente el Protocolo de Maputo", dijo a openDemocracy.
Pero con el voto favorable de la mayoría de los países presentes, el proceso sigue adelante. El borrador será revisado para incorporar las enmiendas acordadas en la conferencia. Los organizadores esperan finalizarlo antes de la próxima cumbre de la UA en febrero de 2027, cuando el presidente de Ghana, John Mahama, asuma la presidencia de la unión. En ese momento, el proyecto podrá ser formalmente considerado por los líderes de los parlamentos de los países que lo apoyan. La carta no requiere aprobación unánime de los estados miembros de la UA.
Es probable que grupos y movimientos de derechos humanos como RHION intensifiquen su resistencia. Encontrarán aliados en algunos legisladores africanos. La sudafricana Majosi sostuvo que ella y su parlamento continuarán participando en el debate sobre la carta y resistiendo la agenda de la conferencia, que el próximo año sesionará en Burkina Faso.
"Decir que nos oponemos a la carta no nos hace menos africanos", dijo Majosi. “Creemos que vamos a persuadir a nuestros hermanos y hermanas, y al final ganaremos esta batalla”.
### What will new far-right president mean for Colombia’s fragile peace?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-elections-de-la-espriella-cepeda-petro-far-right-trump-populism/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T15:53:24.000Z
**Bogotá, Colombia—** A car horn pierces the twilight hanging over the city. A young man stands in a silver SUV racing through the streets, half his body hanging out of the sunroof, as the Colombian flag flutters over his shoulders.
“Stand firm for the homeland!” he shouts. His cry is echoed: some drivers jeer, others honk their horns in approval.
Hours earlier, polling stations closed in the second round of Colombia’s presidential election. The country was choosing between Abelardo de la Espriella, a far-right lawyer whose clients have included paramilitary leaders and drug traffickers, and left-wing senator Iván Cepeda, the heir to the incumbent Gustavo Petro government.
As the young man in the car raised his arms to the sky, the initial count pointed to a victory for De la Espriella, with 49.6% of the vote, compared to 48.7% for Cepeda. The margin was razor-thin, coming down to just 246,000 votes in a country with a population of around 54 million.
Cepeda’s campaign contested the initial results from 33,000 of the 122,000 polling stations, and the [final count](https://www.registraduria.gov.co/En-un-99-997-coincide-el-preconteo-con-el-escrutinio-de-los-jueces.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) is ongoing. But the overall result is unlikely to change – the verified recount of last month’s first-round vote differed only marginally from the initial count – and the leftwinger officially conceded defeat on 24 June.
Abelardo De la Espriella will take office as president of Colombia on 7 August, joining a wave of right-wing populists already in power across Latin America – in Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador and Honduras – all of whom have the backing of Donald Trump in the US. He has promised tax cuts, rollbacks in environmental protections, and tough security measures, including scrapping President Petro’s ‘Total Peace’ approach to ending the armed violence that has plagued the country for decades, which sought to disarm criminal groups through negotiations.
In a packed auditorium in Bogotá on the night of the election some of Cepeda’s supporters clung to the hope that the final count might overturn the result. Others were in tears, aware of the challenging future they face under a new right-wing government.
“We will not allow – and we say this clearly – by drawing on the power of democracy, mobilisation and political action, the social gains we have built up over recent years in Colombia to be rolled back,” said Cepeda, addressing the crowd.
Some of his supporters were less hopeful, though.
“Well, we’re almost certainly going to return to a form of authoritarianism that we thought we were leaving behind,” Luis Carlos Pulgarín, a 58-year-old supporter of Cepeda, told openDemocracy.
Iván Cepeda (centre), alongside his running mate Aida Quilcué (right) and his campaign team, addresses a crowd of supporters at the Royal Center in Bogotá, following the initial vote count on 21 June 2026 | Martina Mariano
Colombia spent much of the 20th century embroiled in armed conflict. The ten-year civil war between Conservatives and Liberals – a period known as ‘La Violencia’ – ended in 1958, and was followed by the rise of left-wing guerrillas in the 1960s, before the 1990s saw the emergence of far-right paramilitary militias, who allied with security forces to combat the guerrillas. [Drug trafficking](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/10-os-de-guerra-repensar-el-narcotr-fico/) became the[ driving force](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/punto-4-de-la-agenda-drogas-il-citas-y-el-crimen-organizado/) behind all the armed groups.
Pulgarín was displaced from the northern region of Urabá due to the killings of the 1990s, and fears that De la Espriella will trigger a return to violence.
“During the last right-wing – let’s say, fascist – government… there were, in a sense, extremely serious human rights violations,” said Pulgarín, referring to former President Álvaro Uribe, who governed between 2002 and 2010.
Uribe, who supported De la Espriella in the second round, and his family have been [accused of](https://www.wola.org/es/analysis/fallo-historico-en-colombia-una-victoria-para-el-sistema-judicial-del-pais/?ref=opendemocracy.net) multiple crimes, including collusion with drug trafficking and paramilitarism. As president, Uribe denied that there was an armed conflict in his country and labelled the guerrillas as terrorist organisations. During [his administration](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/colombias-elections-corruption-or-legality/), there was a peak in “[false positives](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/6402-falsos-positivos-colombia-quien-dio-orden/)” – the term used to describe the more than 6,000 murders of civilians presented by the army as guerrilla casualties in combat.
[Colombian Lives Matter: For peace and social justice in ColombiaIt is past time for the international community to cease colluding with, or blithely ignoring, what is going on in Colombia.openDemocracyToby Miller](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/colombian-lives-matter-paz-justicia-social-colombia-en/)
In 2016, after nearly four years of negotiations, Uribe’s succesor Juan Manuel Santos and Latin America’s largest and oldest guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC),[ signed a peace agreement](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/qu-implicaciones-tiene-el-acuerdo-de-paz-en-colombia-para-el-come/). Under the next president, Iván Duque, the state[ failed to honour the agreement](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cinco-anos-del-acuerdo-de-paz-en-colombia-un-flagrante-incumplimiento/), leading to the murder of demobilised guerrillas, the regrouping of smaller guerrilla groups and the emergence of new criminal organisations.
Petro came to power in 2022 and attempted, through his[ Total Peace](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/donde-esta-la-paz-total-de-petro/) policy, to resume negotiations with the second-largest left-wing guerrilla group, the National Liberation Army (ELN), and other armed groups. But the talks failed, with frequent breaches of the ceasefire by the armed groups.
Yet Petro’s government achieved successes that explain the left’s strong showing at the polls: a [labour reform](https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-election-ivan-cepeda-abelardo-de-la-espriella-gustav-petro-minimum-wage-labour-reform/) that granted essential rights to workers, a 23% increase in the minimum wage, and [a reduction in monetary poverty](https://elpais.com/america-colombia/2026-06-12/la-pobreza-en-colombia-cae-a-28-el-nivel-mas-bajo-en-su-historia.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), which last year affected 28% of the population – the lowest level in the country’s history.
[Colombia election: How labour reform revived the leftAs far right advances, President Petro’s political boost shows work, wages and inequality still mobilise progressivesopenDemocracyPedro Rossi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-election-ivan-cepeda-abelardo-de-la-espriella-gustav-petro-minimum-wage-labour-reform/)
### **The self-styled El Tigre**
De la Espriella has only recently burst onto the Colombian political scene.
The businessman and former lawyer previously lived in the United States for 10 years, obtaining citizenship in 2023, before moving to Italy in 2024\. He returned to Colombia last year to stand as a presidential candidate.
Throughout his career, he has represented figures with alleged links to the criminal underworld. These include[ Alex Saab](https://www.lasillavacia.com/en-vivo/de-saab-a-parapoliticos-el-prontuario-de-exclientes-de-abelardo-de-la-espriella/?ref=opendemocracy.net), who is widely seen as the ‘bag man’ for former Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro and was last month extradited to the US to face charged of moneylaundering, and[ Jorge Visbal Martelo](https://cortesuprema.gov.co/exdirigente-gremial-jorge-visbal-martelo-condenado-por-vinculos-con-las-auc/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a former senator and rancher who is serving a nine-year prison sentence for aggravated conspiracy to commit a crime over his alleged ties to paramilitary groups, especially the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia.
Having once defended such figures, De la Espriella now wants a return to Uribe’s confrontational approach and a zero-tolerance policy towards criminal groups and drug traffickers. “For those who have sown violence, terror, drug trafficking and corruption,”[ said De la Espriella](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A5LAtU-7buc&ref=opendemocracy.net) in a speech after his victory, “their time is up.”
The new president – nicknamed ‘El Tigre’ by his supporters, a name [he said he chose for himself](https://www.youtube.com/shorts/4%5FR7xmN6Jl8?ref=opendemocracy.net) because it suggests strength, courage and power – has promised to destroy 330,000 hectares of coca crops (the raw material for cocaine) and launch a direct military offensive to defeat narco-terrorism. This, he says, will restore territorial control in just 90 days.
“\[Security\] is the most important thing,” said 60-year-old Enrique Mejía as he stood with other De la Espriella supporters outside the president-elect’s headquarters in Bogotá. Like many of De la Espriella’s voters, Mejía is concerned about the alleged resurgence of armed groups, after [some studies found that their memberships soared](https://ideaspaz.org/publicaciones/investigaciones-analisis/2025-11/lo-que-dicen-las-nuevas-cifras-sobre-el-aumento-de-integrantes-de-grupos-armados-en-colombia?ref=opendemocracy.net) while Petro was in office. He supports the president-elect’s desire to end the ‘Total Peace’ policy of negotiations.
“We have to be fair because he did try to level the playing field in society, and that’s fine,” Mejía acknowledged of Petro. “But he went about it the wrong way, \[by\] entering into a peace process with drug traffickers.”
Wrapping a flag that bore an image of De la Espriella giving a military salute around his shoulders, Mejía added: “\[The armed groups\] have grown considerably, causing a great deal of harm.”
But analysts fear that abandoning the negotiations could worsen the situation.
“In the case of candidate De la Espriella, I do believe there is a very limited understanding of what the Colombian armed conflict entails,” said Juan Pablo Aranguren Romero, an associate professor at the University of the Andes who has researched the impacts of the armed conflict in Colombia.
Aranguren highlighted the risk that key aspects of the peace process with the FARC, such as land restitution and the search for missing persons, could stall under De la Espriella’s presidency, as he[ has announced his intention](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2026/03/26/abelardo-de-la-espriella-promete-reducir-el-estado-eliminar-la-jep-y-construir-diez-megacarceles-si-llega-a-la-presidencia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to dismantle the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), a transitional justice tribunal established under the 2016 peace agreement.
“Dismantling the JEP is something that would truly go against the constitution and the law,” Aranguren told openDemocracy.
Among the communities most affected by violence, many oppose De la Espriella’s security proposals: Caquetá, Chocó and Valle del Cauca – three of the Colombian regions that suffered most during the conflict – [voted overwhelmingly in favour of Cepeda](https://www.elespectador.com/politica/elecciones-colombia-2026/votos-por-regiones-en-que-ciudades-gano-abelardo-de-la-espriella-y-en-cuales-ivan-cepeda/?ref=opendemocracy.net), who promised to continue negotiations with armed groups.
De la Espriella’s proposal to withdraw the country from the UN and the Inter-American Human Rights System is another cause for concern. “They’re just a bunch of bureaucrats, and we’re spending money we don’t have. We need to put a stop to that,” he said[ to Semana magazine](https://www.semana.com/politica/articulo/abelardo-de-la-espriella-anuncia-que-si-es-presidente-retira-a-colombia-de-la-onu-la-oea-y-la-cidh-son-directorios-politicos-de-la-izquierda-que-no-han-servido/202528/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in November last year. The incoming president also wants to build 10 mega-prisons, a controversial proposal that follows in the footsteps of Nayib Bukele, El Salvador’s far-right president. Bukele has opened Latin America’s largest prison, the CECOT, ordered mass raids that have imprisoned more than 90,000 people, and imposed a four-year state of emergency that has suspended fundamental rights.
[El Salvador’s president wants life sentences for 12 year oldsPregnant women, babies and children are being swept up in the mass arrests ordered under Bukele’s ‘state of emergency’openDemocracyEuan Wallace](https://www.opendemocracy.net/el-salvador-prison-babies-pregnant-women-children-arrested-gang-bukele/)
Colombian activists fear similar [human rights abuses](https://www.opendemocracy.net/el-salvador-prison-babies-pregnant-women-children-arrested-gang-bukele/) to those seen in El Salvador could become commonplace in their own country.
“I believe that what could be done under a state of emergency in a potential De la Espriella government could be far more serious,” Alejandro Lanz, co-director of the Colombian human rights NGO Temblores, told openDemocracy.
Mass incarceration is not a viable solution to Colombia’s security problems, said Lanz, whose organisation works within prisons and with former inmates. “There has been a mistaken and fictitious link drawn between the construction \[of mega-prisons\] and the mass incarceration of people allegedly belonging to gangs, and the idea that this effectively translates into public safety.”
**US celebration and domestic opposition**
De la Espriella’s victory came after he received open backing from [Trump](https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/116791057884875243?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Argentine President Javier Milei](https://x.com/JMilei/status/2068829381816930532?s=20&ref=opendemocracy.net).
“He Won, BIG!” wrote Trump on Truth Social, hours after the polls closed. Later the US president posted again: “I look forward to working together to build a powerful relationship between Colombia and the United States of America, which will bring new levels of Greatness for both of our Countries!”
Last week, in the days before the second-round vote, [11 US congresspeople](https://chuygarcia.house.gov/media/press-releases/congressman-garcia-leads-colleagues-in-letter-opposing-us-interference-in-colombia-s-presidential-election?ref=opendemocracy.net) signed a letter denouncing Trump and other senior US officials’ “direct interference” in Colombia’s elections. They cited the US president’s suggestion “if Mr. De la Espriella loses, Colombia may lose the support of the United States, its most important trade and security partner”. Twenty members of the US Congress also released a [statement](https://mcgovern.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=400375&ref=opendemocracy.net) branding the election interference an “insult to \[Colombian people’s\] sovereignty and integrity”.
“All the right-wing Latin American governments and the US government have been involved in these Colombian elections,” said Alejandro Lanz. “This candidate has shown that he has sold out the country’s sovereignty.”
But following Petro’s[ strained relationship](https://www.wola.org/es/analysis/reunion-entre-trump-y-petro-crisis-evitada-que-vendra-despues/?ref=opendemocracy.net) with Trump, De la Espriella’s supporters are delighted to be forging closer ties with Washington.
“We need to restore such important relations with our main partner, which is the United States, and likewise with the people of Israel,” said 38-year-old Andrés Santamaría at the entrance to a ticketed event celebrating the right-wing candidate’s victory. He was wearing the yellow shirt of the Colombian national football team, which has become the de facto uniform of De la Espriella’s supporters.
“I know that Abelardo, apart from also being an American citizen, is going to strengthen those relations,” he said.
Within his own country, De la Espriella will face determined opposition. On Sunday night, as the initial results were announced, dozens of Cepeda’s supporters took to the streets of the capital, waving banners proclaiming: “Abelardo de la Espriella is not my president”.
De la Espriella’s government will also have to deal with a Congress in which Petro’s Pacto Histórico party holds[ the largest parliamentary group](https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2026/03/09/colombia/senado-elecciones-legislativas-orix?ref=opendemocracy.net). The right-wing coalition lacks sufficient strength to push through reforms alone, meaning its ability to govern will depend on the alliances it can negotiate, particularly with the centrist parties.
Still, for now, De la Espriella seems empowered. On Sunday night, he took to the stage to declare his victory before a crowd in the coastal city of Barranquilla. Sheltered in a bulletproof booth and surrounded by the glow of coloured spotlights, he addressed his rival Cepeda: “You know how hard the tiger bites, and let me tell you something: the tiger can still bite even harder than it has today at the ballot box.”
### Dr Emma Yhnell on the challenge of changing science, changing our minds
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/dr-emma-yhnell-on-the-challenge-of-changing-science-changing-our-minds/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T10:09:32.000Z
[Listen on Apple Podcasts](https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/changed-my-mind/id1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Spotify](https://open.spotify.com/show/58KNTFlSOFhEMQZ03jRrDf?si=031996902e2d4822&ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Pocket Casts](https://pocketcasts.com/podcast/changed-my-mind/84182ff0-6484-013d-7b54-0ef99577e22d?ref=opendemocracy.net)
In an era where scientific expertise is heavily scrutinized and algorithms trap us in ideological bubbles, how do we create the conditions for people to truly open their minds?
In this episode of Changed My Mind, we’re joined by Dr. Emma Yhnell, Reader and Associate Dean of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion based at Cardiff University. Drawing on her experiences running clinical trials and teaching in large university lecture halls, Dr. Yhnell explores the emotional complexities of genetic testing and the vulnerability required to challenge the consensus.
Plus, she opens up about her own profound shifts in perspective: why she completely re-evaluated why people at risk of terminal illnesses choose to avoid genetic testing, and the ethical dilemmas of encouraging young women into male-dominated science fields.
**What you’ll learn:**
- **The Information Avoidance Paradox:** Why only 10% to 15% of people at risk for Huntington's disease choose to take a predictive genetic test, and the profound emotional and psychological reasons behind wanting to not know.
- **Science Communication as a Superpower:** Why making complex academic research accessible to the patients it is designed to help is just as vital as the research itself.
- **Opening vs. Changing Your Mind:** The critical psychological difference between completely reversing your stance and simply creating the cognitive headspace to entertain an alternative view.
- **Embracing the Pushback:** How intentionally creating spaces for experiential learning and critique empowers younger generations to confidently dissent from the group.
Buy Alison, Laura and Alexandra’s new book, Poles Apart: Why People Turn Against Each Other, and How to Bring Them Together [https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975](https://www.google.com/search?q=https%3A%2F%2Fuk.bookshop.org%2Fa%2F8711%2F9781847942975&ref=opendemocracy.net)
Subscribe to openDemocracy’s weekly newsletter: [https://www.opendemocracy.net/](https://www.google.com/search?q=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.opendemocracy.net%2F&ref=opendemocracy.net)
### How tech workers can spot deceptive recruitment in Kenya
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-tech-workers-can-spot-deceptive-recruitment-in-kenya/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T08:14:38.000Z
Kenya’s growing role as a hub for outsourced digital labour has drawn workers from across Africa with promises of opportunity in the global tech economy. Recruiters advertise roles in “AI work”, “content moderation”, “data annotation” or “administrative support” for international technology companies.
Yet these jobs are not always as they seem, as[**openDemocracy’s latest investigation**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tiktok-content-moderator-death-kenya-teleperformance-ladi-olubunmi-nigeria/) has revealed. Workers told us that they or their colleagues were recruited to Kenya to work in customer service or receptionist roles at Teleperformance, a French outsourcing company whose clients include Big Tech firms, before being made to moderate extreme content on TikTok – in some cases, without valid work permits.
Teleperformance denied using fake jobs to recruit content moderators, saying that throughout “all stages of the interview and hiring process at TP in Kenya, employees are clearly briefed on their job specifications”. It also denied that some employees do not have permits to work in Kenya.
But the[**Oversight Lab Africa**](https://www.instagram.com/oversightlabafrica/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a legal advocacy organisation focused on building a fair digital future, believes our findings are part of a troubling pattern of deception, opacity and structural vulnerability across the digital labour market. It believes these practices carry the hallmarks of modern labour trafficking.
The organisation has found that tech companies lure people across borders with promises of opportunity, only to find themselves in tightly controlled working environments where immigration status, finances and psychological well-being are used to keep them compliant.
While accountability through the courts remains critical, prevention is equally important. Workers need clear information about the warning signs of exploitative recruitment and the steps they can take to protect themselves.
If you see an opportunity offering digital work, AI training, or a tech job abroad, **this guide is for you. Read it carefully.** These are some of the warning signs workers and labour rights experts say to look out for.
---
## 1\. Deceptive recruitment and misrepresentation of jobs
One of the most common entry points into exploitation is deceptive recruitment.
Many job advertisements have carefully crafted promises of “digital work”, “AI work”, “content moderation”, “translation”, or “administrative roles”. The descriptions are intentionally vague, and candidates are often pressured to make quick decisions, particularly where international relocation is involved.
Critical details about the true employer, the nature of the work, or the working conditions may be withheld until the individual is already financially or emotionally committed. In many cases, workers only discover the reality after they have resigned from a previous job, relocated to another country, or incurred debt in their moving costs.
Sometimes the job is described as simple and routine, only for workers to later discover that it involves reviewing traumatic content or performing tasks that are far more complex and psychologically demanding than disclosed.
Candidates may also be subjected to multiple interviews or so-called “resilience tests” that have no clear connection to the role, but appear designed to assess how much distress someone can tolerate rather than whether they are suited for the job.
**Warning signs during recruitment include:**
- Being offered **one role verbally or on paper**, but told after arrival that you will be doing **a completely different job.**
- **Vague** job descriptions that remain unclear even late into the recruitment process.
- Being asked to travel on **a tourist visa, ETA, or short-term pass** for what is described as a full-time job.
- Promises that **“documentation will be sorted later”.**
**In some cases, workers are told they will be doing simple administrative work, only to discover the role involves moderating graphic or traumatic online content.**
---
## 2\. Immigration status used as a control mechanism
Another recurring pattern involves workers being employed without proper documentation, which can become a powerful tool of control.
Workers may be relocated **without the correct documents**, issued with the wrong type of visa, or kept in **prolonged uncertainty** about their work permits.
Contracts, where they exist, may be **short-term** or presented as “training” arrangements despite full-time labour being performed.
Workers are often given verbal assurances that permits are being processed, while documentation is **repeatedly delayed**. In some cases, employers **withhold passports,** making workers even more vulnerable.
Many workers are housed in **employer-controlled accommodation**, sometimes with **restrictions on their movement**. Some report being **hidden during immigration inspections** or instructed to **misrepresent the purpose of their stay.**
In these situations, fear of arrest, detention or deportation can become a mechanism to silence complaints and discourage workers from leaving.
**Key warning signs include:**
- Being asked to travel for work **without a confirmed work permit.**
- Employers **controlling, delaying or withholding** documentation.
- Being **discouraged from contacting immigration officials**, labour authorities, or your embassy.
- Employers **holding passports** or **restricting movement.**
- Being instructed to **misrepresent the purpose of your stay** during immigration inspections.
---
## 3\. Exploitative conditions after employment begins
The cycle of exploitation does not necessarily end once employment begins. Employers operating in this space often rely on **weak labour enforcement** and the vulnerability of migrant workers.
Workers may be required to **work overtime without pay,** subjected to unexplained **salary deductions**, and **denied statutory leave.**
**Occupational health protections,** particularly critical in high-risk digital roles, are often absent. **Sexual harassment policies and grievance mechanisms may not exist**, leaving workers with few avenues for reporting abuse.
Workers may also be **denied sick leave**, even where the work has a clear psychological impact.
**Common warning signs include:**
- **Long** or **irregular shifts** intightly **monitored 24-hour operations.**
- **Overtime** work without pay.
- **Salary deductions** for housing, transport or services that were promised as free.
- Being **paid less** than originally agreed.
- Lack of clear **payslips** or transparency about **tax, pension or health insurance** contributions**.**
- Exposure to **traumatic material** without adequate, confidential mental health **support**.
These conditions often persist because workers feel unable to challenge them. Many have already relocated abroad, resigned from previous jobs, or taken on debt in order to accept the opportunity.
---
## What to do if you feel trapped or undocumented
Workers who believe they may be in an exploitative situation should **seek independent advice as early as possibl**e. Under Kenyan law, **working without a permit is illegal,** but the primary responsibility for securing work authorisation lies with the employer.
**Practical steps include:**
**Keep records**
- Save copies of job offers, contracts and recruitment messages.
- Keep payslips or proof of payment.
- Document any communication about visas or permits.
**Seek independent support**
- Contact labour rights organisations or anti-trafficking groups.
- Reach out to legal aid providers.
- Contact your country’s embassy or high commission.
Threats, intimidation or restrictions on movement may constitute coercion or labour trafficking even where no physical force is used.
---
## Building a fair digital future
Africa’s digital transformation holds enormous promise. But the future of digital work on the continent must not be built on secrecy, coercion or exploitation.
Workers deserve transparency about who they work for, what work they are doing, and what protections apply to them.
At The Oversight Lab Africa, the team continues to work with communities to challenge exploitative practices through strategic litigation while equipping workers with the knowledge needed to identify and resist abuse.
**If you suspect you are currently in an exploitative working environment, you can reach out confidentially through the organisation’s contact form or contact their Community Support Officer, Musa Abubakar, via WhatsApp or Signal on +254 119 811 112.**
A fair digital economy must be grounded not only in innovation, but in transparency, accountability and respect for human dignity.
### The life and death of Ladi Olubunmi, 41, Tiktok moderator
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/tiktok-content-moderator-death-kenya-teleperformance-ladi-olubunmi-nigeria/
Last updated: 2026-06-26T15:42:41.000Z
In March 2025, a neighbour noticed a foul smell emanating from Ladi Anzaki Olubunmi’s apartment. They called one of her colleagues, who came to check on her. Peering through her window, their eyes confirmed what their noses suspected: Olubunmi was dead.
Two years earlier, Olubunmi had upended her entire life, closing her women’s clothing business in Nigeria, telling her fiancé that their marriage would have to wait, and boarding a plane that would take her more than 5,000 kilometres away from all her friends and family.
Like thousands of Africans from around the continent, the 41-year-old arrived in Kenya full of hope for her new start. She’d landed a new job in Nairobi – nicknamed ‘Silicon Savannah’ due to its tech boom since the late 2000s – as a front desk assistant at Teleperformance, a French multinational tech support company whose clients include Meta, Google and TikTok. The role promised more money than Olubunmi had ever earned before, and she was ecstatic to finally pursue her dreams.
But now, as her colleague and neighbours stood outside her locked apartment, Olubunmi’s swollen, decomposing corpse lay on her bed beside two Bibles.
openDemocracy began investigating the cause of Olubunmi’s death more than a year ago.
We spoke with her relatives, current and former Teleperformance employees, immigration and human rights experts, police officers and government officials in Kenya and Nigeria to discover not just the physical and psychological toll that Kenya’s IT boom imposes on workers, but misleading recruitment practices that, Kenyan officials say, run foul of the country’s immigration laws and, experts warn, may amount to human trafficking.
Our investigation also exposes shortcomings at Teleperformance, specifically how expatriate employees at the company allege that they are kept in a state of permanent anxiety and precarity, isolated and alienated from their families and support systems, overworked and unable to seek help and support. These transnational workers say they are being let down by both local authorities in Kenya and their respective embassies and consulates, who are expected to support their citizens abroad.
Foreign nationals employed in Teleperformance’s Nairobi office told us they were promised jobs that did not exist and brought to Kenya on tourist visas, before being made to work illegally as content moderators for TikTok, the popular social media app. This work, which is typically outsourced to moderators working for third-party companies in the Global South, required them to spend long hours watching graphic footage of murders, rapes and child abuse to remove offensive or harmful content from users’ homepages.
Workers said they were paid less than they’d been promised, on long shifts at all hours of the day, and disciplined if their daily half-hour breaks overran. When they protested for better conditions, Teleperformance made false promises that never came to fruition. When they asked to return home to see loved ones, managers threatened them over their undocumented status, warning that they could be arrested if they tried to leave Kenya. Our findings led a human rights expert to compare Big Tech’s exploitation of workers in the Global South, on whom companies rely to make money, to the European colonialisation of African nations in the 19th and 20th centuries.
openDemocracy reached out to TikTok with our findings, but the company did not wish to provide a statement. According to its latest Community Guidelines Enforcement Report, the company used automated technology to detect and remove 99.3% of the 12 million videos that were taken down across Sub-Saharan Africa during the fourth quarter of 2025\. We understand that videos are flagged for review by a content moderator only when the automated system cannot determine if they are in violation of its guidelines.
This is not the first time – or place – that Teleperformance has been accused of exploitation or malpractice of TikTok content moderators.
One of the company’s call centre employees [jumped to his death](https://english.ahram.org.eg/News/452277.aspx?ref=opendemocracy.net) from the third floor of its Cairo office in December 2021, prompting his colleagues to blame stressful conditions in the workplace. In Colombia, [a 2023 investigation](https://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/stories/2022-10-20/behind-tiktoks-boom-a-legion-of-traumatised-10-a-day-content-moderators?ref=opendemocracy.net) by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism and Time magazine found that Teleperformance’s TikTok moderators earned as little as $10 per day for watching videos of murder, suicide and child abuse. In France, the company is [facing a lawsuit](https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/france-investors-file-lawsuit-against-teleperformance-alleging-they-were-misled-over-working-conditions-for-content-moderators/?ref=opendemocracy.net) from investors who say they were misled over content moderators’ working conditions. In Ghana, lawyers representing content moderators employed by Majorel (which Teleperformance [acquired in a deal valued at $3.3bn](https://www.reuters.com/markets/deals/teleperformance-launches-3-bln-euro-offer-majorel-2023-04-26/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 2023) are [investigating a case against Meta](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/apr/27/meta-faces-ghana-lawsuits-over-impact-of-extreme-content-on-moderators?ref=opendemocracy.net) over alleged psychological distress arising from their work.
Some of the workers openDemocracy spoke with had initially been recruited by Majorel and moved over to Teleperformance after the acquisition, while others were recruited post-acquisition. Workers described no improvements in their working conditions when the company changed hands.
A Teleperformance spokesperson told openDemocracy she is “not in a position to comment on specific incidents or individual cases in other countries, as doing so would require detailed context and respect for the privacy of those involved”. She said the company’s global wellness programme extends across all markets it operates in, “including Egypt, the Dominican Republic and Kenya”.
None of these incidents appears to have significantly damaged Teleperformance’s business. In 2025, the most recent year for which its accounts are publicly available, the company [reported an annual revenue of $11.77bn](https://www.tp.com/media/pxmfy4dy/tp-press-release-2025-annual-results.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), while its founder and former CEO, Daniel Julien, a French national who now lives in Florida, received [a base salary of $2.6m](https://www.tp.com/media/xkjhhq0r/ag-2024%5Fpolitique-de-r%C3%A9mun%C3%A9ration-en.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), as well as a performance-related bonus of up to $2.6m and share-based remuneration. Julien stepped down as CEO in March 2026\.
The company’s reputation appears similarly unaffected. Teleperformance’s website boasts it was named [the seventh best employer in the world](https://www.tp.com/en-us/why-tp/25-world-s-best-workplaces/?ref=opendemocracy.net) last year by Great Place to Work, a UK organisation that [describes itself](https://www.greatplacetowork.co.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) as “the global authority on workplace culture”. openDemocracy reached out to Great Place to Work to share our findings, but did not hear back.
Meanwhile, governments continue to welcome tech subcontractors such as Teleperformance with open arms. Rather than protect workers, Kenyan president William Ruto’s government [has said](https://time.com/7201516/kenya-president-meta-lawsuits/?ref=opendemocracy.net) it will pass legislation to insulate Big Tech firms such as Meta and TikTok from being drawn into lawsuits filed against outsourcing companies such as Teleperformance. The message behind this legislation is clear: Kenya stands with Big Tech, not its exploited workers.
**The hiring process**
When Olubunmi arrived at Teleperformance’s office in Nairobi’s Westlands district, she learnt she would not be working on the front desk, but as a content moderator for TikTok, her brother Ishaya Anzaki told openDemocracy. The role required her to spend whole days watching graphic content on the social media platform to filter out videos that breached its rules.
“My sister was self-employed and left Nigeria for a job that she genuinely thought would be good for her. They lied that she would be working as a receptionist,” Anzaki said, when we spoke over the phone.
Four current and former Teleperformance employees told openDemocracy of similar experiences. One showed us a letter in which they were offered a job as a customer service representative, which they said came after they successfully interviewed for that position, then a subsequent letter informing them that they were being “transferred” to content moderation. By this time, the former employee said, they felt unable to quit as they needed the money and feared they would not find a new job quickly. He said he was aware of other colleagues who were recruited in a similar manner, and another former employee told openDemocracy that the same thing happened to him, though we have not been able to review the documents in this instance.
Two other content moderators at the company said that while they had applied for content moderation roles, they knew of colleagues who felt they had been deceived with fake jobs. They believed that Olubunmi’s experience aligned with Teleperformance’s wider recruitment processes at its Nairobi office. openDemocracy obtained documents to establish at least one case of a worker who was transferred from a customer service position to a content moderator position; the worker asked for anonymity and said this transfer was made under pressure.
The practices described by these staff members may meet the [internationally accepted definition](https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/protocol-prevent-suppress-and-punish-trafficking-persons?ref=opendemocracy.net) of human trafficking, according to Miriam Mang’oka, the quality control and research lead at Awareness Against Human Trafficking, a Kenyan non-governmental organisation.
In a written statement to openDemocracy, Teleperformance denied using fake jobs to recruit content moderators, saying that throughout “all stages of the interview and hiring process at TP in Kenya, employees are clearly briefed on their job specifications”. Referring to the claims made by Olubunmi’s brother, it added: “TP in Kenya has never advertised or recruited expatriates for a receptionist position.”
**Working without permits**
Not only was Olubunmi’s job not what she expected, Anzaki told openDemocracy, but she found out on arrival in Kenya that she was expected to do it illegally.
Foreign nationals employed in Kenya need work permits that cost 500,000 Kenyan shillings ($3,866.90), which is typically paid by the employer. Those awaiting the approval of their permits can obtain a ‘Special Pass’, an interim measure that allows them to work in the country for six months. When Olubumni arrived in Nairobi, she had neither.
By the time her one-year work permit was eventually granted, she had been working in Kenya illegally for six months and when it expired, Teleperformance failed to have it renewed, despite her repeated requests, her brother said.
Records obtained by the Directorate of Immigration Services, and seen by openDemocracy, indicated significant discrepancies with Olubunmi’s residence status. The company also failed to inform the directorate of her demise.
“If you are telling us Olubunmi really died, the company should have notified us of this,” said Wanda Odhiambo, then the director of enforcement and compliance at the directorate, in an interview in January of this year, adding that his office would investigate the matter. Odhiambo has since left the directorate; openDemocracy reached out to ask the organisation whether the investigation is ongoing, but had not heard back at the time of publication.
Ten other current and former Teleperformance content moderators told openDemocracy that they worked at the company illegally, despite repeatedly asking management to secure valid work permits for them. Abubakar Yusuf, a Nigerian national who worked at the company from 2022 to 2024, said he only received his permit 16 months after his start date, while Omar\*, another Nigerian former content moderator, said he started work in the Nairobi office in 2022 but only received his work permit in September 2025\. Omar left Teleperformance the following month.
“People have worked for almost three years now without permits,” Omar said. openDemocracy also examined worker passports to find a pattern of workers entering Kenya on two-month visitor visas and staying on in the expectation of having their status regularised by Teleperformance.
Immigration services’ Odhiambo told openDemocracy that his office was aware of allegations that Teleperformance’s workers do not have the requisite permits, and that the company has allegedly falsified some permits. He said his office is conducting “an in-depth inquiry” and has asked the company to provide all the necessary information required to enable the directorate to take “a fair administrative action”.
Teleperformance denied that some employees work without permits. It said that it “complies with all immigration requirements and provides all necessary support to expat employees” to receive the correct permits.
“All expatriate applications for work permits are either in process or approved,” said the company’s spokesperson.
Mang’oka, from Awareness Against Human Trafficking, said if the employees’ accounts are accurate, Teleperformance may be in breach of Kenyan law. “The misrepresentation of facts by an employer during the recruitment phase, abuse of vulnerability where foreign individuals are given false job promises and work without permits while depending on their employer for legal status, justify this as a human and labour trafficking case, according to the Counter-Trafficking in Persons Act,” she said.
Simon Makworo, an official at the Directorate of Immigration Services, told openDemocracy that the company could be prosecuted if it is found to have “allowed people to work for it without valid documentation. The employer carries the highest responsibility of ensuring that workers have valid permits before engaging them,” he said.
Under this legislation, a person found guilty of recruitment by means of deception for exploitation can be punished with at least 30 years in prison or a fine of at least 30 million Kenyan shillings ($232,000).
But the employees in the country illegally are also at risk of prosecution, Makworo said. “Unfortunately, the workers will be prosecuted for working without valid permits, which the employer is responsible for.”
Even employees who accuse the company of deceptive recruitment will not escape this fate, Makworo added. He explained that a person “cannot say ‘someone brought me into the country and forced me to work’ when you willingly came into the country and accepted the job without a permit”.
As Makworo predicted, vulnerable workers have already suffered as a result of Teleperformance’s practices. Documents obtained by openDemocracy reveal how the company wrote to the Kenyan director of immigration, requesting permission for a Malian national, Daouda Daou, to travel to Kenya for a 90-day training session at its offices in August 2024\.
In fact, Daou had been told he was being hired for a full-time role as a content moderator. After a two-week training course, he said he became an undocumented full-time Teleperformance employee for a year, working for the company without a permit up until his contract was terminated in July 2025\. Daou is now banned from returning to Kenya after immigration officials tasked with stamping him out of the country realised he had overstayed.
“Being recruited the way I was and then to be banned from returning to Kenya upon termination of employment after working with an expired visa and overstaying left me feeling defeated. And I wasn’t the only one.”
A Teleperformance spokesperson said the company treats any such allegations with utmost seriousness but would not be able to comment on Dauo’s case unless openDemocracy provided specific personal information pertaining to his case.
“Teleperformance’s position is clear: we expect full compliance with applicable immigration and employment requirements, and we do not condone falsification of documents or records. Where questions arise, we cooperate with the relevant authorities through appropriate formal processes,” the spokesperson said.
**The work conditions**
Content moderators in Teleperformance’s Nairobi office typically work between 45 and 48 hours a week over five days, with shifts set across a “24/7 environment”, according to employment contracts reviewed by openDemocracy. Current and former moderators said they are allowed one timed 30-minute lunch break each day – with disciplinary sanctions such as warnings or even firings for those whose breaks overrun – and one additional weekly 30-minute ‘wellness break’ for “recreational and relaxational purposes”.
Spending long days viewing horrific content took a toll on Olubunmi, her brother said. She told her family her mental health was suffering. This is not unusual for content moderators: A 2025 [study of 160 content moderators](https://www.mdpi.com/2076-328X/15/4/487?ref=opendemocracy.net) at an unnamed international company found that just over a quarter “demonstrated moderate to severe psychological distress from viewing toxic online material, while a third reported experiencing low wellbeing”. The study, which was carried out by the Centre for Abuse and Trauma Studies at Middlesex University in the UK, emphasised the need for adequate psychological care for the moderators to mitigate the impact of their work, finding that support led to improvements in their mental health and wellbeing.
Yet this mentally and emotionally hazardous work isn’t well-compensated. A review of appointment letters reveals content moderators such as Olubunmi are typically paid about 50,000 Kenyan shillings a month, around 30% lower than the country’s average monthly salary, according to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics’ 2025 economic survey.
Olubunmi’s family said she told them that Teleperformance also did not provide employees with the necessary mental health support. This was echoed by 10 current and former content moderators at the company, who said that the counselling sessions offered by the firm are neither adequate nor confidential.
One former employee, who spoke to openDemocracy on the condition of anonymity as they still worked at Teleperformance at the time of our interview, said management discouraged them from “discussing the nature” of their work with the counsellors, which they felt limited the help they could receive. The employee also said that information confidentially shared with their counsellors would make its way back to their supervisors, who would use this information to mock and humiliate them in front of other colleagues. Five other moderators said they’d had similar experiences. The company rejected these claims, telling openDemocracy its wellness programme prioritises employee welfare.
As her mental health worsened, Olubunmi became increasingly homesick. She asked permission to return to Nigeria for Christmas to see her family at the end of 2024, her brother said. Teleperformance employment contracts seen by openDemocracy say staff are entitled to 21 days of holiday a year, yet her brother said a human resources executive at the firm told Olubunmi that she wouldn’t be able to leave the country due to her status as an undocumented worker, which meant she could be arrested and blacklisted from re-entering the country.
Yusuf, the Nigerian former employee who said he worked at Teleperformance for 16 months without a permit, told openDemocracy that a senior HR officer at the company also told him that he couldn’t visit home as he wouldn’t be able to return to Kenya.
A year before her request to visit home was declined, in November 2023, Olubunmi had rallied her fellow Nigerian colleagues to protest outside Teleperformance’s Nairobi office “against the company’s refusal to provide them with work permits”, according to Yusuf, who took part in the protest. The demonstration came days after two of their Nigerian workmates were arrested and detained for not having valid documentation. Yusuf said the protesters called off their demonstration when a senior HR official promised to secure permits for employees.
Yet by December 2024, Olubunmi still did not have a permit. The HR executive’s warnings succeeded in stopping her from going home. She did not see her family again. Anzaki said his sister’s fiancé broke off their engagement, frustrated that she couldn’t travel to see him. Desperate to leave Nairobi, Olubunmi began shipping her belongings little by little to Nigeria, preparing for the day she would muster up the courage to risk the immigration scrutiny.
**A free pass for exploitation**
Even in death, Olubunmi’s rights have been restricted by her lack of a work permit.
Had she died in her homeland, Olubunmi would have received the traditional rites of her Hausa people, with her younger relatives singing and dancing around her coffin on the eve of her burial. The next day, she would have been laid to rest in her favourite clothes, with her extended family spending the following week in mourning at her family home.
But because she was in Kenya illegally, albeit through no fault of her own, her body could not easily be repatriated. On 17 April, she was buried unceremoniously, in a public cemetery chosen by Teleperformance, after a funeral attended by her colleagues and her brothers Anzaki and Paul, who had flown to Kenya the day before.
“She fought so hard to go back home and rebuild her life, but Teleperformance wouldn’t renew her work permit,” a coworker told openDemocracy. She should “have spent her last moments surrounded by family, but instead she died alone and far away from home.”
Even now, Olubunmi’s brothers still have questions over her death.
In an email to Anzaki sent the day after Olubunmi’s body was found, Teleperformance’s vice-president of people operations in Kenya and Nigeria, Santanu Basu, said her death had been “sudden” and that preliminary police investigations indicated she’d “died of natural causes”. Yet, more than a year later, the police have still not released her death certificate or the post-mortem results, despite promising that both would be ready within four weeks of her burial. The Kenyan police offered no explanation for the delay when openDemocracy reached out for comment.
When Anzaki went to collect his sister’s pension from the Kenyan National Social Security Fund, he was shocked to discover that the account had allegedly been in arrears for 11 months, likely a consequence of Teleperformance failing to renew her work permit, meaning the company couldn’t legally pay her pension.
“How can someone work for almost a year with tax deductions from her salary, even without a permit, but you keep the money?” Anzaki asked. When he contacted Teleperformance, he was told the company would directly pay him the amount he should have received from Olubunmi's pension entitlement. Anzaki later received 595,947 Kenyan shillings ($4,609.10) from the firm.
openDemocracy found similar alleged discrepancies in the cases of two other former employees. Under Kenyan law, an employer that fails to pay an employee’s pension contribution can be fined 10% of the outstanding arrears. Teleperformance denied failing to do so, telling openDemocracy that it makes the required monthly deposits to the government on behalf of its entire workforce and files the necessary tax returns.
Teleperformance Kenya “went above and beyond in paying Ladi’s benefits directly to her brother from its own account to avoid her brother having to wait on the government process. Teleperformance Kenya replicates the same practice for all existing expats,” according to a statement from the company’s public affairs and advocacy specialist, Edith Ombati.
Kenya is allowing tech giants based in the Global North to get away with exploiting workers in the name of creating jobs, said Angela Chukunzira, who leads technology and ethics at Siasa Place, a Kenyan civic-tech organisation. The invisibility of this type of labour makes it hard to garner public support, but that can be changed, Chukunzira said. She suggested improvements to labour laws can be won by focusing on building empathy among the public, holding the state accountable and strengthening worker power.
“I'm not saying we can solve this problem overnight,” Chukunzira said, “but understanding people’s power is so important because we are the ones who rise against these dominant technology companies and systems. They are few; we are the majority. So, I think building an active citizenship that is conscious of these power dynamics can really push the agenda.”
**Reprieve – or lack thereof**
Content moderators at Teleperformance have told openDemocracy that they feel they have been failed by both Kenyan and Nigerian government officials.
Omar\*, the Nigerian national who has worked at Teleperformance without a permit since 2022, accused Kenyan officials of enabling the company’s illegal labour practices, saying: “The Kenyan government is aware of Teleperformance’s notorious exploitation schemes of trafficking people into the country to work for it without valid documents, but remains unbothered.”
openDemocracy has also obtained a letter that another undocumented Nigerian employee hand-delivered to the Nigerian High Commission in Nairobi eight months before Olubunmi’s death. The letter – which bears the commission’s stamp confirming receipt, dated 19 June 2024 – explains that the workers are employed illegally and asks for the commissioners’ help.
Sonia Odubome, a consular official at the commission, denied this, saying the commission became aware that Nigerians are allegedly working for Teleperformance illegally only after Olubunmi’s death. Like diplomats and bureaucrats openDemocracy has spoken to from the Kenyan government, Odubome sought to place the blame on the workers for being in the country illegally.
“They knowingly came here illegally, signed agreements and kept quiet, enjoying their time in Nairobi until Ladi died and now they are crying that they are being exploited,” said Odubome. “You can’t tell me Teleperformance had a gun on your head and told you not to talk to anybody – please, none of them are children. So why are they now trying to back out of their contracts?”
Mang’oka of Awareness Against Human Trafficking said Odubome’s remarks are an example of the kind of victim-blaming that enables systems designed to exploit vulnerable people, adding that the Nigerian High Commission has a duty to protect its nationals in Kenya from exploitation.
“These workers are in a foreign country, with visitor visas controlled by their employer. If they walk out, they risk immediate deportation or worse, being accused of working illegally,” she said. “Saying things like ‘why can’t they just leave if they are being exploited’ is imagining freedom that doesn’t exist.”
For Mercy Mutemi, the executive director of Oversight Lab, Olubunmi’s death reveals a hollowness at the heart of Kenya’s tech boom.
“Our digital transformation dream is built on a house of cards – the exploitation of workers to \[produce\] better tech products for Big Tech. Not only is this unsustainable, it is damaging to the Kenyan economy. Economic development does not come from exploitation,” Mutemi said. She added that work like social media moderation leaves Kenyan workforces struggling with mental health issues, unable to participate in the labour market for longer than a few months, alienated from their community and in some cases permanently injured.
“Our people matter, and their rights must be respected at all costs.”
### ‘Kenya's Gen Z beat the tax bill. Now we’re coming for the ballot box’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/kenyas-gen-z-beat-the-tax-bill-now-were-coming-for-the-ballot-box/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:00:55.000Z
On the second anniversary of Kenya’s historic Gen Z uprising, the movement’s impact is still being felt. On 25 June 2024, thousands of protesters breached Parliament as they fought a Finance Bill that would have imposed sweeping tax increases on people already struggling with the cost of living. Police opened fire. At least 63 people were killed over the course of the wider protest movement, while hundreds more were injured. The following day, President William Ruto declined to sign the bill and called for its withdrawal.
It was a rare and significant victory: young Kenyans had taken on the government and forced it into retreat. But it came at a devastating cost. Protesters were killed, injured, arrested and abducted, and the movement’s demands soon expanded beyond the bill to corruption, state violence and Ruto’s removal from office.
Two years later, the street movement has lost some momentum under the weight of repression. But the political energy it unleashed has not disappeared. Young Kenyans are registering to vote, considering standing for office and talking about making Ruto a one-term president.
Ahmednoor Haji is a young activist from Garissa in northeastern Kenya. He organised the Occupy Garissa protests against the Finance Bill and founded the KESHO Alliance, a youth-led peacebuilding and human rights organisation. Here, he explains how protesters forced the government to retreat, how digital organising became both a source of power and a tool of surveillance, and why the movement’s energy is now shifting from the streets to the ballot box.
*This article is part of a new openDemocracy series spotlighting how people’s movements organise, innovate and win. It was originally* [*published*](https://lens.civicus.org/interview/kenya-the-energy-seems-to-have-moved-from-the-streets-to-the-ballot-box/?ref=opendemocracy.net) *by CIVICUS Lens, the media platform of the global civil society alliance CIVICUS, and is republished with permission.*
### How did you become an activist, and why did you join the protests?
I come from a marginalised community in an area affected by conflict and terrorism. In 2015, there was a terrorist attack on Garissa University and the government shut it down. This was the only higher learning institution we had, and it was a tool of empowerment, so this triggered me. I was around 16 and took part in the organisation of a protest. Our main demands were the reopening of the university and young people’s inclusion in peacebuilding. Within two weeks, the university reopened. It was even upgraded from a university college to a full-fledged university and it established a date to honour those killed in the massacre.
I’ve been involved in organising protests ever since, mostly in Garissa, advocating for my community. One ongoing issue is the denial of identity cards. As ethnic Somalis, we are sometimes treated as migrants and denied IDs, even though we’re Kenyan. And without a Kenyan ID, you can’t access many services, including university education.
Until 2024, I worked mainly on local issues. I joined the national protests against the Finance Bill because, as a young person from a community that is not listened to and is largely absent from policymaking spaces, I was tired of being ignored when politicians made decisions that made our lives more difficult. The Finance Bill, influenced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), imposed more taxes on poor people instead of taxing the wealthy. Around 70 per cent of my community are illiterate and don’t know what this bill was, but I knew it would affect them.
### How did the movement’s demands change?
We first demanded that the government drop the Finance Bill. But when the bill was dropped, young people were still angry about how the government had treated them. President Ruto called us terrorists and treated protesting as treason. So people went back to the streets with a new demand: Ruto must go. He was corrupt, governing on behalf of the IMF, and was having human rights activists arrested and abducted. Extrajudicial killings were taking place.
In Garissa, we educated people about the contents of the bill in the Somali language. We partnered with TikTok influencers, and that’s how we got a crowd to join the local protests. In contrast, the people from my community who took part in the bigger protest in Nairobi were mostly university students and professionals.
While President Ruto dropped the bill, he didn’t listen to our other demands. The housing levy stayed. Corruption continued. Cabinet secretaries with histories of corruption were not removed. So young people went back to the streets, and that second time the repression was worse.
### How were the protests organised, and what role did social media play?
For the Garissa protest, we had a WhatsApp group. We made a poster; everyone shared it on their WhatsApp status and with their contacts, and we mobilised through civil society networks. In Nairobi, organising happened mostly on Instagram and Twitter/X. Through these platforms, people shared information about where to meet, where police stood and where to get water. Social media played a major role in getting the word out and keeping people safe.
The person who publicised the Nairobi protests most was Boniface Mwangi, a human rights defender with a very large Twitter/X following, a kind of watchdog who many people trust for information about corruption. The opposition party was to some extent also involved, and the government claimed the then-deputy president, later impeached, was also recruiting young people, though this was never proved.
The government also used social media and technology for repression. At one point, the police were using ride-hailing apps, so that when someone requested an Uber, the driver would ask if they were going to the protest, then drive them directly to the police station. But people warned about this on Twitter/X, so we all started carpooling and moving in groups. There was also a time the government put up fake posters on social media pretending to be protest organisers, providing a wrong meeting location. We had to tell people not to go there. All of that was happening on Instagram and Twitter/X.
Our call was to ‘occupy’. On the day the Finance Bill was being voted on, it was #OccupyParliament. Young people entered parliament and filmed themselves inside. And that’s when the abductions started. The government allegedly partnered with Safaricom, the telecommunications network, to track down people who had tweeted about being at the protest.
I was arrested at the airport, and after that I started using a VPN. I had posted about the protest in Garissa with the hashtag #RutoMustGo, and I didn’t realise the government could use that to find me. I had even shared information about VPNs at an event at the Commission on the Status of Women in New York, but I didn’t understand the full meaning of this until it happened to me. Then I made my Instagram account private, downloaded a VPN and told friends and everybody on social media how to protect their location and IP address. Some of the free VPNs are weak and can be compromised, but they’re still much better than nothing.
### What were the main risks for protesters?
The most widespread threat was surveillance, which could lead to abduction, arrest and enforced disappearance. The police would track the movements of protesters who had posted or tweeted from a protest site and then arrest or abduct them. There were cases of protesters being abducted from the university. What’s scariest is what could happen to you after being abducted. People who were taken in sometimes went missing, their bodies found in a river a week later.
Security forces also used rubber bullets and live bullets against protesters. One of my friends was hit in his feet with a rubber bullet. One day in Nairobi, we were running towards parliament and if someone hadn’t opened a building for us to run into the parking lot, we would all have been shot. When we came out after things calmed down, there were bullet holes in the wall.
### Why did the movement lose momentum?
In the beginning, there was more organisation. There was systematic information on how to stay safe or what to do if someone got abducted or arrested. We told people to go in groups, not to throw stones, to inform others of their rights and so on. But over time, we lost that connection. Repression, generational differences, government co-optation attempts and lack of a unified leadership and plan weakened the movement.
Young people in Kenya don’t trust the government or political parties. There was one political party some used to trust, an opposition party that criticised the Finance Bill, but its leader, Raila Odinga, died a few months ago. I think the lack of a leader who could serve as a point of reference is a big part of why the Gen Z movement in Kenya has withered.
At some point, a movement needs direction. The movements that inspired me, in [Bangladesh](https://lens.civicus.org/post-protest-bangladesh-restoration-more-than-renewal/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Nepal](https://lens.civicus.org/nepals-gen-z-electoral-revolution/?ref=opendemocracy.net), had collective organisation, and we didn’t. If we’d succeeded in bringing down the government, who would have taken over? Possibly the military. We didn’t have a plan for the day after. We just knew we wanted the Finance Bill stopped and the president gone.
Within the protest movement, there was a disconnect between generations. Many millennials dropped out following the withdrawal of the Finance Bill, afraid that we were headed towards anarchy. Gen Zs were braver and kept going. So they experienced the worst of the repression, and in response, many gave up on politics.
### What did the protests achieve, and what comes next?
The one tangible achievement was the Finance Bill being dropped. Nothing else changed in the government or political dynamics.
Something, however, did change in us. A lot of young Kenyans are now well informed about politics. There’s a slogan going around on social media, ‘one term’, meaning Ruto will be a one-term president, because when the next election comes, young people will vote him out. There is now a mass mobilisation of young people registering to vote, although the government is making it difficult by not publicising the voter registration process.
I don’t see another protest wave happening in the near future because of the fear imposed through violence. Instead, I can see a potential trend of young Kenyans becoming more actively involved in politics, not only voting but also running for office. Mwangi, for instance, is now running for president. Many more are coming forward to run for parliament. The energy seems to have moved from the streets to the ballot box.
*CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.*
### Un exabogado de narcos lleva a Colombia hacia la derecha
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/colombia-elecciones-de-la-espriella-cepeda-petro-extrema-derecha-trump-populismo/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:06.000Z
Bogotá, Colombia.- Cuando Abelardo De la Espriella asuma el cargo de presidente de Colombia el 7 de agosto, se unirá a una ola de populistas de derecha que ya gobiernan en Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador y Honduras – todos aupados por Trump.
La bocina de un automóvil rompe el crepúsculo que se cierne sobre la ciudad. Un todoterreno plateado recorre a toda velocidad las calles, con un joven parado, medio cuerpo afuera del techo corredizo, y la bandera colombiana ondeando sobre sus hombros.
"¡Firme por la patria!", grita, y encuentra eco: algunos conductores se burlan, otros hacen sonar sus bocinas en señal de aprobación.
Apenas unas horas antes cerraron los centros de votación en la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de Colombia. El país tenía que elegir entre Abelardo de la Espriella, un abogado ultraderechista, e Iván Cepeda, un senador de izquierda y heredero del gobierno de Gustavo Petro.
Mientras el joven alzaba los brazos al cielo, el recuento inicial apuntaba a una victoria de De la Espriella, con 49,6% de los votos, frente a 48,7% para Cepeda. El margen era mínimo, de apenas 246.000 votos. El [escrutinio final](https://www.registraduria.gov.co/En-un-99-997-coincide-el-preconteo-con-el-escrutinio-de-los-jueces.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) demorará algunos días más, sobre todo porque las autoridades deben resolver denuncias de presuntas irregularidades.
De la Espriella prometía recortes fiscales, retrocesos en la protección del ambiente y duras medidas de seguridad, Cepeda abogaba por la congelación de nuevos proyectos petroleros y la continuidad del enfoque de ‘Paz Total’ del presidente Petro, con miras al desarme de grupos criminales mediante negociaciones.
"No vamos a permitir, lo decimos con claridad, haciendo uso de la fuerza de la democracia, de la movilizacion y de la accion politica, que retrocedan las conquistas sociales que hemos construido en estos años en Colombia", dijo Cepeda, dirigiéndose a una multitud de simpatizantes, una vez conocido el conteo inicial.
Iván Cepeda (centro), junto a su compañera de fórmula Aida Quilcué (derecha) y su equipo de campaña, habla ante una multitud de seguidores en el Royal Center de Bogotá, luego del conteo inicial de votos el 21 de junio de 2026 | Martina Mariano
En un salón de actos abarrotado en Bogotá, algunos simpatizantes derramaban lágrimas. Otros alimentaban la esperanza de que el escrutinio final pudiera dar la vuelta al resultado. La campaña de Cepeda impugnó los resultados de 33.000 de las 122.000 urnas de votación.
Pero, ante la escasa expectativa de que cambie el resultado (el recuento verificado de la primera vuelta solo difirió marginalmente del recuento inicial), los seguidores de Cepeda se ven ahora obligados a afrontar un futuro bajo un nuevo gobierno de derecha.
"Pues que muy seguramente vamos a volver a un autoritarismo que ya creíamos que se estaba superando", dijo a democraciaAbierta Luis Carlos Pulgarín, de 58 años, un partidario de Cepeda, en el salón de actos de Bogotá. Desplazado de la región norteña de Urabá debido a los asesinatos de la década de los 90, Pulgarín teme que De la Espriella provoque un retorno a la violencia que asoló el pasado de Colombia.
El país vivió buena parte del siglo XX en conflictos armados. A la guerra civil entre conservadores y liberales, que terminó en 1958 – período conocido como La Violencia –, le siguió el alzamiento de guerrillas izquierdistas, en la década de 1960, y el surgimiento de milicias paramilitares de ultraderecha en la década de 1990 para combatir a los guerrilleros en alianza con la fuerza pública. Mientras tanto, el [narcotráfico](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/10-os-de-guerra-repensar-el-narcotr-fico/) se convirtió en el [combustible](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/punto-4-de-la-agenda-drogas-il-citas-y-el-crimen-organizado/) de todos los actores armados.
“En el último gobierno de derecha-derecha, digamos fascista, que hubo… de alguna manera hubo una altísima violación a los derechos humanos", dijo Pulgarín en referencia al expresidente Álvaro Uribe, que gobernó entre 2002 y 2010.
Uribe – que apoyó a De la Espriella en segunda vuelta – y su familia han sido[ acusados](https://www.wola.org/es/analysis/fallo-historico-en-colombia-una-victoria-para-el-sistema-judicial-del-pais/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de múltiples crímenes, incluyendo connivencia con el narcotráfico y el paramilitarismo. Cuando fue presidente, Uribe negaba que en su país hubiera un conflicto armado y catalogaba a las guerrillas como organizaciones terroristas. Durante su gobierno se produjo un pico de “[falsos positivos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/6402-falsos-positivos-colombia-quien-dio-orden/)”, como se conocieron los más de 6.000 asesinatos de civiles presentados por el ejército como bajas de guerrilleros en combate.
[6,402 ‘falsos positivos’ en Colombia: ¿Quién dio la orden?Según la JEP, las víctimas de asesinatos presentados como bajas en combate entre 2002 y 2008 asciende a varios millares. El gobierno de entonces incentivó esta práctica atroz.openDemocracydemocracia Abierta](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/6402-falsos-positivos-colombia-quien-dio-orden/)
En 2016, luego de casi cuatro años de negociaciones, el gobierno y la principal y más antigua guerrilla latinoamericana, las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC)[ firmaron un acuerdo de paz](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/qu-implicaciones-tiene-el-acuerdo-de-paz-en-colombia-para-el-come/). El [incumplimiento de lo acordado](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cinco-anos-del-acuerdo-de-paz-en-colombia-un-flagrante-incumplimiento/) por parte del Estado se vio jalonado de asesinatos de guerrilleros desmovilizados, el reagrupamiento de guerrillas menores y la emergencia de nuevas organizaciones criminales.
Petro intentó, mediante su política de [Paz Total](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/donde-esta-la-paz-total-de-petro/), retomar las negociaciones con la segunda guerrilla izquierdista, el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) y los otros grupos armados. Pero los diálogos fracasaron, con frecuentes rupturas del cese del fuego.
Sin embargo, el gobierno de Petro tuvo logros que explican la muy buena votación de la izquierda: una [reforma laboral](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/colombia-elecciones-petro-izquierda-salario-derechos-laborales-ivan-cepeda-abelardo/) que otorgó derechos esenciales a los trabajadores, un aumento del salario mínimo de 23% y una [reducción de la pobreza](https://elpais.com/america-colombia/2026-06-12/la-pobreza-en-colombia-cae-a-28-el-nivel-mas-bajo-en-su-historia.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) a 28%, el nivel más bajo en la historia del país.
[Mejoras laborales sostienen a la izquierda en ColombiaLas políticas laborales y salariales del primer gobierno de izquierda en Colombia aseguran que Iván Cepeda pase a la segunda vuelta presidencialopenDemocracyPedro Rossi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/colombia-elecciones-petro-izquierda-salario-derechos-laborales-ivan-cepeda-abelardo/)
De la Espriella, empresario y exabogado de líderes paramilitares y narcotraficantes, acaba de irrumpir en la política colombiana. Vivió 10 años en Estados Unidos, donde obtuvo la ciudadanía en 2023, y en 2024 se mudó a Italia, de donde regresó en 2025 para candidatearse a la presidencia.
En el curso de su carrera ha representado a exponentes del mundo criminal, entre ellos,[ Alex Saab](https://www.lasillavacia.com/en-vivo/de-saab-a-parapoliticos-el-prontuario-de-exclientes-de-abelardo-de-la-espriella/?ref=opendemocracy.net), supuesto [testaferro](https://insightcrime.org/es/noticias-crimen-organizado-venezuela/alex-saab-2/?ref=opendemocracy.net) del expresidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro, y [Jorge Visbal Martelo](https://cortesuprema.gov.co/exdirigente-gremial-jorge-visbal-martelo-condenado-por-vinculos-con-las-auc/?ref=opendemocracy.net), exsenador, financiador del grupo paramilitar Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia e integrante de otra organización criminal, conocida como Los Doce Apóstoles.
Saab fue extraditado en mayo desde Venezuela a Estados Unidos, donde tiene acusaciones de lavado de hasta 350 millones de dólares, mientras Visbal Martelo [fue detenido](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2026/01/08/capturan-a-jorge-visbal-martelo-expresidente-de-fedegan-en-operativo-policial-en-el-atlantico-fue-condenado-por-vinculos-con-paramilitares/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en enero y cumple una pena de nueve años de prisión.
Tras haber protegido a estas figuras, De la Espriella propone ahora volver al enfoque de confrontación de Uribe y de cero tolerancia hacia grupos criminales y narcotraficantes. “A quienes han sembrado violencia, terror, narcotráfico, y corrupción”, [afirma De la Espriella](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A5LAtU-7buc&ref=opendemocracy.net) “su tiempo se acabó”.
Apodado ‘El Tigre’ por sus seguidores, promete destruir 330.000 hectáreas de cultivos de coca, materia prima de la cocaína, y una ofensiva militar directa que, según afirma, restablecerá el control territorial en tan solo 90 días.
"\[La seguridad\] es lo más importante", dijo a democraciaAbierta Enrique Mejía, de 60 años, miembro de un pequeño grupo de seguidores de De la Espriella reunidos frente a la sede del presidente electo en Bogotá.
Al igual que a muchos de los votantes de De la Espriella, a este hombre le preocupa el supuesto resurgimiento de los grupos armados bajo el gobierno de Petro. Quiere que se ponga fin a la política de Paz Total.
"Hay que ser justos porque sí trató de igualar la sociedad, eso está bien", reconoció Mejía sobre Petro. “Pero la trató de igualar equivocadamente, \[haciendo\] un proceso de paz con unos narcotraficantes". Mejía se envolvía los hombros con una bandera con la imagen de De la Espriella haciendo un saludo militar. "\[Los grupos armados\] se crecieron mucho, haciendo mucho daño", dijo.
[Según algunos estudios, el reclutamiento de los grupos armados se disparó](https://ideaspaz.org/publicaciones/investigaciones-analisis/2025-11/lo-que-dicen-las-nuevas-cifras-sobre-el-aumento-de-integrantes-de-grupos-armados-en-colombia?ref=opendemocracy.net) en el mandato de Petro, pero los analistas temen que abandonar las negociaciones pueda empeorar la situación.
"En el caso del candidato De la Espriella sí creo que hay una comprensión muy limitada de lo que significa el conflicto armado colombiano", dijo Juan Pablo Aranguren Romero, profesor asociado de la Universidad de los Andes que ha investigado los impactos del conflicto armado en Colombia.
Aranguren señaló el riesgo de que aspectos centrales del proceso de paz con las FARC, como la restitución de tierras y la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas, se estanquen bajo el mandato de De la Espriella, quien [ha anunciado su intención](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2026/03/26/abelardo-de-la-espriella-promete-reducir-el-estado-eliminar-la-jep-y-construir-diez-megacarceles-si-llega-a-la-presidencia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de desmantelar la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP), un tribunal de justicia transicional creado en virtud del acuerdo de paz de 2016.
"Desmontar la JEP es algo que realmente iría en contra de la constitución y de la ley", dijo Aranguren a democraciaAbierta.
También inquieta la propuesta de De la Espriella de retirar al país de la ONU y del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. "Son una cantidad de burócratas, y gastamos plata que no tenemos. Eso hay que cerrarlo", dijo [en declaraciones a la revista Semana](https://www.semana.com/politica/articulo/abelardo-de-la-espriella-anuncia-que-si-es-presidente-retira-a-colombia-de-la-onu-la-oea-y-la-cidh-son-directorios-politicos-de-la-izquierda-que-no-han-servido/202528/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en noviembre del año pasado.
Entre las poblaciones más afectadas por la violencia, muchos se oponen a las propuestas de seguridad de De la Espriella: Caquetá, Chocó y Valle del Cauca, tres de las regiones colombianas que más sufrieron el conflicto, [votaron de forma abrumadora a favor de Iván Cepeda](https://www.elespectador.com/politica/elecciones-colombia-2026/votos-por-regiones-en-que-ciudades-gano-abelardo-de-la-espriella-y-en-cuales-ivan-cepeda/?ref=opendemocracy.net), quien prometió continuar las negociaciones con los grupos armados.
La política de línea dura de De la Espriella se extiende a su controvertida propuesta de construir 10 megacárceles; siguiendo el modelo del presidente de El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, quien en marzo de 2022 inauguró la prisión más grande de América Latina, el CECOT, ordenó redadas masivas que han enviado a más de 90.000 personas a la cárcel e impuso un estado de excepción que suspendió derechos fundamentales y que sigue vigente.
[Niñez encarcelada por el régimen de excepción de El SalvadorMás de 3.000 niñas y niños han sido detenidos en El Salvador desde 2022\. Una reforma legal permite imponer cadena perpetua a menores de apenas 12 añosopenDemocracyEuan Wallace](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-infancia-prision-perpetua-derechos-humanos-bukele/)
Activistas colombianos temen ver en Colombia los[ abusos contra los derechos humanos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/el-salvador-prison-babies-pregnant-women-children-arrested-gang-bukele/) perpetrados por Bukele en sus operativos contra las pandillas.
"Yo creo que lo que se podría llegar a hacer bajo un estado de excepción en un eventual gobierno de De la Espriella puede ser mucho más grave", dijo Alejandro Lanz, codirector de la ONG colombiana de derechos humanos Temblores, a democraciaAbierta.
El encarcelamiento masivo no es una solución viable para los problemas de seguridad de Colombia, según Lanz, cuya organización trabaja dentro de las prisiones y con exreclusos tras su puesta en libertad. "Se ha relacionado de una manera errónea y ficticia el hecho de que la construcción \[de las mega-cárceles\] y el encierro masivo de personas que presuntamente hacen parte de pandillas, se traduce efectivamente en una seguridad en el \[espacio\] público".
De la Espriella tuvo un [respaldo abierto del presidente argentino Javier Milei](https://x.com/JMilei/status/2068829381816930532?s=20&ref=opendemocracy.net) y[ del mandatario estadounidense Donald Trump](https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/116791057884875243?ref=opendemocracy.net). “¡Ha ganado, y por goleada!", escribió Trump en Truth Social, apenas unas horas después del cierre de las urnas.
Este pronunciamiento siguió a dos mensajes previos de apoyo de Trump, que dieron pie a una[ carta firmada por 11 congresistas estadounidenses](https://www.lasillavacia.com/en-vivo/congresistas-gringos-piden-a-trump-no-interferir-en-las-elecciones/?fbclid=IwY2xjawSkOKZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEePTujCO10Yzyj4BnWRT7enKYbWLolUexfDvePX6yiYTtAOK9Aj75paZZ798Q%5Faem%5FOSdLGSM3NxfmxlkRUeOolQ&ref=opendemocracy.net) en la que se denunciaba su "flagrante injerencia" en las elecciones colombianas.
"Ha habido una participación de todos los gobiernos de derecha latinoamericanos y el gobierno gringo en estas elecciones colombianas", dijo Alejandro Lanz. "Este candidato ha mostrado que ha vendido la soberanía".
Pero tras la [relación tensa](https://www.wola.org/es/analysis/reunion-entre-trump-y-petro-crisis-evitada-que-vendra-despues/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de Petro con Trump, los partidarios de De la Espriella están encantados de estrechar vínculos con Washington.
"Se requiere recuperar las relaciones tan importantes como con nuestro socio principal, que es Estados Unidos, lo mismo con el pueblo de Israel", dijo Andrés Santamaría, de 38 años, en la puerta de un acto con entrada para celebrar la victoria del derechista. El hombre lucía la camiseta amarilla de la selección nacional de fútbol de Colombia, convertida en el uniforme de facto de los seguidores de De la Espriella.
"Yo sé que Abelardo, aparte que también es ciudadano americano, pues va a fortalecer esas relaciones", afirmó.
Dentro de su país, De la Espriella enfrentará a una oposición decidida. El domingo por la noche, decenas de seguidores de Cepeda salieron a las calles de la capital, exhibiendo pancartas en las que se leía "Abelardo de la Espriella no es mi presidente".
Además de las eventuales protestas populares, un gobierno de De la Espriella tendrá que lidiar con un Congreso en el que el Pacto Histórico de Petro tiene [la bancada más numerosa](https://cnnespanol.cnn.com/2026/03/09/colombia/senado-elecciones-legislativas-orix?ref=opendemocracy.net). La gobernabilidad dependerá de las alianzas que los dos bloques negocien, en particular con los partidos de centro; mientras la coalición de derecha no tiene suficiente fuerza para aprobar reformas.
El domingo por la noche, De la Espriella subió al escenario para proclamar su victoria ante una multitud en la ciudad costera de Barranquilla. Protegido en una cabina a prueba de balas y rodeado por el resplandor de focos de colores, se dirigió a su rival Cepeda: "Usted sabe lo duro que muerde el tigre, y le digo algo, el tigre todavía puede morder aun más duro de lo que ha mordido hoy en las urnas”.
### Inside the African conference pushing for a continent-wide anti-LGBT charter
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-african-family-values-conference-anti-lgbt-charter-sexual-reproductive-rights-ghana/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:12.000Z
A red carpet, a dancing troupe and water-tight security – the kind usually reserved for high-level state events – welcomed attendees to the opening of the fourth African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values and Sovereignty, which took place in Ghana’s Parliament earlier this month.
The three-day event brought together lawmakers and conservative and Christian religious leaders from across the continent, as well as members of far-right and Christian groups in the Global North. They were there, organisers hoped, to advance a new African Charter on the Protection of the Family, Sovereignty, and Religious and Cultural Values.
The charter would encourage governments to withdraw from international treaties or funding agreements that promote “the LGBT agenda”, abortion, and sex education. Critics warn it could decimate women’s rights and sexual and reproductive health efforts, and entrench anti-LGBTQ laws across the continent.
The conference came less than a week after [Ghana’s parliament voted to pass one of Africa’s most draconian anti-LGBTQ bills](https://www.opendemocracy.net/ghanas-anti-lgbtq-bill-passes-amid-chaos-as-laws-backers-call-for-recall/), which – if signed into law – will make identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or queer punishable by up to three years in prison.
Inside the event, the charter’s supporters weaponised pan-Africanism and framed ‘family values’ – intended to mean those of a family unit formed by a cis man and a cis woman – as a necessary defence of African sovereignty. Proponents of so-called African ‘family values’ have long portrayed the issue as a religious and moral concern, but are increasingly recasting it as part of Africa’s fight against neo-colonialism.
Christian speakers advocating for the charter referenced former Ghanaian president and revolutionary Kwame Nkrumah, whose image could also be seen on an erected backdrop, along with images of other pan-African heroes. By the time Ghana’s Speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin, took his turn, he was waving *White Malice*, historian Susan Collins’ book detailing US efforts to undermine African independence, as though it were a bible.
“That is what is going to build your faith to brace yourself to fight the battle we are engaged in to ensure that true families, sovereignty and values of Africa are entrenched on our continent,” Bagbin declared.
Photos of African independence and political icons at the entrance of the African Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values. ***Delali Adogla-Bessa**
Meanwhile, outside, a coalition of human rights organisations acting as RHION (Refusing Harm In Our Name) demonstrated their opposition to the proposal. Protesters marched for five kilometres through Accra, Ghana’s capital, brandishing placards and imagery that challenged the narrow imaginings of the African family being asserted within the Parliament. “African family has always made room” was the resounding message.
“We are of the view that this charter is meant to oppress women,” a convener of the coalition, Abdul Razak Mohammed Shamsu-Deen, told openDemocracy. “We are rejecting the one-type definition of African families being driven by these Western-influenced people,” Shamsu-Deen said.
Despite the protest, 18 of the 20 lawmakers present voted in favour of the charter.
Only South Africa and Mozambique abstained. South Africa said the draft was at odds with its constitution, citing concerns over gender discrimination and its anti-abortion stance, while Mozambique said it could not commit to adopting the treaty due to legislative scheduling challenges and logistical constraints.
Criticising the charter’s fixation with gender, Zandile Majosi, South Africa’s National Assembly House Chairperson on International Relations, told openDemocracy: “This is not what we believe in South Africa. We protect your rights as a human being. We do not protect your rights because you are a certain gender or sexuality.”
### **Inside the event**
As the conference wore on, familiar agendas emerged.
In previous years, the event has been endorsed by Family Watch International, a US Christian organisation designated as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Centre. While the [group said it chose not to attend this year](https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/african-lawmakers-back-push-tougher-anti-lgbt-laws-after-ghana-conference-2026-06-19/?ref=opendemocracy.net#selection-1487.21-1487.233), its influence could still be seen in the rhetoric espoused by other attendees.
One target was comprehensive sexuality education, a curriculum that aims to teach children and young people about the cognitive, emotional, physical, and social aspects of sexuality, and promotes substantive and non-judgemental discussions on sex, sexuality, relationships and consent.
Delegates claimed, without evidence, that this kind of education sexualises children.
The executive director of the Dutch organisation Christian Council International, Henk Jan van Schothorst, accused the EU and the United Nations Population Fund of introducing comprehensive sexuality education, as well as sexual and reproductive health and rights, to the African continent as part of a left-leaning agenda.
“Brussels \[the EU\] should not teach you what to do. You can think for yourselves,” Schothorst told openDemocracy on the sidelines of the conference.
Elsewhere, Ugandan legislator Sarah Opendi, one of the conference’s founding members, used her speech to dismiss online accusations that the conference had been funded by organisations and individuals in the Global North. Opendi said Ghana had covered the event’s costs, with attendees paying for their own flight and board. Ghana’s deputy speaker, Andrew Asiamah Amoako, declined to comment on how much Ghana had spent.
### **What’s in the draft?**
While the charter includes provisions for economic, food and natural resource sovereignty, one of its strongest themes is eliminating avenues for sexual and reproductive health rights and progressive gender ideologies.
The draft raises concerns over the Maputo Plan of Action – an African Union framework to improve the sexual and reproductive rights and health of women and girls across the continent by 2030 – and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. Both agreements, it says, undermine African family values.
A coalition of rights groups marches through Accra in protest against the proposed charter. ***Delali Adogla-Bessa**
It also features worrying traces of vaccine hesitancy, with a push to give Africans the right to reject vaccinations. The Human Papillomavirus vaccine, which protects against most strains of cervical cancers, as well as some other cancers, is referenced with suggestions that there are “simple alternatives” like antibiotics.
Amendments approved at the conference included a move to formally define marriage as being between a man and one or more women; a need to enforce stronger tech regulation to strengthen tech sovereignty (details on this were scarce, with legislators likely to flesh out the proposal in a new section of the charter in the coming months); and a proposal to protect abortion exemptions, such as in cases of rape, in member countries.
The conference also adopted recommendations to institutionalise inter-parliamentary engagements on family, sovereignty and values, potentially embedding its agenda in member states through parliamentary caucuses and annual budget allocations.
### **What next?**
As delegates considered amendments on the final day, cracks began to appear. There was some pushback from Liberia and South Africa, although the former eventually voted in favour of the agreement.
Liberian legislator Emmanuel Dahn was upset with the charter’s patriarchal leanings after an amendment was passed affirming polygyny, in which a man can have multiple wives. Dahn felt the amendment reduced women to property, telling openDemocracy: “It is offensive to women. It is offensive to my mother. It is offensive to my sisters and my girl child. It is offensive to all.”
Concern also came from expert speakers. Dr Angela Dwamena-Aboagye, a lawyer and gender rights advocate, told delegates the charter needed robust protections for women. Legislators, however, later failed to address her concerns when amendments were introduced.
“The charter appears to avoid incorporation of critical, well-documented issues of well-known infractions to women, girls and persons with disabilities,” Dwamena-Aboagye said.
Sarah Shaw, MSI Reproductive Choices’ associate director of advocacy, flagged similar concerns to openDemocracy, noting that the “charter will strike at the heart of the rights framework that has protected women and marginalised communities across Africa for decades, directly undermining the Maputo Protocol.”
But with most states having voted in favour of the charter, it will now be revised to incorporate amendments agreed upon at the conference. Organisers hope to finalise the draft by the next African Union summit in February 2027 – when Ghanaian president John Mahama will officially take over as the union’s chair – so it can be formally considered by speakers of Parliament from supporting nations. The charter does not require unanimous approval from member states.
Meanwhile, rights groups such as RHION are likely to ramp up resistance to the proposal. They will find allies in some African legislators, with South Africa’s Majosi saying that she and her Parliament will continue engaging on the charter and resisting the agenda of the conference, which is due to be held in Burkina Faso next year.
“Saying we oppose the charter doesn’t make us any less African,” Majosi said. “We believe we are going to persuade our fellow brothers and sisters, and we will win this war at the end of the day.”
### ‘Blair tribute act’: Zack Polanski on Burnham’s plan to hire top lobbyist
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/blair-tribute-act-zack-polanski-on-burnhams-plan-to-hire-top-lobbyist/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:17.000Z
Progressives within Labour and the Green Party have told openDemocracy of their concern over Andy Burnham’s plans to hire one of the UK’s top lobbying bosses to run his No 10 operation.
Burnham is set to appoint former Labour MP and Blair-era cabinet minister James Purnell as his chief of staff if he becomes prime minister in the coming weeks.
Purnell is the CEO of one of the UK’s most elite lobbying and advisory firms, Flint Global, whose clients have included Uber, Amazon, BP and Airbnb. While the company does not declare its clients in the UK, its European arm was last year paid more than one million euros to lobby for Apple.
Flint’s website says it advises “regulated water companies and major institutional investors on their strategic and investment decisions” and energy companies on “how to positively shape the policy debate and manage regulatory risk”.
Though Purnell’s new role in Burnham’s team has not been officially announced, openDemocracy can reveal he has today resigned as a director of Flint Global, according to documents filed with Companies House.
His appointment will be seen as an encouraging sign for many business leaders, particularly in the private utilities sector, where there is significant concern that the new PM will pursue renationalisation.
Green Party leader Zack Polanski has criticised the appointment and called for a full list of Flint’s clients to be published.
He told openDemocracy: “It seems it’s out with the old and in with the old. What is it about this Labour government that is so keen on bringing in corporate lobbyists into the heart of Downing Street?
“This is starting to feel like a bit of a Blair and Starmer tribute act, with Labour Together’s Josh Simons also expected to have a senior role.
“So there can be no suspicion that James Purnell, a tireless campaigner for welfare cuts, is putting the interests of his clients above those of the people he’s supposed to serve, a full list of Flint Global’s clients must be published.”
A Labour source who spoke to openDemocracy on condition of anonymity expressed concern about the appointment, comparing Purnell’s potential conflicts of interest to those of Peter Mandelson when he was hired as ambassador to the US.
‘It’s worth remembering that the issue with Peter Mandelson’s appointment wasn’t just his connections to Epstein,” they said. “It was also his role as a senior lobbyist on behalf of some of the world’s largest multinationals, which created a huge conflict of interest.
“If Andy truly wants to change the country, then he will have to take on some of the Big Tech corporations who Purnell is paid to represent. Will he be prepared to do so with Purnell as his chief of staff?”
openDemocracy contacted James Purnell via his LinkedIn profile, which Purnell has since deleted or made private.
## **Flint’s links to Starmer’s government**
With no leadership contest in sight, Burnham is likely to be confirmed as the new prime minister before the end of next month.
The former Manchester mayor has been putting together a team of advisers over the last few months. Key figures include his longtime aide Kevin Lee, Labour MPs Anneliese Midgley and Louise Haigh, and former Labour Together boss Josh Simons, who stepped down in order for Burnham to contest the Makerfield by-election.
As chief of staff, Purnell will be among the most influential figures in Burnham’s administration. Under Starmer, the role was initially held by Sue Gray, and later by Morgan McSweeney. Gray has also been [advising Burnham in recent months](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/may/24/andy-burnham-advice-sue-gray-future-labour-government?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Burnham and Purnell have been close allies for most of their political careers. Both men were elected to Parliament in 2001 and became junior ministers in Tony Blair’s government a few years later, before going on to become cabinet ministers.
As a backbench MP, Purnell briefly chaired both the Private Equity All-Party Parliamentary Group and Labour Friends of Israel. He left politics at the 2010 general election and went on to work for a range of organisations, including Boston Consulting Group and the progressive think tank IPPR.
He joined Flint Global as CEO in June 2024, as the firm sought to develop its ties to the Labour Party. Keir Starmer’s former chief of staff, Sam White, had joined the firm months earlier, and No 10 adviser Rav Athwal went on to join the following year.
Flint has organised a number of roundtable discussions with Labour ministers and its clients in recent years. Scotland secretary Douglas Alexander, another New Labour figure who returned to Parliament in 2024 and was minister for trade until last year, has taken part in a number of Flint-hosted events.
Last June, Alexander met one-on-one with Flint Global to discuss the government’s trade strategy. The meeting came months after he took part in a roundtable with several of Flint’s large clients, including Unilever, Amazon, Uber, Diageo and Quadrature, the hedge fund that donated £4m to Labour in 2024\.
openDemocracy contacted James Purnell via his LinkedIn profile, which was deleted or made private soon afterwards.
openDemocracy approached Andy Burnham’s team for comment, but they directed us to Flint’s press office, which had not responded at time of publication.
### A cruel new law is scapegoating refugees for UK’s harmful border policies
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/a-cruel-new-law-is-scapegoating-refugees-for-uks-harmful-border-policies/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:22.000Z
Eight years ago, Mohammed Tajik watched as members of the Taliban murdered his father and brother. Tajik’s father owned a restaurant, and the Taliban had demanded he poison visiting soldiers. He refused and was killed.
Soon after their deaths, Tajik made the difficult decision to leave his wife and child and flee Afghanistan, fearing he, too, would be killed if he stayed.
Alnour Ali was also fearing for his life when he fled Sudan in 2019\. Ali’s village had just been destroyed in the war, which has seen [ethnically targeted attacks, sexual violence and enforced disappearance of non-Arabs](https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/sudan-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-policy-and-information-note-non-arab-darfuri-august-2024-accessible?ref=opendemocracy.net). While in Libya, Ali was twice imprisoned by militia and tortured.
After long and difficult journeys, both men made it to the UK and sought asylum. This month, I watched as they were handed prison sentences – two years for Tajik, two years and three months for Ali – after becoming the first people convicted of ‘endangering life at sea’, a cruel new offence that punishes the very people it claims to protect.
## **Seeking asylum has been criminalised**
In June 2022, the Conservative government introduced the offence of ‘illegal arrival’ in its Nationality and Borders Act, after courts ruled that earlier prosecutions of asylum seekers had been unlawful. It quickly began prosecuting people who came to the UK on ‘small boats’ to seek asylum, a trend continued by Labour when it came into power in 2024\.
[Over 625 people](https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/user/victoria%5Ftaylor%5F5/requests?ref=opendemocracy.net) have so far been convicted of the offence after crossing the Channel, with the vast majority pleading guilty. Their prosecutions ignore that Article 31 of the Refugee Convention states that refugees should be protected from penalisation for how they arrive in the UK.
Those found guilty generally receive prison sentences of less than 12 months, and authorities find it difficult to prosecute the ‘boat pilots’ for the more serious offence of ‘facilitation’ – also introduced in the Nationality and Borders Act – due to the lack of evidence that they were involved in organising journeys.
Looking to increase the prison sentences, Keir Starmer’s government introduced a new offence, ‘endangering lives at sea’, in its Border, Security, Asylum and Immigration Act, which came into force in January this year. Those found guilty may face up to five years in prison, or up to six years if they are also in breach of a deportation order.
The offence’s humanitarian veneer – targeting those who ‘endanger life’ – is thin and misleading.
Tajik and Ali were selected for prosecution after being identified as having steered the dinghies they arrived in across the Channel. This has been the case for around 300 of those convicted of ‘illegal arrival’.
According to [research](https://blogs.law.ox.ac.uk/sites/default/files/2024-02/No%20such%20thing%20as%20justice%20here%5Ffor%20publication.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) I conducted along with organisations supporting those imprisoned, most people were ‘at the tiller’ for one of three reasons: either they had limited financial resources and were offered a cheaper crossing in exchange for piloting a vessel, they had boating experience or took over to improve safety, or they were coerced and forced to steer.
While Tajik and Ali were the first people sentenced for the offence, they were not the first accused of it. A 16-year-old boy from Afghanistan was charged with endangering 46 lives at sea on 5 January; he has denied wrongdoing, telling a court that he was forced to pilot the boat. His case is ongoing.
In 2024, Senegalese teenager Ibrahima Bah was found guilty of manslaughter by gross negligence after four people drowned from the dinghy he was steering. Despite survivors calling him a ‘hero’ in their testimonies in court and describing how he saved their lives, he was sentenced to nine years and six months.
Just this week, a Syrian man was arrested on suspicion of manslaughter after a woman died on a small boat attempting to reach the UK. An investigating source told the Daily Mail it is feared she was crushed.
These people are not the architects of dangerous crossings, but participants in a situation created by a lack of safe, legal routes to the UK and hardened by ever-increasing border enforcement.
Tajik paid for a place on an inflatable dinghy crossing the Channel in January. He had no involvement in organising the journey. When the original pilot became unable to steer mid-crossing, Tajik took over. He had no financial incentive for doing so – he simply wanted to keep the vessel moving safely.
The prosecution argued that the dinghy was overcrowded and lacked lifesaving equipment. They also said that Tajik had let go of the tiller handle when he caught sight of the rescue vessel, and that the boat drifted in circles. Many of these factors were beyond his control.
Tajik did not decide how many people would be in the boat. In fact, the average number of people in each boat has increased in line with rising British policing investments in mainland Europe, according to research from the [University of Bristol and Border Forensics](https://www.borderforensics.org/investigations/channel/?ref=opendemocracy.net). French authorities seize more boats’ motors, meaning fewer dinghies can launch, and more people cram onto each vessel. Similarly, releasing the tiller on sight of the authorities may have been a rational response to knowing that steering can lead to imprisonment. Again, this is a risk created by the policy itself.
Ali was arrested after being identified as the pilot of a small boat in drone footage of a crossing that took place in April. Like Tajik, he was not involved in organising the journey. A now-deleted press release from the National Crime Agency wrongly linked Ali to the deaths of four people who drowned in the Channel on the day he crossed. Although it was later clarified in court that he had no knowledge of or involvement in the deaths, the false report was circulated publicly, and he was charged with ‘endangering life’.
## **No evidence of ‘deterrent’**
Both the government and Judge James, who sentenced Tajik and Ali, have stated that such prosecutions are necessary to ‘save lives at sea’ and deter crossings. Yet even [Home Office analysts](https://freemovement.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Annex-A-Sovereign-Borders-International-Asylum-Comparisons-Report-Section-1-Drivers-and-impact-on-asylum-migration-journeys.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) have admitted there is no evidence that harsh measures deter people from trying to make irregular journeys to the UK.
This can be seen in the numbers. Since 2022, new hostile pieces of legislation have been passed every year to target asylum seekers, [victims of trafficking and torture](https://www.dpglaw.co.uk/news/home-secretary-concedes-important-claim-relating-to-the-prosecution-of-survivors-of-trafficking/?ref=opendemocracy.net), and [children](https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/sites/default/files/inline-files/I%20told%20them%20the%20truth%5Ffinal%5F02%5F06%5F0.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) – yet 41,472 people crossed the Channel in small boats last year.
People make these dangerous journeys when there are no safe alternative routes they can access. Crossings and the harms associated with them will not stop for as long as that is the case.
On the other hand, there is substantial evidence that British investment in French policing makes crossings more dangerous, not less. The rising number of deaths in the French shallows, for instance, has been [directly linked to British funding in northern France.](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-silent-serial-killer-391-deaths-in-25-years-at-the-uk-border/) Scared of being beaten and tear-gassed by police on beaches, people are more likely to wade into the water, panic, and drown.
The ‘illegal arrival’ and ‘endangering life at sea’ offences do not address the reality of the situation. They scapegoat individuals for harms produced by the government’s own policies and, in doing so, produce further harm to people already seeking safety.
Tajik and Ali are two people among hundreds swept up in a system designed to perform toughness rather than save lives. Imprisoning asylum seekers for seeking safety is a gross breach of the rights of refugees in the UK. It must end now.
### Andy Burnham and Doomsday Cults
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-200626/
Last updated: 2026-06-22T14:54:16.000Z
## In this week's issue
- How a pseudo-religious doomsday ‘cult’ infiltrated the UN, the EU Parliament, and the US Capitol to launder dangerous climate disinformation
- Andy Burnham’s supporters are glossing over the reality of the ‘Burnhamism’ economic model
- Why UK government’s plan to get teens off social media will fail without investment elsewhere
- Burnham looks set to be the next PM. Defence spending may be his first hurdle – and his response will define his premiership
- Advocates warn of a draconian crackdown on dissent after a UK judge applied a ‘terrorism connection to Palestine Action protesters
Ever get the feeling that nothing makes sense anymore? That every bit of peer-reviewed research has some anti-research reviewed by a wholly different set of peers? There is a word for that: “epistemic collapse”, or when a society, as a collective, loses its ability to distinguish truth from falsehood.
This has real consequences, as this week’s cover story reveals.
AllatRa, oD contributors Julián Reingold and Ignacio Conese report, is a doomsday cult that Ukrainian and Czech authorities are investigating for being pro-Russian and the Kremlin has proscribed for being extremist. They have met with the Pope, attended UN climate conferences, the European Parliament and the US Congress – all in the guise of fighting nano-plastic oceanic pollution, even as they deny that climate change is a man-made crisis. As Climate Week begins in London this Saturday, read our story to understand just how organisations such as AllatRa are creating just enough confusion to compromise urgent action to tackle the climate crisis.
Speaking of the collapse of meaning, the Makerfield results are in, and it seems the UK will soon have its sixth prime minister since David Cameron stepped down in the summer of 2016\. Hurray for democracy! “Andy Burnham, not Labour, won this by-election,” writes openDemocracy’s Ethan Shone, but is he a candidate of continuity or change? Read more to find out.
Also in this issue, Paul Rogers on Burnham, military spending and the climate crisis (all in one column); openDemocracy editor Indra Warnes on the under-16 social media ban; continuing coverage of the Palestine Action trial and much more. We have a special podcast episode this week: “You will die at 30” takes us to Ghana, where a young trans-woman seeks community under the shadow of one of the world’s harshest crackdowns on the LGBTQI+ community.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[Inside the doomsday ‘cult’ spreading climate disinformation to global leadersIn Parliaments, TikTok and COP summits, AllatRa spread claims that greenhouse gases are not main cause of climate crisisopenDemocracyJulián Reingold](https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-change-allatra-cult-doomsday-russia-maga-trump-ukraine-disinformation/)
As disinformation networks spend millions to manufacture confusion, openDemocracy relies on reader donations to dig up the facts. We don't have corporate backers, billionaire owners, or hidden political affiliations. We only answer to ****you**. If you value journalism that refuses to look away, stand with us.
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[Burnham promises change. Manchester suggests continuityMakerfield result means we will likely have a new PM by September, and Britain will find out what Burnhamism really meansopenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-promises-change-manchester-suggests-continuity/)
[OK, so we ban social media. Then what?If ministers are serious about reducing screen time, they must rebuild the youth spaces and services they’ve shutteredopenDemocracyIndra Warnes](https://www.opendemocracy.net/starmer-social-media-ban-still-need-to-rebuild-society-youth-clubs-children-teenagers/)
[Andy Burnham must be honest about UK defence budgetA rational approach to security requires confronting two key factors. So far, no PM has been willing to do soopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/if-he-becomes-pm-andy-burnham-must-be-honest-about-uk-defence-budget/)
[‘Direct action is not terrorism’: Filton 25 on the sentencing of Palestine Action defendantsCommittee representing activists sentenced for ‘terrorism’ tells openDemocracy ruling marks a dangerous escalationopenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/terrorism-palestine-action-filton-25-protest-activists/)
---
## Weekly Poll
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## Reader Comments
> Dear prime minister, why are the decent people who rightly protest the genocide in Gaza having their lives destroyed? Tommy Robinson and Nigel Farage are people you might more justly call troublemakers/terrorists. Nothing is being done about them as far as I can see. ***–John via email***
[‘We need better’: Our readers’ thoughts on social media ban for under-16sPlus, readers discuss Andy Burnham’s promises of growth and the sentencing of Palestine Action activistsopenDemocracyCarla Abreu](https://www.opendemocracy.net/readers-thoughts-social-media-ban-for-under-16s/)
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Photo by Phil Spencer & Gerry Crowther/Mirrorpix/Getty Images
## This week in history
### **The Battle of Orgreave • 18 June 1984**
During the 1984–85 miners' strike, mounted police charged pickets at the Orgreave coking plant near Sheffield on 18 June 1984 in scenes of extraordinary violence. Many miners were subsequently prosecuted for riot; all charges were eventually dropped. South Yorkshire Police - the same force responsible for the Hillsborough cover-up - still has not been held to account.
[A public inquiry](https://www.orgreave.public-inquiry.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) was launched in March this year. They still would like to hear from any individual or organisation who was directly or indirectly involved in or impacted by the events that took place at Orgreave, or their aftermath.
Our Archive piece this week is a moving, self-aware piece written during the 2011 public sector strikes about what it means to strike for the first time and how the Miners' Strike has been written out of the national consciousness.
[My first strikeAfter the student protests in December, many young people took part in their first British strike yesterday. A first time striker looks for wider connections in the past and elsewhere as he seeks to discover what it is he is joining.openDemocracySamir Jeraj](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/my-first-strike/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**No second chances, Morgan Jones**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781785909832?ref=opendemocracy.net)
In a strange way, reading a book about the campaign for a second Brexit referendum, which really ended just over six years ago, feels like reading a missive from the ancient past or outer space – the world has changed so much and so dramatically since the era of indicative votes, endless discussions on the backstop, and “get Brexit done”. And yet, the rows over Brexit have shaped our political reality today in such a profound way, we barely even stop to notice or discuss it anymore. Jones’ book focuses on the failed attempt to secure a second referendum, and in doing so it offers a fascinating insight into British class politics, tribalism, how (not) to do political campaigning, social media and celebrity, how the campaign influences politics today, and so much more. On top of that, it’s laugh out loud funny, which is not what you expect from a book about Brexit!
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### Investigamos a la secta del fin del mundo que recorre los pasillos de poder
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/investigamos-a-la-secta-del-fin-del-mundo-que-recorre-los-pasillos-de-poder/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:36.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Un culto apocalíptico lleva la pseudociencia climática a los parlamentos y a la ONU
- Prohibimos las redes sociales, ok. ¿Y ahora qué?
¡Hola! En noviembre del año pasado, una persona de nombre ruso contactó al periodista argentino **Ignacio Conese**, a través del portal Journalists.Net, para ofrecerle escribir acerca de la **contaminación con nanoplásticos**, esas partículas plásticas más pequeñas que una micra y que pueden ingresar en organismos vivos.
Ignacio cubre información ambiental, pero la oferta no era periodística, sino de promoción y búsqueda de impacto para un reporte titulado ‘**Nanoplastics in the Biosphere**’.
El reporte simulaba ser, pero no era científico. Más bien llegaba a conclusiones descabelladas. Y la organización que lo publicó, **AllatRa**, tenía un **origen esotérico** en Ucrania.
Ignacio rechazó la oferta, pero olfateó que atrás había algo mucho más grande y compartió su sospecha con otro periodista argentino, **Julián Reingold**. Así empezaron a tirar del hilo.
La investigación, que llevó varios meses y viajes, revela cómo un grupo de múltiples fachadas produce una **narrativa apocalíptica** en sus sitios web, reportes y videos de TikTok – como que **en 2036** ocurrirá una catástrofe que pondrá a la **humanidad al borde de la extinción**. Aún así (¿o quizás por eso?) ha logrado acceder al Congreso de Estados Unidos, al Parlamento Europeo, a la ONU, al Vaticano…
[Cómo AllatRa llevó la pseudociencia del apocalipsis a los centros de poderEn parlamentos, en TikTok y en cumbres de la COP, AllatRa difunde la afirmación de que los gases de efecto invernadero no son la causa principal de la crisis climáticaopenDemocracyJulián Reingold](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cambio-climatico-allatra-secta-apocalipsis-rusia-maga-trump-ucrania-desinformacion/)
En **España**, y ahora también en el Reino Unido, las autoridades se plantean **prohibir el uso de redes sociales a menores de 16 años**. Se habla de adicción, de horas muertas, de depresión y de peligrosas derivas hacia discursos de odio. Todo eso puede ser cierto, de hecho, lo es.
Pero, ¿están pensando las autoridades imponer a las grandes tecnológicas **reglas de juego menos tóxicas**? ¿Están pensando qué espacios van a ofrecer a esos niños, niñas y adolescentes para reemplazar las **maratones frente al teléfono móvil**?
¿Está pensando el mundo adulto cómo desmanteló la vida social del “ahí afuera”: jugar en la vereda, ir caminando a la escuela o pasar horas sobre el pasto del parque mirando el cielo? ¿Están pensando padres y madres en su propia, y avergonzada, adicción a las pantallas?
Estas y otras preguntas incómodas lanza nuestra Editora de Noticias, **Indra Warnes**, en su imperdible columna de esta semana.
[Prohibimos las redes sociales, ok. ¿Y ahora qué?Si las autoridades del Reino Unido se toman en serio reducir las horas de pantalla, deben reconstruir los espacios y servicios juveniles que han desmanteladoopenDemocracyIndra Warnes](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/podemos-prohibir-las-redes-sociales-pero-igual-tenemos-que-reconstruir-lo-social/)
Si llegaste hasta acá, gracias por leernos, y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Podemos prohibir las redes sociales, pero igual tenemos que reconstruir lo social
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/podemos-prohibir-las-redes-sociales-pero-igual-tenemos-que-reconstruir-lo-social/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:42.000Z
"Por Dios, qué terrible la adicción que tienen todos estos chicos", pienso mientras *escroleo* otro vídeo de un adolescente desolado ante la inminente prohibición de las redes sociales para menores de 16 años. "Es terriblemente preocupante la total dependencia que tienen con los móviles", reflexiono, mientras descarto la notificación de mis cuatro horas diarias de pantalla.
El gobierno de Gran Bretaña anunció que va a establecer la prohibición en las próximas semanas, y que la medida [recibió un apoyo de 90%](https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmers-social-media-ban-for-under-16s-could-backfire-experts-warn/) en una consulta a la población sobre cómo mejorar el relacionamiento de niñas, niños y adolescentes con sus teléfonos. Se recibieron más de 116.000 respuestas de ciudadanos, organizaciones activistas y grandes tecnológicas.
Los analistas están de mi lado, por supuesto. "Por eso precisamente se prohibió", escribe un adulto en un vídeo que otro adulto ha grabado y publicado en Internet, en el que se ve a su hijo de 11 años lloriqueando por la prohibición. "De hecho, cambié de opinión, está muy claro que esto es necesario", interviene un tercer adulto.
En total, 65.000 personas adultas dieron ‘Me gusta’ a esos dos comentarios y casi 100.000 personas dieron ‘Me gusta’ al vídeo. Todas están muy bien adaptadas. Ninguna mantiene una relación parasocial con el dispositivo que lleva en el bolsillo, que la sigue hasta la cama, al baño, a la cola de la farmacia, y que siempre está ahí, en el sofá, en el autobús, en la mesa del bar, esperando para llenar cualquier momento de aburrimiento, de silencio o de reflexión.
Sí, es cierto que estos adultos están viendo este vídeo en TikTok, pero es diferente porque pueden borrar la aplicación en cualquier momento. Ahora mismo no quieren hacerlo, pero pueden. Quizá la semana que viene.
Las reacciones infantiles resultan impactantes e incómodas porque nos vemos reflejados en ellas. Esperamos estar menos llenos de angustia y ser más capaces de regular nuestras emociones, pero sus respuestas nos sirven de espejo a todos.
En otro vídeo de TikTok que veo – el grupo demográfico más numeroso y activo de esta aplicación en el Reino Unido es mi generación, los de entre 25 y 34 años –, la diputada liberal demócrata Jess Brown-Fuller graba a su hijo de seis años, afligido por la prohibición. "Es muy duro", dice el niño, cuyo rostro no hace falta ver para saber que está llorando. "Ver YouTube es mi forma de relajarme".
No creo que ningún padre o madre deba publicar en Internet el sufrimiento de su hijo o hija – y los niños de estos vídeos están visiblemente angustiados –, pero entiendo la intención que hay detrás. "Miren lo que hemos hecho", gritan estos vídeos. "Miren lo que tenemos que detener".
Pero la realidad es que muchos adultos están pidiendo a los niños que renuncien precisamente a eso de lo que ellos mismos dependen, luego de años de eliminar casi todas las alternativas.
El año pasado, el medio estadounidense [The Atlantic](https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/08/kids-smartphones-play-freedom/683742/?ref=opendemocracy.net) encargó y publicó un estudio con más de 500 niños y niñas de 8 a 12 años, en el que más del 75% decían que preferían pasar el rato con sus amigos en persona, que en forma virtual. "Estar pegados a sus pantallas es su opción por defecto, pero no lo que desean", concluyeron los autores.
Las chicas y chicos querían salir a jugar, pero no se les permitía; más de una cuarta parte dijeron que ni siquiera podían jugar en el jardín de su casa sin la presencia de una madre o padre. "Los niños siempre tienen más horas libres de las que los adultos pueden supervisar, una brecha que ahora llenan los dispositivos", dice el estudio. “Sal a jugar” se cambió, calladamente, por “conéctate a internet”.
Al mismo tiempo, los niños están más deprimidos. En 2012 – menos de una década después del lanzamiento de YouTube, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, Facebook y otras plataformas de redes sociales – empezaron a aumentar las tasas de problemas de salud mental en adolescentes [del Reino Unido](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33941129/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y de [Estados Unidos](https://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/releases/abn-abn0000410.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), que venían siendo estables desde inicios de la década de 2000.[ ](https://www.health.org.uk/features-and-opinion/blogs/teen-depression?ref=opendemocracy.net)
[Muchos](https://www.health.org.uk/features-and-opinion/blogs/teen-depression?ref=opendemocracy.net)[ expertos](https://childmind.org/article/is-social-media-use-causing-depression/?ref=opendemocracy.net) relacionan este fenómeno con el hecho de que los jóvenes pasan más tiempo con los dispositivos y menos con sus amigos y amigas.
La prohibición de las redes sociales es una escapatoria, una forma cobarde que tiene un gobierno acorralado de decir que está abordando un problema sin hacer realmente lo único que podría aportar una solución significativa: obligar a los ejecutivos de las grandes tecnológicas a convertir sus plataformas de redes sociales en lugares menos repugnantes, violentos y adictivos.
Pero si este es el camino que eligen las autoridades – y parece ser que así es –, no pueden limitarse a prohibir las redes sociales y esperar que la vida adolescente mejore por sí sola. Para que los adolescentes pasen menos tiempo en línea, necesitan otro lugar adonde ir.
El gasto de los ayuntamientos en servicios para jóvenes en Inglaterra [cayó 76% desde 2010](https://ymca.org.uk/local-authority-funding-for-youth-services-sees-biggest-annual-cut-in-almost-a-decade-new-ymca-analysis-reveals/?ref=opendemocracy.net), cuando el gobierno conservador de David Cameron asumió el poder y comenzó a introducir medidas de austeridad.
En 2023, se habían cerrado unos 1.200 centros juveniles de gestión pública, según reveló[ un estudio de UNISON](https://unison.org.uk/news/2024/06/closure-of-more-than-a-thousand-youth-centres-could-have-lasting-impact-on-society?ref=opendemocracy.net). Hoy en día, bajo el gobierno laborista de Keir Starmer, la situación sigue empeorando. En el ejercicio fiscal 2024/25, el número de centros juveniles gestionados por autoridades locales se redujo de 429 a 379, y se produjo la mayor caída anual en la financiación municipal destinada a servicios juveniles en una década, según [un informe publicado por la YMCA](https://ymca.org.uk/local-authority-funding-for-youth-services-sees-biggest-annual-cut-in-almost-a-decade-new-ymca-analysis-reveals/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en febrero.
El informe señala que estos recortes no se sienten por igual en todo el país. En West Midlands, la región con la tasa más alta de pobreza infantil de Gran Bretaña – que afecta a[ más de un tercio de los niños](https://endchildpoverty.org.uk/child-poverty-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net) –, los ayuntamientos gastaron 25,74 libras (unos 34 dólares) en servicios juveniles por cada menor de 5 a 17 años en 2024/25\. Mientras, los ayuntamientos del centro de Londres gastaron una media de 100,88 libras (133 dólares) por niño o niña.
A medida que se cerraban los centros juveniles, se diezmaban también otros espacios. Según los informes, entre 2010 y 2019 se cerraron casi 800 bibliotecas municipales; una investigación de la BBC publicada el año pasado reveló que seguimos perdiendo una media de [40 bibioltecas al año](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cvg117gdky1o?ref=opendemocracy.net). Ni siquiera los parques son ya lugares seguros para los adolescentes. Una ley de 2014 sobre conducta antisocial y delincuencia otorga a los agentes policiales la facultad de dispersar de los espacios públicos a cualquier joven o grupo de jóvenes que, a su juicio, cause molestias.
Durante el fin de semana festivo de finales del mes pasado, los agentes de Nottinghamshire identificaron a 34 jóvenes por comportamiento antisocial en un parque local, [23 de los cuales fueron "dispersados" y devueltos a sus padres](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cz625qy2l5qo?ref=opendemocracy.net) con cartas de advertencia en las que se les recordaba que sus hijos eran su responsabilidad.
"Son problema de ustedes", dicen las autoridades a los padres. "Manténganlos en casa". Pero, por favor, no los dejen usar el móvil.
### If he becomes PM, Andy Burnham must be honest about UK defence budget
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/if-he-becomes-pm-andy-burnham-must-be-honest-about-uk-defence-budget/
Last updated: 2026-07-07T09:08:55.000Z
Adding to the current turmoil in UK politics is the issue of military spending. Last week, it cost Keir Starmer his defence minister, and it will likely help precipitate Andy Burnham’s arrival in Downing Street, which is now near-certain within months.
When he enters No 10, Burnham will be under considerable pressure to increase defence spending, but will also face plenty of opposition to that from those who feel the money would be better spent on social needs. How he responds will reveal whether Burnham intends to be a “more of the same” Labour government or is able to stimulate the new thinking on people’s security that is so badly needed.
Military spending is increasing across the world, and although the UK’s military budget is much smaller than those of the United States and China, it is still very much part of a cluster of middle-ranking states that includes Germany and India.
Yet there is an additional factor when it comes to the UK – like France, it still has delusions of imperial grandeur even half a century after the end of empire. As the [Financial Times](https://www.ft.com/content/c5af5ea9-b40f-4d4d-b428-4693a8eb1906??ref=opendemocracy.net)put it: “For decades, Britain has sought to maintain the military of a great power on the budget of a medium-sized one.”
Part of these delusions involves trying to maintain a global presence through costly aircraft carriers. Another is holding on to nuclear arsenals, which, in Britain’s case, consume close to a fifth of the entire military budget – likely rising to nearly a quarter in the next decade.
[Labour Reset 2026 - openDemocracyIn this ongoing series, experts weigh-in on how the government must reset after disastrous local election resultsopenDemocracyEmma Pickering](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tag/labour-reset-2026/)
In short, the UK is trying to do much more than it can afford, a problem compounded by a grinding bureaucracy, frequent cost overruns and failures of new equipment. If Burnham becomes PM, he will therefore have plenty to wrestle with on defence spending, but two factors should overshadow all others: the West’s recent failed wars and the greatest single challenge facing everyone, accelerating climate breakdown. Confronting both is essential if the UK is to have a rational approach to international security, but neither is remotely given the space it deserves.
Take the failed wars. First came Afghanistan after 9/11 back in 2001, where the Taliban regime seemed defeated within months, but instead we got 20 years of conflict, ending with the US’s chaotic retreat from Kabul in 2021 and a resurgent Taliban taking power.
Then there was the war in Iraq, which started in 2003\. The Saddam Hussein regime collapsed in a matter of weeks, and victory seemed in sight, but the conflict evolved into a complex interconfessional war that greatly increased Iran’s influence and lasted eight years.
In 2011, Franco-British involvement in the fall of Gaddafi in Libya left a deeply divided and unstable state that rapidly served as a channel for Islamist paramilitaries between the Middle East and the Sahel region of the Sahara. That helped boost years of insurgencies and political violence in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Chad, Nigeria and elsewhere, which continue and also link to the conflict in Somalia.
In parallel with that came the resurgence of the paramilitary ISIS, leading to the West’s 2014-2018 air war across Iraq and Syria, which killed more than 60,000 people, many of them non-combatants.
Other Western wars in which the UK has been variably involved include the ongoing disaster in Gaza. There, the Israeli military has destroyed towns and cities and left 75,000 people dead and at least 10,000 missing under the rubble, yet it cannot suppress Hamas. Neither can it bomb Hezbollah to defeat in southern Lebanon.
Meanwhile, Donald Trump’s regime in Washington has been forced to accept that the combined US/Israel war against Iran cannot be won and a negotiated settlement is the only way forward.
At the very least, all the political and military failures of recent decades support the view that if war is the answer, then it is a stupid question.
War also has little relevance to the second security challenge, that of global climate breakdown. The term ‘existential threat’ may be seriously overused, but climate breakdown is an exception; it really is a huge global challenge that requires an unprecedented intergovernmental collaboration.
The signs of climate stress are already clear, as is the recognition that we are approaching especially dangerous tipping points, such as the potentially catastrophic collapse of AMOC (Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation) – the vast system of ocean currents that underpins the regulation of our current global climate by moving heat from the south northwards.
While time is now short, it is still technically possible to move to the rapid decarbonisation of fossil carbon use and the UK, with all its wealth in renewable energy resources, could play a hugely important role.
Indeed, one of Burnham’s first acts in Downing Street should be to reallocate funding from defence to speed up the renewables transition, and bolster these efforts with funding obtained by getting serious about tax evasion and avoidance and increasing government borrowing. More generally, Burnham must accept that the neoliberal economic model cannot handle the change required, given that ‘intergovernmental collaboration’ is a dirty phrase.
Don’t hold your breath. But if Burnham did grasp that particular nettle, it would be the making of him as a prime minister.
### ‘Direct action is not terrorism’: Filton 25 on the sentencing of Palestine Action defendants
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/terrorism-palestine-action-filton-25-protest-activists/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:51.000Z
As Justice Jeremy Johnson sentenced her to six years in prison last Friday, Leona Kamio spoke from the dock: “In order to hear the birds, the drones must be silent.”
The line was adapted from a passage by Palestinian poet Marwan Makhoul: “In order for me to write poetry that isn’t political, I must listen to the birds. And in order to hear the birds, the warplanes must be silent.”
Thirty-year-old Kamio is one of four Palestine Action defendants convicted of criminal damage during a protest at Elbit Systems’ Filton site in August 2024\. Although the four had not been charged with terrorism offences and were not convicted of terrorism by a jury, Justice Johnson ruled their offences had had a “terrorism connection” and sentenced them as such.
Samuel Corner, 23, who was convicted of criminal damage and grievous bodily harm against a police officer, was sentenced to eight years and eight months in prison. Like Kamio, 29-year-old Charlotte Head was sentenced to six years. Fatema Zainab Rajwani, 21, received five years and eight months.
In the wake of their sentencing, openDemocracy spoke to lisa minerva luxx, of the Filton 25 Defence Committee, which supports the defendants and prisoners, coordinates public campaigns and media, and works with legal teams.
In the following interview, luxx explained how the judge’s finding of a “terrorism connection” will affect the defendants for the rest of their lives, and how it marks a major escalation in the state’s treatment of direct action and Palestine solidarity protest.
The Filton 25 Defence Committee said the four “destroyed over 40 Israeli weapons, including killer drones” and argued that “by taking direct action, they saved lives. That is not terrorism, it is a duty.” The committee says the ruling will be appealed.
This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity. luxx sets out the defence committee’s allegations about the relationship between the Filton case, the proscription of Palestine Action and the use of terrorism powers against direct action protesters.
**Can you spell out what the terrorism finding means in practice for the defendants? How does it affect time served, release, licence conditions, prison categorisation, notification requirements and their lives after prison?**
Whilst in prison, they will be categorised as Category A high-risk prisoners, which many prisons struggle to process due to the extra regulations around access to work, single-cell occupancy – to reduce contact with other prisoners lest they radicalise them – and involvement from Prevent, the UK government’s counter-extremism programme.
It also includes increased security, which will affect the post they are given and books they are permitted to read.
They have to spend two-thirds of their sentence imprisoned before being eligible for parole. But parole for Terrorism Act sentences is incredibly rare, and the defendant must denounce their political beliefs to be granted parole.
Once released on licence, they will have really strict and repressive conditions until the end of their sentence – potentially limiting who they can see, where they can go, whether they can attend meetings or protests, and how they use phones or the internet. These are often arbitrary and ridiculous, designed to be impossible to adhere to.
After that, they then go on “notification”, where they are obliged to register phone numbers, emails, car registration, travel and bank details – and any new details of all of those – for 15 years. Fatema Zainab will only be allowed to attend a mosque chosen by the police, and she will be prohibited from socialising there.
If the defendants fail to keep up with any of these requirements, they could be sent back to prison for a further five years.
**Protest outside Woolwich Crown Court on 12 June 2026\. Martin Pope/Getty Images*
**The defendants were not charged with terrorism offences and the jury did not convict them of terrorism. What are your main due process concerns about a judge applying a terrorist connection at sentencing?**
Judge Johnson secured the terrorism connection finding in order to prop up the proscription of Palestine Action. At the preparatory hearing for the “terrorism link”, he allowed “influencing the government of Israel” as a factor that satisfied the test for a terrorism connection. This is contrary to the legislation, which indicates that “influencing the government” means the British government or an intergovernmental body, such as the UN.
Influencing the Israeli government was the crux of the argument for the terrorism connection hanging over the case. The backbone of that argument was: “If you are destroying a weapon, you are influencing that government by preventing them from using that weapon.”
Yet at sentencing, he pivoted to make it about the British government. This ultimately satisfied the Home Office’s appeal for the proscription of Palestine Action, which was announced only three days later.
On top of this, he allowed for Elbit employees and employees of arms companies to constitute a “section of the public” so as to satisfy the test for a terrorism connection. I don’t think I need to explain how dystopian it is to refer to weapons-makers as a legitimate “section of the public” who could be victims of intimidation.
As most people know, Johnson did not allow the defendants to tell the jury that they were facing being sentenced as terrorists, which, of course, would have made it a much different decision for them to make.
In fact, throughout the whole case, he undermined the role of the jury, in effect deciding on matters which were for the jury to decide – principles of immediacy, value judgements, and reasonableness.
**What is your response to the court’s framing of the action as intended to intimidate the government or Elbit, rather than as protest or direct action against alleged British complicity in Israeli war crimes? What context do you think was excluded or misunderstood?**
Direct action for Palestine Action was a means of bypassing the government and going directly to the source.
One quote that the movement used throughout training was by anthropologist and activist David Graeber: “Protest is begging the powers that be to dig a well, direct action is digging the well and daring them to stop you.”
That quote was circulated in court, as it was included in training documents for the group, which were part of the evidence served by the prosecution.
Every single defendant spoke about having exhausted all democratic means, so turning to direct action to do the job themselves and stop the flow of weapons.
Judge Johnson did not misunderstand this. He manipulated the defendants’ closing speeches and defence statements to fit a narrative that ran counter to the entire case presented in court up to that point.
**What precedent does this set for the remaining Filton defendants, Palestine Action cases more broadly, and other direct action or protest movements in Britain? Are you already seeing prosecutors or police lean on this ruling?**
We are yet to see the effects of this and, at present, cannot comment on how it affects the rest of the Filton defendants.
However, to illuminate the wider picture, we need to look at the timeline leading up to both the Filton arrests and the proscription of Palestine Action. Two months before the Filton action, a meeting took place that included the Crown Prosecution Service and Counter Terrorism. [They discussed proscribing Palestine Action](https://www.declassifieduk.org/revealed-how-britain-weaponised-terrorism-laws-against-activists/?ref=opendemocracy.net), but identified that they couldn’t proscribe the group without first proving the group was “concerned in terrorism”. In order to do this, they needed to secure some arrests under the Terrorism Act for actionists.
Then the Filton 25 arrests took place. As it transpired, the investigating officer on the case was also part of the review group for proscription. So, we say, the same officer was involved in both the criminal investigation of the Filton defendants and the process of building the case to ban Palestine Action. Judge Johnson should have acknowledged this at the abuse of process hearing in November 2025.
This entire case has been manufactured by the Home Office in order to appease the Zionist lobby and Israel’s weapons manufacturers. The use of the terrorism connection was a means of securing convictions that would satisfy the proscription.
The Filton 25 have been used as political pawns in the British government’s war against Palestine Action. Therefore, the main precedent we need to worry about here is the collusion between parties that should be entirely independent from one another when it comes to the prosecution of those effectively taking action for Palestine.
We are facing an entire establishment that, after years of meetings with the Israeli ambassador to the UK, the CEO of Elbit Systems UK, and members of the Knesset (the Israeli parliament), is now doubling down on its unlawful tactics to disturb the functioning of a movement.
A free pass has been granted to use the terrorism link to satiate political bias. We expect to see more actionists imprisoned under the Terrorism Act, but we will fight this all the way.
**What are the immediate legal next steps after Friday’s ruling? Are you planning to appeal the sentence, the ‘terrorist connection’ finding, the conviction, or all three – and what grounds do you think are strongest?**
The lawyers will be submitting an appeal on the “terrorist connection” and conviction, but not the sentencing.
We will be sharing full announcements in the next 10 days.
### We can ban social media, but we still need to rebuild society
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/starmer-social-media-ban-still-need-to-rebuild-society-youth-clubs-children-teenagers/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:54.000Z
Gosh, isn’t it terrible how addicted all these children are, I think as I scroll through yet another video of a devastated teenager being interviewed about the impending social media ban for under-16s. Their total reliance on their phones really is very concerning, I muse, swiping away a notification about my four hours of daily screen time.
The commenters are on my side, of course. “This is exactly why it was banned,” writes one grown adult on a video that another grown adult has filmed and posted online of their 11-year-old child sobbing over the ban. “Oh actually I suddenly changed my mind, this is very clearly needed,” chimes in a third grown adult.
In total, 65,000 grown adults have liked those two comments. Almost 100,000 have liked the video. But they are all very well-adjusted. None of them is in a parasocial relationship with the device that lives in their pocket, which follows them into bed, into the bathroom, the queue at the pharmacy, and is always there on the sofa, the bus, the pub table – waiting to fill any moment of boredom, of silence, of thinking. Yes, it’s true that these adults are watching this video on TikTok, but it’s different because they could delete the app anytime. They don’t want to right now, but they could. Just one more hit. Maybe next week.
The children’s reactions are confronting and uncomfortable because we see ourselves in them. We hope we are less full of angst and better able to regulate our emotions, but their responses hold a mirror up to us all. In another TikTok video I watch – the app’s largest and most active demographic in the UK is my generation, 25- to 34-year-olds – Liberal Democrat MP Jess Brown-Fuller films her six-year-old’s upset over the ban. “It’s just hard,” says the child, whose face you don’t need to be able to see to know that they are crying. Watching YouTube is how I relax, they say.
I don’t think any parent should post their child’s distress online – and the children in these videos are clearly distressed – but I understand the intention behind doing so. ‘Look what we’ve done,’ these videos shout. ‘Look what we have to stop.’ Yet the fact is that many adults are asking children to give up the very thing they themselves are dependent on, having spent years removing almost every alternative.
Last year, [the Atlantic](https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/08/kids-smartphones-play-freedom/683742/?ref=opendemocracy.net) commissioned and published a study of more than 500 eight- to 12-year-olds in the US, finding that more than 75% would prefer to hang out with their friends in-person, rather than virtually. “Being glued to their screens is their default but not their desire,” the [authors concluded](https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ZS%5F%5FvMb5tMC8lxIL9HfKAlnvYnvcQ0-2Z3j-0Wasmh0/edit?tab=t.0&ref=opendemocracy.net). The children wanted to be out playing, but they weren’t allowed; more than a quarter said they couldn’t even play in their front garden without a parent present. “Kids will always have more spare hours than adults can supervise – a gap that devices now fill,” the authors wrote. “‘Go outside’ has been quietly replaced with ‘Go online.’”
At the same time, children have become more depressed than ever. Around 2012 – less than a decade after the launch of YouTube, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, Facebook and many other social media platforms – rates of poor mental health began to rise in teenagers in both [the UK](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33941129/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [the US](https://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/releases/abn-abn0000410.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), having been stable throughout the early 2000s. [Many](https://www.health.org.uk/features-and-opinion/blogs/teen-depression?ref=opendemocracy.net) [experts](https://childmind.org/article/is-social-media-use-causing-depression/?ref=opendemocracy.net) have linked this phenomenon to young people spending more time on devices and less with friends.
This social media ban is a cop-out, a craven way for an embattled government to say it’s tackling a problem without actually doing the only thing that would meaningfully solve it: forcing Big Tech bosses to make their social media platforms less vile, violent, and addictive places to be. But if this is the route that ministers are taking, and it seems that they are, then they can’t just ban social media and expect young people’s lives to suddenly improve. If teens are to spend less time online, they need somewhere else to go.
Council spending on youth services in England has [fallen by 76% since 2010/11](https://ymca.org.uk/local-authority-funding-for-youth-services-sees-biggest-annual-cut-in-almost-a-decade-new-ymca-analysis-reveals/?ref=opendemocracy.net), when David Cameron’s Conservative government took office and began ushering in austerity measures. As of 2023, about 1,200 publicly run youth centres had closed, [research by UNISON](https://unison.org.uk/news/2024/06/closure-of-more-than-a-thousand-youth-centres-could-have-lasting-impact-on-society?ref=opendemocracy.net) found. Today, under Keir Starmer’s Labour government, the situation is getting worse still. The 2024/25 financial year saw the number of local authority-run youth centres fall from 429 to 379, and the largest annual drop in councils’ funding for youth services in a decade, according to [a report published by the YMCA](https://ymca.org.uk/local-authority-funding-for-youth-services-sees-biggest-annual-cut-in-almost-a-decade-new-ymca-analysis-reveals/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in February.
The report finds that these cuts are not being felt equally across the country. In the West Midlands, the region with the highest rate of child poverty in Britain, affecting [more than a third of children](https://endchildpoverty.org.uk/child-poverty-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net), councils spent £25.74 on youth services for each child aged five to 17 in 2024/25\. Inner London councils, meanwhile, spent an average of £100.88 per child.
And as youth centres have been shuttered, third spaces have been decimated. Almost 800 council-run libraries were reportedly closed between 2010 and 2019; a BBC investigation published last year found we’re still losing an average of [40 a year](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cvg117gdky1o?ref=opendemocracy.net). Even parks aren’t safe places for teens anymore; the Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 gave police officers the power to disperse any teenagers and youth groups whom they judge to be causing a nuisance from public spaces.
During the bank holiday weekend at the end of last month, officers in Nottinghamshire identified 34 young people as being anti-social in one local park, [23 of whom were ‘dispersed’ and returned to their parents](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cz625qy2l5qo?ref=opendemocracy.net) with warning letters reminding them that their child is their responsibility.
They’re your problem, the authorities tell parents. Keep them at home. But for god’s sake, don’t let them on their phones.
[Keir Starmer’s social media ban for under-16s could backfire, experts warnCritics accuse embattled prime minister of rushing plans that will have consequences for surveillance and privacyopenDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmers-social-media-ban-for-under-16s-could-backfire-experts-warn/)
### Burnham promises change. Manchester suggests continuity
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/burnham-promises-change-manchester-suggests-continuity/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:01:58.000Z
One thing seems clear from the result in Makerfield: Andy Burnham, not Labour, won this by-election. While national polls show the party is down around 20 points on the 2024 vote, Burnham improved on the previous Makerfield result. For all the speculation that a surge in support for the far-right Restore Party could hand Burnham a win by splitting the right, the combined total for Reform, Restore and the Conservatives – remember them? – would still have fallen short of Burnham’s voteshare.
Elected as Labour MP for Makerfield, his rapid ascent to No 10 now seems all but guaranteed. If it wasn’t already the case, this result means he could waltz blindfolded through a leadership contest, which in turn means there may not need to be one. Keir Starmer has already indicated he will stand in a leadership contest, but there will be serious attempts to persuade him against this, particularly due to the scale of Burnham’s victory. If Starmer doesn’t stand, other would-be challengers like Wes Streeting will likely conclude their careers are better served seeking a good job in Burnham’s cabinet than trying to take him on in a contest.
That this outcome would save the Labour Party and its MPs from any number of indignities – not least the poor loyalists who’d be press-ganged onto Starmer’s campaign – makes it more likely. That many Labour MPs are pathologically inclined toward self-defeating drama and bloody-minded factionalism, however, shifts the odds significantly in the other direction, so it’s a toss up.
There’s also the small matter of a Manchester mayoral by-election to wade through – thoughts and prayers to the region’s beleaguered activists – which could delay things further. This will take place on 30 July and will likely be a much tighter contest than Makerfield – the Green Party has been quietly working on a campaign which will launch in the coming days. Starmer has already called for the party’s focus to be there in the wake of this by-election, which is understandable, given the alternative is to focus on dragging him out of No10 as soon as possible.
And there are conflicting reports on Burham’s plans: earlier this week ‘allies’ told the FT that Burnham will give Starmer “space” to resign, and separately told The Times that he could use his acceptance speech to challenge the PM directly. He stopped just short of that, and at time of writing on Friday morning Burnham was yet to announce his next move. It is a question of when, not if.
Either way, then, Burnham is highly likely to be prime minister when he arrives at the Labour Party conference in Liverpool in September, or at the latest, in its immediate aftermath. He’ll then be afforded a period of good grace, both by his party and by the country. The former’s goodwill will be longer than the latter’s, but neither will last especially lengthy – perhaps a few months. And what happens next will largely depend on what Burnhamism, or Manchesterism, looks like when applied at the national level.
Looking from the outside, as mayor of a northern city region, Burnham was cast as a political upstart, defined against capital-W Westminster. He has tapped into a sense shared across not just the north but basically everywhere outside a few pockets of London and the south-east, that Britain is ruled by an elite that does not care or really even think about the rest of the country.
In political terms, this translates to a sense that Burnham wants to rebalance power and control of the economy in the UK, geographically away from London and, in terms of control, toward the public.
His high-profile move to bring Greater Manchester’s bus network into public control has rightly been praised, and he has spoken throughout the campaign about the need for similar programmes at a national level, as well as a broader programme of bringing public assets and services under public control – though he has not set out plans for public *ownership* of these assets as anything more than a long-term ambition, if at all.
As prime minister, Burnham will have an entirely different relationship to the centre of power than during his mayoralty. And if his dominion becomes Great Britain, rather than Greater Manchester, he may see the City of London’s role to the rest of the country in the same way he saw that of central Manchester to the rest of the region.
In Greater Manchester, the city centre has been supercharged hand-in-hand with private capital, which has driven growth for the region as a whole; masking the ongoing trend of decline in the suburban, deindustrialising peripheries with [private developer-led growth in the urban core](https://sheffield.ac.uk/crafic/research/manchester-centripetal-city?ref=opendemocracy.net). Viewed in this light, Manchesterism looks less like the end of the neoliberal status quo – [as Burnham has described it](https://x.com/AndyBurnhamGM/status/2056452358809285006?ref=opendemocracy.net) – and more like a continuation, as an end would surely require some form of a break with private finance and mass-rentierism.
This would seem in a major respect to situate his approach to the economy pretty closely to that of the current administration, of which a partnership with big finance,and the commensurate policies of derisking and deregulating to attract international capital, have been underappreciated and consistent aspects.
Economist Daniela Gabor described Starmer’s approach as letting BlackRock rebuild Britain. Looking to Manchester, where the private equity giant has recently partnered with the regional pension fund to invest £1bn in NHS property, and where much of the city’s towering skyline was funded by the sector, would suggest that Burnham will let them carry on the job.
### ‘We need better’: Our readers’ thoughts on social media ban for under-16s
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/readers-thoughts-social-media-ban-for-under-16s/
Last updated: 2026-06-19T10:01:21.000Z
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves. Each week, we share some of the most thought-provoking comments from our readers.
Send us your thoughts for next week’s round-up by replying directly to any of our emails or commenting on our articles or [Instagram posts](https://www.instagram.com/open%5Fdemocracy/?hl=en&ref=opendemocracy.net).
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
## **Re: Weekly Poll:** [**Is banning social media for under-16s a good idea?** ](https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmers-social-media-ban-for-under-16s-could-backfire-experts-warn/)
I believe a total ban on social media until the platforms can fix all of the issues. As each comes up with a solution it can be readmitted ***–Roy and Ginny via email***
It is of no benefit to ban anything… What will work is to provide ourselves with fulfilling occupations and recreations. ***–June via email***
I can see both sides of this argument. I was listening to something on the radio which was talking about the benefits to some young people of social media, of feeling connected to friends. But it seems this sometimes came at a price of spending time with family.
A simple policy that would help here would be for a time limit on social media for under-16s. So the sites would be limited to allowing, say, two hours a day logged in (to pluck a number out of the air), and then would show someone as being unavailable due to timeout. If that was a legal requirement, then it would be a level playing field for all social media, it would not be the 'fault of parents' so wouldn't inflame disputes within families, and would actually raise the value of time spent on social media – time would be more likely to be spent with friends, rather than other less socially healthy things.
This is just a quick idea that occurred to me within a minute or two of hearing some specific issues arising from social media. I am a UX designer and software developer, so designing software systems is native territory to me, but the debate could really do with some more nuanced solutions to more specific problems rather than just a yes/no ban or don't ban.
The fact that the government can't seem to think of any of these ideas shows a remarkable lack of imagination on their part. So, is banning social media a good idea? No, it's a lazy idea. We need better. ***–Pete via email***
Keir Starmer is only rushing into this ban to try and deflect from the Makerfield by-election and the possible chance that Andy Burnham will become PM. He had previously rejected it earlier in the year but the aforementioned by-election has changed everything. ***–Mick via email***
## **Re:** [**Inside the Palestine Action trial that could redefine protest as terrorism**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-palestine-action-trial-that-could-redefine-protest-as-terrorism/)
Dear prime minister, why are the decent people who rightly protest the genocide in Gaza having their lives destroyed? Tommy Robinson and Nigel Farage are people you might more justly call troublemakers/terrorists. Nothing is being done about them as far as I can see. ***–John via email***
The only terrorism is that of this government and the judge who 'made' the 'link'. ***–Bob via email***
Shame on us. Shame on British judges. Shame on our so-called independent judiciary integrity. –***Abdul via email***
## **Re:** [**Andy Burnham’s promises of ‘growth’ rely on real investment in social care**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnhams-promises-of-growth-rely-on-real-investment-in-social-care/)
This is great stuff but as for a possible PM Burnham achieving “UK” growth through social care, this is devolved in Scotland where I live. Apart from the fact that Burnham would have no social care remit in Scotland, I personally would have no expectation that he would ever adopt such a strategy for England. The Labour party has been gutted and sold its soul to the highest bidders. Keep up the good work, heaven knows we need it! ***–Eddie via email***
### Inside the doomsday ‘cult’ spreading climate disinformation to global leaders
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/climate-change-allatra-cult-doomsday-russia-maga-trump-ukraine-disinformation/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:12:54.000Z
Earlier this year, a conference was held in the European Parliament to discuss the dangers of nanoplastics. Such an event would not be unusual, were it not for its co-host: a “religious cult” that predicts humanity will go extinct by 2036.
Founded in Ukraine in 2014 and now headquartered in the US, AllatRa presents itself as “a volunteer-driven initiative” studying the climate crisis and natural disasters. Yet its publications advance a radically different explanation for climate change than the scientific consensus. According to reports published by the group, the principal threat comes not from greenhouse gas emissions, but plastic pollution – combined with an “external cosmic” phenomenon that it says takes place every 12,000 years.
In materials that were [removed from its website](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28258021-allatra-about-section/?ref=opendemocracy.net) soon after openDemocracy approached for comment, AllatRa warned that “humanity’s very existence could be at serious risk” due to a possible escalation of natural disasters within the next ten years. One [now-deleted report](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28239765-allatra-climate-report/?ref=opendemocracy.net) claimed that nanoplastics in the world’s oceans are preventing the Earth’s core from cooling, causing seismic activity that will rupture the Mariana Trench in the Pacific Ocean – Earth’s deepest point – and lead to a massive explosion that will destroy the Earth’s “atmosphere, oceans, and magnetic field”.
Screenshot of AllatRa ‘About’ section, now removed
While scientists have dismissed this narrative as pseudoscience, AllatRa has secured a remarkable degree of access to influential members of the global far-right. Since 2024, the organisation has been welcomed into the US Capitol, the European Parliament, the US Congress, UN meetings and the Vatican – allowing it to spread its ‘scientific findings’ to global audiences and leaders.
Experts warn that pseudoscientific narratives like AllatRa’s are part of a growing wave of climate disinformation that is diverting attention away from trying to tackle the real causes of climate change and undermining public understanding of the crisis.
“Plastic production is not currently seen as a centre stage as a driver of climate change,” Richard Thompson, a marine biology professor at the University of Plymouth, told openDemocracy. “The prediction of the science is that the contribution of plastics towards climate change could become more important in the future if the other drivers of climate change, such as burning of fossil fuels, are reduced. Saying that microplastics are already becoming a driver of climate instability is, in my view, an overstatement.”
AllatRa’s climate disinformation creates an “epistemological crisis that generates perception problems”, said Polish academic Patrycja Sasnal, a member of the [UN Human Rights Council Advisory Committee](https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/advisory-committee/about-ac?ref=opendemocracy.net) and a co-author of a [report](https://docs.un.org/en/A/HRC/61/68?ref=opendemocracy.net) about environmental disinformation.
“Disinformation exploits the nature of science: we know that climate change is man-made and we’re affected by it,” Sasnal told openDemocracy. “There’s always a political interest behind every disinformation campaign. We don’t have time anymore to check information, and doomsday disinformation causes anxiety.”
### **Inside the European Parliament**
In [a press release on its website](https://allatra.org/press-release/first-steps-toward-solution-nanoplastics-were-presented-european-parliament?ref=opendemocracy.net), AllatRa takes credit for co-hosting ‘Nanoplastics: Hidden connections and emerging risks’ in the European Parliament with far-right Czech MEP [Ondřej Knotek](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/197528/ONDREJ%5FKNOTEK/home?ref=opendemocracy.net) in February of this year.
The conference featured panels that mixed real scientists and members of AllatRa Global Research Centre, the organisation’s think tank.
AllatRa frequently uses real scientists to give legitimacy to its work, sometimes manipulating their opinions to do so. Experts featured in one AllatRa documentary released last year say their comments on plastic’s impact on planetary health were twisted to support its predetermined pseudoscientific conclusions, such as a correlation “between the rise in oceanic plastic concentrations and the warming of ocean waters”.
One of those experts was Thompson of the University of Plymouth, who told openDemocracy that correlation doesn't imply causality. “They \[AllatRa\] are splicing pieces of information together and reaching conclusions that are not supported by the science that sits behind them,” he said.
Another expert, Turkish marine biologist Sedat Gündoğdu, asked AllatRa to remove his interview from the documentary. “While it is true that they \[AllatRa\] have selectively highlighted studies addressing the potential risks of nanoplastics, it could perhaps be argued that they have disregarded research that raises questions about these risks”, he explained.
Gündoğdu also noted that AllatRa does not mention any mitigation strategies on plastic pollution, which adds confusion to its doomsday narrative. “Their so-called ‘papers’ on nanoplastics appear to be a simple summary of the existing literature – that is why I asked for my interview and involvement to be removed from the documentary,” he said.
Towards the end of the documentary, which is three hours and 20 minutes long, a section called “the age of intellectual extinction” claims that “our cognitive abilities are rapidly declining as a result of nanoplastics accumulating in our brains”.
Speaking to openDemocracy, Gündoğdu questioned the evidence for this claim. “Making such a baseless claim and then connecting it to nanoplastics is not scientific,” he said, later adding: “There are studies that link heavy metals and some persistent organic pollutants with cognitive capacity loss. However, in the light of our current knowledge, it is nonsense to establish a relationship between nanoplastics and what is claimed to be intellectual extinction.”
In a written statement to openDemocracy, AllatRa’s head of communications, partnerships and events, Valeria Smian, said that the language the organisation used in the film was “metaphorical and emphatic” and “intended to draw attention to a possible long-term neurological and cognitive dimension of micro- and nanoplastic exposure”.
Despite criticisms from the scientific community, AllatRa continues to disseminate climate disinformation. Posting a [summary](https://allatra.org/press-release/first-steps-toward-solution-nanoplastics-were-presented-european-parliament?ref=opendemocracy.net) of a discussion that took place at the European conference on its website, the organisation said: “Knotek \[the Czech MEP\] reiterated that the problem of micro- and nanoplastics is politically ignored because it is not directly visible and at the same time undermines existing ideological frameworks, such as the interpretation of climate change closely linked to fossil fuels.”
It continued: “According to him, politicians are reluctant to change their positions because doing so would mean admitting that they did not tell the whole truth in the past, and they would risk losing support. \[Knotek\] noted that while in the business environment, adjusting strategy is a natural response to new findings, in politics, changing course is often perceived as a loss.” A copy of this press release was saved in a [publicly available cloud](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28277511-nanoplastics-conference-at-the-european-parliament-organized-by-mep-ondrej-knotek-and-allatra-grc/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
While some MEPs made official complaints about the decision to platform AllatRa in the European Parliament, the body that oversees parliamentary administration found “no sufficient grounds to conduct an investigation”, according to [Politico](https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-parliament-event-group-pro-russia-sect-believes-aliens-walk-among-us/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
“It is no accident that the far right opens the door for this pseudo-scientific theatre. Sowing doubt about established science is their business model, and the Patriots are happy to hand over a parliamentary room to do it”, German MEP [Michael Bloss](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/197449/MICHAEL%5FBLOSS/home?ref=opendemocracy.net), member of the European Parliament’s Greens Group, told openDemocracy. Bloss was referring to Knotek’s far-right cross-country [Patriots Group](https://patriots.eu/parties/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which also includes politicians from Rassemblement National in France, Fidesz in Hungary, and Vox in Spain.
A European Parliament spokesperson told openDemocracy that the conference “was not an official EP event”, and “MEPs, political groups, and the EP secretariat organise events each year”.
### **A message from Trump**
One speaker at the event in the European Parliament was American evangelical pastor [Mark Burns](https://allatra.org/global-voice/pastor-mark-burns-standing-allatra-volunteers?ref=opendemocracy.net), who describes himself as a “spiritual advisor to President Donald J. Trump”. It was not the first time Burns and AllatRa had met in a key legislature this year – they also co-hosted two conferences in the US Capitol complex in January and February.
The first, titled ‘United in Liberty: The Rise of Spiritual Diplomats’, was attended by MAGA politicians and European far-right figures such as Romanian MP George Simion, a Trump fan who lost the presidential election in 2025\. The US president himself even [recorded a video address](https://www.instagram.com/reels/DT6jg3EjOV9/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for the conference, in which he celebrated Burns’ endeavours.
“I just want to congratulate and thank pastor Mark Burns – he's been my friend for a long time, and he's been with me from the very beginning, and we very much appreciate him – on the great job that he's done,” Trump said in the clip. “So many people believe so strongly in him, so God bless you, Pastor Burns, and keep going forward.”
Burns appears to have brought up his previous work with AllatRa while at the European Parliament weeks later. AllatRa’s summary of the European conference quotes the pastor as saying: “The global initiative, Spiritual Diplomacy, which I have the privilege to chair, has recognised the nanoplastics issue as one of the key areas of work \[...\] Nanoplastics are not a left or right issue. Not religious or secular. We believe this is a moral obligation to protect life, to protect health, and to speak early – not after the cost becomes irreversible.”
Two weeks after the Spiritual Diplomats event, AllatRa and Burns co-hosted [a second conference](https://allatra.org/events/freedom-has-a-name-and-its-called-ukraine?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the Capitol, this time called ‘Freedom has a name, and it’s called Ukraine’, which was attended by US officials, pro-Ukraine activists and Ukrainian legislators.
AllatRa’s embrace of Ukrainian freedom comes after Ukrainian officials [accused](https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/cjr041wxdj9o?ref=opendemocracy.net) its members of justifying Russia’s war and promoting the Kremlin’s desire for a “union of Slavic peoples”. A November 2023 police raid on [AllatRa’s Ukrainian offices](https://en.lb.ua/news/2023/11/01/23628%5Fsearches%5Funderway%5Fallatra%5Fsect.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) found guns, explosives, money, portraits of Russian president Vladimir Putin and MAGA hats. The following month, arrest warrants were issued against AllatRa’s Ukrainian co-founder, Igor Mikhailovich Danilov, and five other leaders, on charges including high treason, with investigations against the individuals ongoing as of March 2026, according to a police document seen by openDemocracy.
Guns found by the Ukrainian police at AllatRa’s office in Kiev. Other items confiscated included cash, MAGA hats and portraits of Vladimir Putin | Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine
In February this year, a Ukrainian court of appeals ratified a lower court’s ruling that there is not enough evidence to ban AllatRa, which is also being investigated by the Czech police’s [Department of Extremism and Terrorism](https://www.seznamzpravy.cz/clanek/domaci-kauzy-sektu-allatra-vysetruji-kriminaliste-z-odboru-extremismu-287587?ref=opendemocracy.net) for alleged pro-Russian disinformation. Confusingly, AllatRa has also been [banned](https://epp.genproc.gov.ru/en/gprf/mass-media/news/main/e5946400/?ref=opendemocracy.net) by the Supreme Court in Russia for being “extremist”, with the prosecutor’s office calling it an “[undesirable organisation](https://vsquare.org/disinformation-whitewashing-russia-allatra-creative-society/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” engaged in pseudo-religious and “missionary” work.
In written responses to our questions, Burns’ representative said: “Pastor Burns was not aware of the allegations, investigations, or characterisations referenced in your email at the time of his participation in the events you identified. His participation was based on invitations to engage in discussions concerning all faith, peace, religious freedom, humanitarian concerns, and international dialogue.”
The representative added that neither Burns nor the Spiritual Diplomats initiative has “received financial compensation” from AllatRa or any of its affiliate organisations, and said that Burns “does not have a formal working relationship” with AllatRa or any of its affiliate organisations. “His attendance at certain events should not be construed as support for, adoption of, or agreement with every position held by event organisers, attendees, or affiliated entities.”
The spokesperson added: “Pastor Burns does not accept funding from foreign governments in connection with his ministry activities.”
After openDemocracy approached Burns, his office shared with us an email sent to AllatRa requesting “a signed statement” confirming that the organisation “is not backed, funded, directed, influenced, or supported, directly or indirectly, by any foreign government.”
### **Access to climate conferences**
AllatRa has also had extraordinary [access to the late Pope Francis](https://allatra.org/press-release/allatra-president-discussed-climate-change-with-pope-francis?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [UN climate conferences](https://allatra.org/press-release/delegation-allatra-actively-participated-cop30?ref=opendemocracy.net) since 2024.
That year, the organisation was invited to attend an event on AI organised by a Vatican foundation, during which AllatRa president Maryna Ovtsynova [presented Francis with its pseudoscientific report on climate change](https://allatra.org/press-release/allatra-president-discussed-climate-change-with-pope-francis?ref=opendemocracy.net). In May 2025, the month after Francis’s death, AllatRa’s registered lobbyist [was a panellist](https://www.centesimusannus.va/en/activities/conferences/save-the-date-2025-general-assembly-and-international-conference-15th-to-17th-may-2025-centesimus-annus-pro-pontifice-foundation-vatican-city/?ref=opendemocracy.net) at a conference organised by the same Vatican foundation. Francis’s successor, Pope Leo, who had been in the role for one week, addressed attendees at the event. The Vatican foundation did not answer our requests for comments.
AllatRa members have also [participated in](https://allatra.org/press-release/delegation-allatra-actively-participated-cop30?ref=opendemocracy.net) the two most recent UN summits on the climate crisis – COP29 in Azerbaijan, and COP30 in Brazil – as well as the 2025 Bonn climate conference and the UN conferences on biological diversity and desertification. Last year, they also attended sessions of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva and events organised by the UN in Vienna.
AllatRa’s activists entered the climate conferences as delegates of an NGO called [Egypt the Dream Foundation for Development and Innovation](https://egypt-the-dream.com/?lang=en&ref=opendemocracy.net), according to [UN records](https://unfccc.int/documents/655155?ref=opendemocracy.net) reviewed by openDemocracy.
Egypt the Dream Foundation has observer status at the UN’s COP conferences and [submitted proposals](https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/EDFDI.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) for UN projects such as the [work programme on climate finance](https://unfccc.int/topics/climate-finance/workstreams/work-programme-on-climate-finance?ref=opendemocracy.net#Submissions-by-Parties-and-non-Party-stakeholders) and a [$85m bid](https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/share/2.%20Annex%203a%20Executive%20Summary%20EDFDI%20%26%20CRJ%20%26%20PGBC.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) to host the[ Climate Technology Centre Secretariat](https://www.ctc-n.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the Egyptian city of Port Said from 2027 to 2031\.
Mohamed Haggag (left), Maryna Ovtsynova and AllatRa’s lobbyist Egon Cholakian during a side-event on nanoplastics at COP29 in Baku | AllatRa website
Asked why Egypt the Dream Foundation provided AllatRa members access to UN meetings, its chairman, Mohamed Haggag, told openDemocracy: “I believed they were real scientists and communicators, which is why I granted them badges to attend as part of our delegation to COP29, COP30 and the 2025 climate conference in Bonn”.
Haggag said he only met AllatRa activists in person once at the COP29, and was unaware of police investigations in Ukraine and in Czechia. Haggag said he would not provide badges to them in the future, but still considered AllatRa’s work “very scientific”.
In 2019, AllatRa established [Creative Society](https://creativesociety.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), an international activist group that denies that the climate crisis is caused by human activity. The organisation, which has [labelled](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-trending-61166339?ref=opendemocracy.net) the globally accepted scientific consensus that greenhouse gases cause global warming as a conspiracy and “CO2 fraud”, is led by two AllatRa members: Ovtsynova, AllatRa’s president, is its vice-president, while [AllatRa member Olga Schmidt](https://allatra.org/global-research-center?ref=opendemocracy.net) is the president.
A [2023 video by the Creative Society](https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:ugcPost:7053000104890232832/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which was posted on its social media channels, asks: “Why are we wasting so much resources on green energy?” It continues: “Wherever solar and wind energy is implemented, there’s no benefit for people. It destroys more land, generates enormous waste, makes energy expensive and unreliable.” The video promotes an “alternative solution” that it says viewers can learn more about at its online forum, called ‘Global Crisis: There is a Way Out’. The [webpage for that forum is no longer available](https://creativesociety.com/global-crisis-there-is-a-way-out?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Responding to our findings on AllatRa’s access to influential summits, Petra Mlejnková, a researcher on security and radicalisation at Masaryk University in Czechia, said: “To the casual observer, it seems bizarre that an organisation with roots in esotericism and impending apocalypse would knock on the doors of the European Parliament or UN climate summits.
“However, from a radicalisation and influence perspective, this strategy serves a critical objective. Such organisations desperately crave mainstream validation to shield themselves from being labelled as dangerous or sectarian.”
In a written statement, Smian told us: “ALLATRA recognises the key role of anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions, including CO2, in contemporary climate change.”
She added that the organisation “supports” the position of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) – the UN body responsible for assessing the science related to climate change – that “human activities, principally through emissions of greenhouse gases, have unequivocally caused global warming, while also supporting further research into additional risk factors that may intensify climate, geodynamic or environmental risks. Studying additional risk factors is not “climate disinformation” or “climate denial” and should not be misrepresented as such.”
The IPCC is not mentioned in AllatRa’s 296-page report on nanoplastics nor in its 87-page report on the progression of climate disasters.
The secretariat of the UN Convention on Climate Change declined to answer our questions on whether they knew climate disinformation activists were accessing COPs as observers through a third-party organisation. They referred us to background information that states that organisations with observer status at COP choose which individuals should represent them without input from the secretariat.
### **Influence on social media**
A now-removed section of AllatRa’s website said the organisation’s origins lie in the mid-1990s, when a group of unnamed international scientists came together to “conduct extensive interdisciplinary research across a wide range of topics, including studies related to natural disasters and geodynamic changes on Earth”. The group's name refers to the divine feminine and masculine principles, Allat and Ra, respectively, according to the group’s foundational Russian-language [book](https://files.allatra.tv/books/AllatRa%5FAnastasia%5FNovykh%5Fen.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), *AllatRa*, by Anastasia Novykh, which appears to be a pseudonym. This and Novykh’s other books claim that a united Slavic peoples will lead the world to a peaceful global society.
A former member of AllatRa in Czechia, [Eva Hronová](https://wave.rozhlas.cz/byla-jsem-nazvana-demonem-rika-byvala-clenka-kontroverzniho-hnuti-allatra-eva-9079403?ref=opendemocracy.net), denounced the group’s ideology in 2023, including its belief in [extraterrestrial civilisations](https://info.dingir.cz/2023/06/na-krizovatce-rozhovor-s-evou-hronovou-1-3/?ref=opendemocracy.net), pro-Russian pan-Slavism, and the [promotion of eugenics](https://info.dingir.cz/2023/06/na-krizovatce-rozhovor-s-evou-hronovou-3-3/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
AllatRa’s HQ moved to the US state of Georgia in 2017, when Maryna Ovtsynova became its president. In an interview with openDemocracy, Ovtsynova said the group’s mission is to “translate science to a language that policymakers, religious leaders and common people can understand”. She refused to answer our questions about the organisation’s apocalyptic narrative.
In its new home in the US, AllatRa has a[ tax-exempt status](https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/dl/FinalLetter%5F81-5368510%5FALLATRAIPMUSAINC%5F11122023%5F00.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) as a small nonprofit with an annual income of $50,000 or less, meaning it is not required to detail its funders or spending. Its think tank, [AllatRa Global Research Center](https://allatra.org/global-research-center?ref=opendemocracy.net), operates under the legal framework of its US organisation and “entirely on a volunteer basis”, according to its registry in the[ EU Transparency Register](https://transparency-register.europa.eu/search-register-or-update/organisation-detail%5Fen?id=1148853102055-15&ref=opendemocracy.net).
US filings seen by openDemocracy reveal that, between mid-2024 and [October 2025](https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7419-Supplemental-Statement-20251104-3.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), AllatRa paid [Egon Cholakian](https://youtu.be/%5FY1rhC9jxKE?si=YeQ1lEGxEdwZ7G6u&ref=opendemocracy.net) as a “lobbyist” and “foreign agent” to prepare or disseminate informational materials on its behalf aimed at [dispelling the “religious cult”](https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7419-Exhibit-AB-20240612-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) label imposed on it by the Ukrainian and Russian governments. Cholakian received a [quarterly lobbying fee of $6,000](https://www.opensecrets.org/federal-lobbying/clients/reports?cycle=2025&id=F330864&ref=opendemocracy.net) and an [annual budget of $150,000](https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7419-Registration-Statement-20240612-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) to prepare or disseminate informational materials on its behalf.
An overview of AllatRa’s main TikTok account in May 2026
Cholakian fronts many of the videos AllatRa posts on its social media accounts to share its pseudo-scientific findings. The organisation’s main English-language [TikTok account has ](https://www.tiktok.com/@allatra.official?ref=opendemocracy.net)almost 100,000 followers, and its other accounts – including its non-official ‘[history channels](https://www.tiktok.com/@zaujimavahistoria?ref=opendemocracy.net)’, [volunteers’ accounts](https://www.tiktok.com/@elkalokito?ref=opendemocracy.net), and those sharing its videos in [Spanish](https://www.tiktok.com/@allatra2026?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [German](https://www.tiktok.com/@allatra.tv.deutsch?ref=opendemocracy.net) – have a total of three million likes. In February last year, Cholakian had to issue a [public apology](https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/belated-apology-from-egon-cholakian-a-egon-cholakian-ua5de/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for stating in a [video](https://youtu.be/qsarcxl1jls?si=zyvzLMF-W%5FBbxoLF&ref=opendemocracy.net) that “nanoplastic concentration in the Mediterranean is worse than Chernobyl”.
While Cholakian didn’t answer our requests for comments, AllatRa’s Smian said in a written statement: “A single rhetorically overstated comparison should not substitute for discussion of micro- and nanoplastics based on data and specific claims”.
AllatRa’s partner organisation, Creative Society, also appears influential on social media, with its main TikTok account having one million likes and its [Spanish version](https://www.tiktok.com/@sociedadcreativa%5Foficial?ref=opendemocracy.net) having almost 10 million. The organisation says it has volunteers in 180 countries, who act “with no financial obligations, fees or regulations”.
Creative Society was [registered as a nonprofit](https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/dl/FinalLetter%5F88-1114891%5FCREATIVESOCIETY%5F06012022%5F00.tif?ref=opendemocracy.net) in California in 2022\. Its website says its “dream” is: “After overcoming the climate crisis, which is the most serious challenge of our time, we, the volunteers of the Creative Society project, dream of creating a united civilisation, where human life will be the main value.”
According to a now-deleted About section on [Creative Society’s website](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28257422-creative-society-about-section/?ref=opendemocracy.net), in the “transition period” to such a society, every adult person would receive “by birthright” a monthly universal basic income of $10,000 and a “one-time payment equivalent to $100,000 upon the birth of the first child, $200,000 upon the birth of the second child, and so on”. The section was removed after openDemocracy contacted AllatRa for questions.
Creative Society’s 2024 [financial filing](https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/881114891/202630899349200518/full?ref=opendemocracy.net) reveals it is a source of funding for AllatRa, having given the organisation $51,425 to support “charitable and educational activities related to scientific research and public awareness initiatives addressing climate-related risks and environmental sustainability”.
After our interview with Ovtsynova, AllatRa spokesperson Valeria Smian answered all the written questions openDemocracy sent to the organisation. She refused to name AllatRa’s funders and told us: “For the past three fiscal years, AllatRa’s annual income was $29,000.” Elsewhere, she said that Creative Society “is a separate partner project with its own activities and objectives”.
Asked about the removal of the About section on its website that warned of a doomsday by 2036, Smian wrote: “The sentence is from an older version of an article on ALLATRA’s website and is not ALLATRA’s current position”. She added: “The About page is under scientific and editorial review to ensure that earlier formulations correspond to the current state of evidence, expert feedback, and methodology.”
A similar answer was given about the removal of the catastrophic report on climate change. “It is routine to update and clarify research in light of relevant new scientific developments,” Smian wrote.
She also said: “ALLATRA categorically rejects the characterisation of our work as ‘climate disinformation’ or promotion of ‘doomsday’ messaging.”
### **‘A climate-delay narrative’**
AllatRa and Creative Society appear to have gained particular influence in Europe.
In 2022, Slovak MEP [Milan Uhrík](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/197763/MILAN%5FUHRIK/home?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the far-right Republika Movement gave an [interview](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m1RGPqWZLcw&ref=opendemocracy.net) to [Creative Society](https://creativesociety.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), in which he questioned the European Union’s emissions reduction goals and wondered what would happen if CO2 were not removed from the atmosphere.
The following year, Czech journalists using open source intelligence [found](https://www.seznamzpravy.cz/clanek/porady-teren-odhalili-jsme-kde-se-skryva-vudce-proruske-sekty-ktera-pusobi-i-v-cesku-241971?ref=opendemocracy.net) AllatRa’s co-founder, Danilov, in a small town in the east of Slovakia, and even managed to interview him.
Czech journalist Kristina Cirokova at the Seznam Zprávy newsroom in Prague | Julian Reingold
“I asked him why he fled his country in 2023; he simply said that he was sick and not fit for military service. When I asked about the [guns found](https://vsquare.org/disinformation-whitewashing-russia-allatra-creative-society/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in AllatRa’s headquarters in Kyiv, he answered that they were used for hunting,” Kristina Cirokova, the investigative journalist who led the reporting, told openDemocracy.
As a consequence of this reporting, Cirokova was prosecuted for alleged “[suspicious activities](https://dennikn.sk/4243376/prokuratori-prehovorili-o-prepojeniach-svojej-kolegyne-na-sektu-nazvala-ma-antikultistkou-vravi-dalsia-vypocuvana/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” by a Slovak public attorney whose colleagues said she had links to AllatRa. Charges against Cirokova were dropped within months, and the prosecutor was subjected to a disciplinary process and [finally acquitted](https://www.nssud.sk/en/the-supreme-administrative-court-of-the-slovak-republic-acquitted-prosecutor-judr-lucia-pavlaninova-from-a-motion-to-initiate-disciplinary-proceedings-for-a-disciplinary-offense/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Another Slovak journalist, [Karolína Kiripolská](https://www.womeninjournalism.org/alerts/slovakia-kristina-cirokov-and-karolna-kiripolsk-questioned-after-reporting-on-controversial-sect?ref=opendemocracy.net), was interrogated by the authorities about her [investigation](https://www.icjk.sk/346/Hnutie-pred-ktorym-vystriha-ministerstvo-vnutra-siri-dezinformacie-Nasli-sme-firmy-ktore-ho-podporuju?ref=opendemocracy.net) into the cult in 2024\. “The National Criminal Police contacted me before my article on AllatRa was published, and I was asked to provide information about my sources”, Kiripolská told openDemocracy in Bratislava. The [International Federation of Journalists](https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/article/slovakia-two-journalists-investigated-for-their-work-on-sectarianism-and-cults?ref=opendemocracy.net) warned in a statement that questioning the rights of journalists in Slovakia had direct implications for the entire European media.
Slovak journalist Karolína Kiripolská interviewed by openDemocracy in Bratislava | Julian Reingold
AllatRa also has influence in Slovenia, where local media reported that the organisation’s volunteers were interviewed and able to spread their ideas on [Radio Prlek](https://www.radioprlek.net/?ref=opendemocracy.net), a popular regional radio station that is part of the Ormož Information Institute, where MP Andrej Kosi sits on the board.
Meanwhile, in Romania, AllatRa has a powerful friend: former presidential candidate George Simion, the leader of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians. Simion was one of the speakers at the [US Capitol event](https://youtu.be/5btt%5FtzFJkU?si=B-8OiCRx4cYQs9ac&t=1458&ref=opendemocracy.net) co-hosted by AllatRa and Trump’s pastor, where he claimed the 2025 election had been stolen from him – a claim [debunked](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/may/22/romania-top-court-rejects-george-simion-attempt-to-annul-election?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Romania’s Constitutional Court – and said that Romanian “[democracy has been annulled](https://context.ro/george-simion-vorbitor-principal-la-o-conferinta-organizata-de-miscarea-allatra-care-imprastie-dezinformare-climatica/?ref=opendemocracy.net)" by those who “don’t like Donald Trump”.
But other lawmakers in Europe are increasingly concerned about how AllatRa’s pseudoscience is being amplified by other politicians and given credence by the group’s presence in parliaments.
Jan Bartosek, legislator for the Christian and Democratic Union party at the Czech Parliament in Prague | Julian Reingold
“We are watching \[AllatRa\] closely and have consulted with former cult members and Ukrainian authorities about their modus operandi”, Czesch legislator [Jan Bartosek](https://en.kdu.cz/o-nas/nasi-lide/predsednictvo/bartosek?ref=opendemocracy.net), of the Christian and Democratic Union party, told openDemocracy at his parliamentary office in Prague.
“This hybrid strategy to spread poison through populist pseudoscience is being legitimised at the EU Parliament and is destroying social cohesion on common beliefs and official authorities”.
This was echoed by Borjan Kumer, Slovenia’s former minister of the environment, back in March, when he was still in office. “Climate deniers want to slow down our policies, it’s a climate-delay narrative,” Kumer told openDemocracy in Ljubljana. “Results from the green transition are not immediate: we need mitigation policies to avoid climate adaptation, which means, for the case of Slovenia, enhancing resilience to droughts, floods and other natural disasters.”
Borjan Kumer, Slovenia's former minister for the environment | Julián Reingold
AllatRa’s climate disinformation is particularly worrying given trends we are seeing on social media. As a [2025 UNESCO report](https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000396638?ref=opendemocracy.net) found, platforms are increasingly polarised and their algorithms reward disinformation; in this climate, the report warns, “fact-checking loses relevance, and editors at traditional media outlets are no longer gatekeepers, leaving users now guarding their own doors”.
*This reporting was supported by* [*the Environmental Investigation Agency*](https://eia-international.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*.*
*Julián Reingold is an Investigative journalist based in Athens and Brussels, covering the environment, climate and technology. Member of the Society of Environmental Journalists (SEJ) and former grantee of the Pulitzer Center. Reported on several UN and international climate and environment meetings, and conducted fieldwork across critical geographies in Latin America, Africa and Asia. IG: @julianreingold.*
*Ignacio Conese is an independent journalist and photographer based in Argentina, specializing in the social and environmental consequences of extractive activities. His work has been published in Spanish and English in media outlets including El País, Vice, TRT World, Climate Home News, Dialogue Earth and Mongabay. IG: @ignacioconese.*
### Así es la ‘secta’ apocalíptica que difunde desinformación climática entre líderes mundiales
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cambio-climatico-allatra-secta-apocalipsis-rusia-maga-trump-ucrania-desinformacion/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:13:01.000Z
A principios de este año se celebró en el Parlamento Europeo una conferencia sobre los peligros de los nanoplásticos. Una actividad que no sería nada inusual, excepto por su coorganizadora: una “secta religiosa” que predice que la humanidad se extinguirá en 2036.
Fundada en Ucrania en 2014 y con sede actual en EEUU, AllatRa se presenta como "una iniciativa impulsada por voluntarios" dedicada al estudio de la crisis climática y los desastres naturales. Sin embargo, sus publicaciones proponen una explicación del cambio climático radicalmente diferente al consenso científico. Según los informes publicados por el grupo, la principal amenaza no proviene de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero, sino de la contaminación por plásticos, combinada con un fenómeno "cósmico externo" que, según afirma, tiene lugar cada 12.000 años.
En materiales que fueron[ retirados de su página web](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28258021-allatra-about-section/?ref=opendemocracy.net) después de que openDemocracy se puso en contacto con la organización para formularle preguntas, AllatRa advertía de que "la existencia misma de la humanidad podría correr un grave riesgo" debido a una posible escalada de desastres naturales en los próximos 10 años.
Un[ informe ahora eliminado](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28239765-allatra-climate-report/?ref=opendemocracy.net) afirmaba que los nanoplásticos presentes en los océanos del mundo están impidiendo que el núcleo de la Tierra se enfríe, lo que provocaría una actividad sísmica que rompería la fosa de las Marianas en el océano Pacífico – el punto más profundo de la Tierra – y causaría una explosión masiva que destruirá la “atmósfera, los océanos y el campo magnético” del planeta.
Captura de pantalla de una sección de la página ‘Sobre nosotros’, ahora eliminada del sitio web de AllatRa
Aunque los científicos han calificado a esta narrativa como pseudociencia, AllatRa consiguió un notable grado de acceso a miembros influyentes de la extrema derecha mundial. Desde 2024, la organización ha sido recibida en el Capitolio de Estados Unidos, el Parlamento Europeo, cumbres de la ONU y el Vaticano, lo que le permite difundir sus "hallazgos científicos" entre audiencias y líderes de todo el mundo.
Los expertos advierten de que narrativas pseudocientíficas como las de AllatRa forman parte de una creciente ola de desinformación climática que desvía la atención de los esfuerzos por abordar las causas reales del cambio climático y socava la comprensión pública de la crisis.
"Actualmente, la producción de plástico no se considera un factor central del cambio climático", dijo a openDemocracy el profesor de biología marina de la Universidad de Plymouth, Richard Thompson. "La predicción científica es que la contribución de los plásticos al cambio climático podría cobrar mayor importancia en el futuro si se reducen los demás factores que lo provocan, como la quema de combustibles fósiles. Afirmar que los microplásticos ya se están convirtiendo en un factor de inestabilidad climática es, en mi opinión, una exageración".
La desinformación climática de AllatRa crea una "crisis epistémica que genera problemas de percepción", afirmó la académica polaca Patrycja Sasnal, miembro del[ Comité Asesor del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU](https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/advisory-committee/about-ac?ref=opendemocracy.net) y coautora de un[ informe](https://docs.un.org/en/A/HRC/61/68?ref=opendemocracy.net) sobre desinformación ambiental.
"La desinformación se aprovecha de la naturaleza de la ciencia: sabemos que el cambio climático es provocado por el hombre y que nos afecta", dijo Sasnal a openDemocracy. "Siempre hay un interés político detrás de cada campaña de desinformación. Ya no tenemos tiempo para verificar la información, y la desinformación apocalíptica provoca ansiedad".
### **En el Parlamento Europeo**
En[ un comunicado de prensa publicado en su página web](https://allatra.org/press-release/first-steps-toward-solution-nanoplastics-were-presented-european-parliament?ref=opendemocracy.net), AllatRa se atribuye el mérito de haber organizado, en febrero de este año, la conferencia ‘Nanoplásticos: conexiones ocultas y riesgos emergentes’ en el Parlamento Europeo, junto con el eurodiputado checo de extrema derecha[ Ondřej Knotek](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/197528/ONDREJ%5FKNOTEK/home?ref=opendemocracy.net).
La conferencia contó con mesas redondas en las que se mezclaban científicos reales y miembros del Centro Global de Investigación de AllatRa, el grupo de expertos de la organización.
AllatRa recurre con frecuencia a científicos reales para dar legitimidad a su trabajo, manipulando en ocasiones sus opiniones para lograrlo. Los expertos que aparecieron en un documental de AllatRa estrenado el año pasado afirman que sus comentarios sobre el impacto del plástico en la salud del planeta fueron tergiversados para respaldar conclusiones pseudocientíficas predeterminadas, como una correlación "entre el aumento de las concentraciones de plástico en los océanos y el calentamiento de las aguas oceánicas".
Uno de esos expertos fue Thompson, de la Universidad de Plymouth, quien dijo a openDemocracy que la correlación no implica causalidad. "Ellos \[AllatRa\] están empalmando fragmentos de información y llegando a conclusiones que no están respaldadas por la ciencia", dijo.
Otro experto, el biólogo marino turco Sedat Gündoğdu, pidió a AllatRa que retirara su entrevista del documental. "Si bien es cierto que ellos \[AllatRa\] han destacado de forma selectiva estudios que abordan los riesgos potenciales de los nanoplásticos, tal vez podría argumentarse que han pasado por alto investigaciones que plantean dudas sobre dichos riesgos", explicó.
Gündoğdu también señaló que AllatRa no menciona ninguna estrategia de mitigación de la contaminación por plásticos, lo que añade confusión a su narrativa apocalíptica. "Sus supuestos ‘artículos’ sobre nanoplásticos parecen ser un simple resumen de la bibliografía existente; por eso pedí que se eliminaran mi entrevista y mi participación del documental", afirmó.
Hacia el final del documental, que dura tres horas y 20 minutos, una sección titulada ‘La era de la extinción intelectual’ afirma que "nuestras capacidades cognitivas están disminuyendo rápidamente como consecuencia de la acumulación de nanoplásticos en nuestros cerebros".
En declaraciones a openDemocracy, Gündoğdu cuestionó las pruebas que respaldan esta declaración. "Hacer una afirmación tan infundada y luego relacionarla con los nanoplásticos no es científico", señaló, y añadió: "Existen estudios que relacionan los metales pesados y algunos contaminantes orgánicos persistentes con la pérdida de capacidad cognitiva. Sin embargo, a la luz de nuestros conocimientos actuales, es absurdo establecer una relación entre los nanoplásticos y lo que se denomina extinción intelectual".
En una declaración escrita enviada a openDemocracy, la responsable de comunicación, colaboraciones y eventos de AllatRa, Valeria Smian, señaló que el lenguaje utilizado por la organización en la película era "metafórico y enfático" y "tenía por objeto llamar la atención sobre una posible dimensión neurológica y cognitiva a largo plazo de la exposición a los microplásticos y nanoplásticos".
A pesar de las críticas de la comunidad científica, AllatRa sigue difundiendo desinformación sobre el clima.
Al publicar en su página web un [resumen](https://allatra.org/es/press-release/first-steps-toward-solution-nanoplastics-were-presented-european-parliament?ref=opendemocracy.net) del debate que tuvo lugar en la conferencia europea, la organización afirmó: "Knotek \[el eurodiputado checo\] reiteró que el problema de los micro y nanoplásticos es políticamente ignorado porque no es directamente visible y, al mismo tiempo, cuestiona marcos ideológicos existentes, como la interpretación del cambio climático estrechamente vinculada a los combustibles fósiles.
Según él, los políticos son reacios a cambiar sus posiciones porque hacerlo significaría admitir que en el pasado no dijeron toda la verdad y correrían el riesgo de perder apoyo. Señaló que, mientras que en el ámbito empresarial ajustar la estrategia es una respuesta natural a nuevos hallazgos, en política cambiar de rumbo a menudo se percibe como una pérdida”. openDemocracy guardó una copia de este comunicado se guardó en una [nube de acceso público](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28277511-nanoplastics-conference-at-the-european-parliament-organized-by-mep-ondrej-knotek-and-allatra-grc/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Aunque algunos eurodiputados presentaron quejas oficiales sobre la decisión de dar cabida a AllatRa en el Parlamento Europeo, el órgano que supervisa la administración parlamentaria no encontró "motivos suficientes para llevar a cabo una investigación", según el medio estadounidense[ Politico](https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-parliament-event-group-pro-russia-sect-believes-aliens-walk-among-us/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
"No es casualidad que la extrema derecha abra la puerta a este teatro pseudocientífico. Sembrar dudas sobre la ciencia establecida es su modelo de negocio, y los Patriotas están encantados de ceder una sala parlamentaria para hacerlo", dijo a openDemocracy el eurodiputado alemán[ Michael Bloss](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/197449/MICHAEL%5FBLOSS/home?ref=opendemocracy.net), miembro del Grupo de los Verdes del Parlamento Europeo. Bloss se refería al bloque de extrema derecha [Patriotas por Europa](https://www.patriotsforeurope.eu/delegations?ref=opendemocracy.net), al que pertenece Knotek y que también incluye a eurodiputados de la Agrupación Nacional de Francia, Fidesz de Hungría y Vox de España, entre otros.
Un portavoz del Parlamento Europeo dijo a openDemocracy que la conferencia "no era un acto oficial del PE" y que "los eurodiputados, los grupos políticos y la secretaría del PE organizan actos cada año".
### **Un mensaje de Trump**
Uno de los ponentes de la conferencia en el Parlamento Europeo fue el pastor evangélico estadounidense[ Mark Burns](https://allatra.org/global-voice/pastor-mark-burns-standing-allatra-volunteers?ref=opendemocracy.net), quien se autodescribe como "consejero espiritual del presidente Donald J. Trump". No era la primera vez que Burns y AllatRa se reunían en una sede legislativa clave este año: también organizaron juntos dos conferencias en edificios del Capitolio de Estados Unidos, en Washington, en enero y febrero.
A la primera, titulada ‘Unidos en la libertad: el auge de los diplomáticos espirituales’, asistieron políticos del movimiento MAGA y figuras de la extrema derecha europea, como el diputado rumano George Simion, un admirador de Trump que perdió las elecciones presidenciales de 2025\. El propio Trump incluso[ grabó un mensaje en vídeo](https://www.instagram.com/reels/DT6jg3EjOV9/?ref=opendemocracy.net) para la conferencia, en el que elogiaba la labor de Burns.
"Solo quiero felicitar y dar las gracias al pastor Mark Burns – es amigo mío desde hace mucho tiempo, ha estado conmigo desde el principio y le tenemos mucho aprecio – por el gran trabajo que ha realizado", dijo Trump en el vídeo. "Hay muchísima gente que cree firmemente en él, así que que Dios te bendiga, pastor Burns, y sigue adelante".
Burns se refirió a su colaboración anterior con AllatRa durante su visita al Parlamento Europeo unas semanas más tarde. El [resumen de AllatRa](https://allatra.org/es/press-release/first-steps-toward-solution-nanoplastics-were-presented-european-parliament?ref=opendemocracy.net) sobre la conferencia europea cita al pastor diciendo: "La iniciativa global Diplomáticos Espirituales, que tengo el privilegio de presidir, ya está incorporando la cuestión de los nanoplásticos en su trabajo oficial \[...\] Los nanoplásticos no son un asunto de izquierdas ni de derechas. Ni religioso ni secular. Creemos que es una obligación moral: proteger la vida, proteger la salud y actuar a tiempo, no después de que el costo se vuelva irreversible".
Dos semanas después del encuentro de los Diplomáticos Espirituales, AllatRa y Burns organizaron[ una segunda conferencia](https://allatra.org/events/freedom-has-a-name-and-its-called-ukraine?ref=opendemocracy.net) en el Capitolio, esta vez titulada ‘La libertad tiene un nombre, y se llama Ucrania’, a la que asistieron funcionarios estadounidenses, activistas pro-Ucrania y legisladores ucranianos.
El apoyo de AllatRa a la libertad de Ucrania se produce después de que funcionarios ucranianos[ acusaran](https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/cjr041wxdj9o?ref=opendemocracy.net) a sus miembros de justificar la guerra de Rusia y de promover el deseo del Kremlin de una "unión de los pueblos eslavos".
En una redada policial en noviembre de 2023 en[ las oficinas ucranianas de AllatRa](https://en.lb.ua/news/2023/11/01/23628%5Fsearches%5Funderway%5Fallatra%5Fsect.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) se encontraron armas, explosivos, dinero, retratos del presidente ruso Vladimir Putin y gorras con el lema ‘MAGA’. Al mes siguiente, se dictaron órdenes de detención contra el cofundador ucraniano de AllatRa, Igor Mijáilovich Danilov, y otros cinco líderes, acusados, entre otros cargos, de alta traición; las investigaciones contra estas personas seguían en curso en marzo de 2026, según un documento policial al que tuvo acceso openDemocracy.
Armas que la policía ucraniana encontró en la oficina de AllatRa en Kiev. También se incautó dinero en efectivo, gorras con la palabra ‘MAGA’ y retratos de Vladímir Putin | Ministerio del Interior de Ucrania
En febrero de este año, un tribunal de apelación ucraniano ratificó la sentencia de un tribunal de primera instancia según la cual no hay pruebas suficientes para proscribir a AllatRa, organización que también es investigada por el[ Departamento de Extremismo y Terrorismo](https://www.seznamzpravy.cz/clanek/domaci-kauzy-sektu-allatra-vysetruji-kriminaliste-z-odboru-extremismu-287587?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la policía checa por presunta desinformación prorrusa. Curiosamente, AllatRa fue [ilegalizada](https://epp.genproc.gov.ru/en/gprf/mass-media/news/main/e5946400/?ref=opendemocracy.net) el año pasado en Rusia por el Tribunal Supremo, que la consideró "extremista", luego de una acusación de la fiscalía de "[organización indeseable](https://vsquare.org/disinformation-whitewashing-russia-allatra-creative-society/?ref=opendemocracy.net)" dedicada a actividades pseudorreligiosas y "misioneras".
En respuestas escritas a nuestras preguntas, la representante de Burns afirmó: "El pastor Burns no tenía conocimiento de las acusaciones, investigaciones o calificaciones a las que se hace referencia en su correo electrónico en el momento de su participación en los eventos que usted ha identificado. Su participación se basó en invitaciones para participar en debates sobre la fe, la paz, la libertad religiosa, cuestiones humanitarias y el diálogo internacional".
La representante añadió que ni Burns ni la iniciativa Diplomáticos Espirituales han "recibido compensación económica" de AllatRa ni de ninguna de sus organizaciones afiliadas, y afirmó que Burns "no mantiene una relación laboral formal" con AllatRa ni con ninguna de sus organizaciones afiliadas. "Su asistencia a determinados eventos no debe interpretarse como un apoyo, una adopción o un acuerdo con todas y cada una de las posturas defendidas por los organizadores de los eventos, los asistentes o las entidades afiliadas".
La portavoz añadió: "El pastor Burns no acepta financiación de gobiernos extranjeros en relación con sus actividades ministeriales".
Después de que openDemocracy se pusiera en contacto con Burns, su oficina nos facilitó un correo electrónico enviado a AllatRa en el que se solicitaba "una declaración firmada" que confirmara que la organización "no está respaldada, financiada, dirigida, influenciada ni apoyada, directa o indirectamente, por ningún gobierno extranjero".
### **Acceso a las conferencias sobre el clima**
Desde 2024, AllatRa también consiguió un contacto directo con el[ papa Francisco](https://allatra.org/press-release/allatra-president-discussed-climate-change-with-pope-francis?ref=opendemocracy.net) (fallecido en 2025) y acceso extraordinario a[ las conferencias de la ONU sobre el clima](https://allatra.org/press-release/delegation-allatra-actively-participated-cop30?ref=opendemocracy.net).
En 2024 la organización fue invitada a una conferencia sobre inteligencia artificial organizada por una fundación vaticana, durante el cual la presidenta de AllatRa, Maryna Ovtsynova,[ entregó a Francisco su informe pseudocientífico sobre el cambio climático](https://allatra.org/press-release/allatra-president-discussed-climate-change-with-pope-francis?ref=opendemocracy.net). En mayo de 2025, un mes después de la muerte de Francisco, el lobista registrado de AllatRa[ participó como ponente](https://www.centesimusannus.va/en/activities/conferences/save-the-date-2025-general-assembly-and-international-conference-15th-to-17th-may-2025-centesimus-annus-pro-pontifice-foundation-vatican-city/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en una conferencia organizada por la misma fundación vaticana. El sucesor de Francisco, el papa León, que llevaba una semana en el cargo, se dirigió a los asistentes. La fundación vaticana no respondió a nuestras preguntas.
Integrantes de AllatRa también han[ participado](https://allatra.org/press-release/delegation-allatra-actively-participated-cop30?ref=opendemocracy.net) en las dos últimas cumbres de la ONU sobre cambio climático – la COP29 en Azerbaiyán y la COP30 en Brasil –, así como en la conferencia climática de Bonn de 2025 y en las reuniones de la ONU sobre diversidad biológica y desertificación. El año pasado, también asistieron a sesiones del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU en Ginebra y a eventos organizados por la ONU en Viena.
Los activistas de AllatRa accedieron a las conferencias sobre el clima como delegados de una ONG llamada[ Egypt the Dream Foundation for Development and Innovation](https://egypt-the-dream.com/?lang=en&ref=opendemocracy.net), según los[ registros de la ONU](https://unfccc.int/documents/655155?ref=opendemocracy.net) revisados por openDemocracy.
La Egypt the Dream Foundation tiene estatus de observador en las COP y[ presentó propuestas](https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/EDFDI.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) para proyectos de la ONU, como el[ programa de trabajo sobre financiación climática](https://unfccc.int/topics/climate-finance/workstreams/work-programme-on-climate-finance?ref=opendemocracy.net#Submissions-by-Parties-and-non-Party-stakeholders) y una[ oferta de 85 millones de dólares](https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/share/2.%20Annex%203a%20Executive%20Summary%20EDFDI%20%26%20CRJ%20%26%20PGBC.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) para acoger la [Secretaría del Centro de Tecnología Climática](https://www.ctc-n.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en la ciudad egipcia de Port Said entre 2027 y 2031.
Mohamed Haggag (primero a la izquierda), Maryna Ovtsynova y Egon Cholakian, representantes de AllatRa, en un acto paralelo sobre los nanoplásticos en la COP29 de Azerbaiyán | Página web de AllatRa
Cuando se le preguntó por qué la fundación Egypt the Dream había facilitado a miembros de AllatRa el ingreso a las reuniones de la ONU, su presidente, Mohamed Haggag, dijo a openDemocracy: "Creía que eran científicos y comunicadores auténticos, y por eso les concedí acreditaciones para que asistieran como parte de nuestra delegación a la COP29, la COP30 y la conferencia sobre el clima de 2025 en Bonn".
Haggag dijo que solo se reunió en persona con activistas de AllatRa una vez, en la COP29, y que desconocía las investigaciones policiales en Ucrania y en la República Checa. Haggag aseguró que no les proporcionaría acreditaciones en el futuro, pero que seguía considerando el trabajo de AllatRa "muy científico".
En 2019, AllatRa fundó[ Sociedad Creativa](https://creativesociety.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), un grupo activista internacional que niega que la crisis climática tenga por origen la actividad humana. La organización, que ha[ tildado](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-trending-61166339?ref=opendemocracy.net) de conspiración y de "fraude del CO2" el consenso científico de que los gases de efecto invernadero provocan el calentamiento global, está dirigida por dos integrantes de AllatRa. Ovtsynova, presidenta de AllatRa, es su vicepresidenta, y [Olga Schmidt](https://allatra.org/global-research-center?ref=opendemocracy.net) ocupa la presidencia.
Un[ vídeo de 2023 de Sociedad Creativa](https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:ugcPost:7053000104890232832/?ref=opendemocracy.net), publicado en sus redes sociales, plantea la siguiente pregunta: "¿Por qué estamos desperdiciando tantos recursos en energía verde?". Y continúa: "Allí donde se implementa la energía solar y eólica, no hay ningún beneficio para la gente. Destruye más terreno, genera una enorme cantidad de residuos y hace que la energía sea cara y poco fiable". El vídeo promueve una "solución alternativa" sobre la que, según afirma, los espectadores pueden obtener más información en su foro en línea, llamado "Crisis global: hay una salida". La[ página web de dicho foro ya no está disponible](https://creativesociety.com/global-crisis-there-is-a-way-out?ref=opendemocracy.net).
En respuesta a nuestra información sobre el acceso de AllatRa a instituciones y ámbitos influyentes, Petra Mlejnková, investigadora en seguridad y radicalización de la Universidad Masaryk, en Chequia, dijo: "Para el observador ocasional, resulta extraño que una organización con raíces en el esoterismo y la inminencia del apocalipsis llame a las puertas del Parlamento Europeo o de las cumbres climáticas de la ONU".
"Sin embargo, desde la perspectiva de la radicalización y la influencia, esta estrategia cumple un objetivo fundamental. Este tipo de organizaciones ansían desesperadamente la validación social para protegerse de la acusación de que son peligrosas o sectarias".
En una declaración escrita, Smian nos dijo: "AllatRa reconoce el papel clave de las emisiones antropogénicas de gases de efecto invernadero, incluido el CO2, en el cambio climático actual".
Añadió que la organización "apoya" la posición del Grupo Intergubernamental de Expertos sobre el Cambio Climático (IPCC) – el organismo de la ONU responsable de evaluar la ciencia del cambio climático – de que "las actividades humanas, principalmente a través de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero, han provocado de forma inequívoca el calentamiento global, al tiempo que respalda la investigación adicional sobre otros factores de riesgo que puedan intensificar los riesgos climáticos, geodinámicos o ambientales. El estudio de factores de riesgo adicionales no constituye ‘desinformación climática’ ni ‘negacionismo climático’ y no debería ser tergiversado como tal".
El IPCC no se menciona en el informe de 296 páginas de AllatRa sobre los nanoplásticos ni en su informe de 87 páginas sobre la progresión de los desastres climáticos.
La secretaría de la Convención de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático se negó a responder a nuestras preguntas sobre si sabían que activistas dedicados a la desinformación climática estaban accediendo a las COP como observadores a través de una tercera organización. Nos remitieron a información de referencia en la que se indica que las organizaciones con estatus de observador en la COP eligen a las personas que deben representarlas sin intervención de la secretaría.
### **Influencia en las redes sociales**
Una sección del sitio web de AllatRa, ahora eliminada, afirmaba que los orígenes de la organización se remontan a mediados de la década de 1990, cuando un grupo de científicos internacionales anónimos se reunió para "llevar a cabo una amplia investigación interdisciplinar sobre una gran variedad de temas, incluidos estudios relacionados con los desastres naturales y los cambios geodinámicos en la Tierra".
El nombre del grupo hace referencia a los principios divinos femenino y masculino, Allat y Ra, respectivamente, según el[ libro](https://files.allatra.tv/books/AllatRa%5FAnastasia%5FNovykh%5Fen.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) fundacional del grupo, escrito en ruso, *AllatRa*, de Anastasia Novykh, que parece ser un seudónimo. Este y otros libros de Novykh afirman que los pueblos eslavos unidos conducirán al mundo hacia una sociedad global pacífica.
Una exseguidora de AllatRa en Chequia,[ Eva Hronová](https://wave.rozhlas.cz/byla-jsem-nazvana-demonem-rika-byvala-clenka-kontroverzniho-hnuti-allatra-eva-9079403?ref=opendemocracy.net), denunció la ideología del grupo en 2023, incluida su creencia en[ civilizaciones extraterrestres](https://info.dingir.cz/2023/06/na-krizovatce-rozhovor-s-evou-hronovou-1-3/?ref=opendemocracy.net), el paneslavismo prorruso y la[ promoción de la eugenesia](https://info.dingir.cz/2023/06/na-krizovatce-rozhovor-s-evou-hronovou-3-3/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
La sede central de AllatRa se trasladó al estado estadounidense de Georgia en 2017, cuando Maryna Ovtsynova asumió la presidencia. En una entrevista con openDemocracy, Ovtsynova afirmó que la misión del grupo es "traducir la ciencia a un lenguaje que puedan entender los responsables políticos, los líderes religiosos y la gente común". Se negó a responder a nuestras preguntas sobre la narrativa apocalíptica de la organización.
En su nuevo hogar en EEUU, AllatRa goza de[ exención fiscal](https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/dl/FinalLetter%5F81-5368510%5FALLATRAIPMUSAINC%5F11122023%5F00.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) como pequeña organización sin ánimo de lucro con ingresos anuales de 50.000 dólares o menos, lo que significa que no está obligada a declarar quiénes son sus financiadores ni en qué gasta el dinero. Su centro de estudios, el[ AllatRa Global Research Center](https://allatra.org/global-research-center?ref=opendemocracy.net), opera bajo el marco legal de la organización estadounidense y "de forma totalmente voluntaria", según su inscripción en el[ Registro de Transparencia de la UE](https://transparency-register.europa.eu/search-register-or-update/organisation-detail%5Fen?id=1148853102055-15&ref=opendemocracy.net).
Los documentos estadounidenses a los que tuvo acceso openDemocracy revelan que, entre mediados de 2024 y[ octubre de 2025](https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7419-Supplemental-Statement-20251104-3.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), AllatRa pagó a[ Egon Cholakian](https://youtu.be/%5FY1rhC9jxKE?si=YeQ1lEGxEdwZ7G6u&ref=opendemocracy.net) en calidad de "lobbista" y "agente extranjero" para que elaborara o difundiera material informativo en su nombre con el objetivo de[ desmentir la etiqueta de "secta religiosa"](https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7419-Exhibit-AB-20240612-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) que le habían impuesto los gobiernos de Ucrania y Rusia. Cholakian contó con una[ remuneración trimestral por actividades de cabildeo de 6.000 dólares](https://www.opensecrets.org/federal-lobbying/clients/reports?cycle=2025&id=F330864&ref=opendemocracy.net) y con un[ presupuesto anual de 150.000 dólares](https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7419-Registration-Statement-20240612-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) para preparar o difundir material informativo en su nombre.
Vistazo de la cuenta principal de AllatRa en TikTok en mayo de 2026
Cholakian aparece en muchos de los vídeos que AllatRa publica en sus redes sociales para compartir sus mensajes pseudocientíficos. Su principal[ cuenta de TikTok en inglés tiene](https://www.tiktok.com/@allatra.official?ref=opendemocracy.net) casi 100.000 seguidores, y sus otras cuentas – incluidos sus "[canales de historia](https://www.tiktok.com/@zaujimavahistoria?ref=opendemocracy.net)" no oficiales,[ las cuentas de los voluntarios](https://www.tiktok.com/@elkalokito?ref=opendemocracy.net) y aquellas que comparten sus vídeos en[ español](https://www.tiktok.com/@allatra2026?ref=opendemocracy.net) y[ alemán](https://www.tiktok.com/@allatra.tv.deutsch?ref=opendemocracy.net) – suman un total de tres millones de ‘me gusta’. En febrero del año pasado, Cholakian tuvo que emitir una[ disculpa pública](https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/belated-apology-from-egon-cholakian-a-egon-cholakian-ua5de/?ref=opendemocracy.net) por afirmar en un[ vídeo](https://youtu.be/qsarcxl1jls?si=zyvzLMF-W%5FBbxoLF&ref=opendemocracy.net) que "la concentración de nanoplásticos en el Mediterráneo es peor que Chernóbil".
Aunque Cholakian no respondió a nuestras solicitudes de comentarios, Smian, de AllatRa, declaró por escrito: "Una única comparación retórica exagerada no debería sustituir el debate sobre los microplásticos y los nanoplásticos basado en datos y afirmaciones concretas".
La organización asociada a AllatRa, Sociedad Creativa, también parece influyente en las redes sociales: su cuenta principal de TikTok cuenta con un millón de ‘me gusta’ y su[ versión en español](https://www.tiktok.com/@sociedadcreativa%5Foficial?ref=opendemocracy.net), con casi 10 millones. La organización afirma que cuenta con voluntarios en 180 países, que actúan "sin obligaciones financieras, cuotas ni normativas".
Sociedad Creativa se[ registró como organización sin ánimo de lucro](https://apps.irs.gov/pub/epostcard/dl/FinalLetter%5F88-1114891%5FCREATIVESOCIETY%5F06012022%5F00.tif?ref=opendemocracy.net) en California en 2022\. Su página web explicita cuál es su "sueño": "Tras superar la crisis climática, que es el reto más grave de nuestro tiempo, nosotros, los voluntarios del proyecto Sociedad Creativa, soñamos con crear una civilización unida, donde la vida humana sea el valor principal".
Según la sección ‘[Sobre nosotros](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28257422-creative-society-about-section/?ref=opendemocracy.net)’ – ahora eliminada – de[ la página web de Sociedad Creativa](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28257422-creative-society-about-section/?ref=opendemocracy.net), durante el "período de transición" hacia dicha sociedad, cada persona adulta recibiría "por derecho de nacimiento" una renta básica universal mensual de 10.000 dólares y un "pago único equivalente a 100.000 dólares al nacer el primer hijo, 200.000 dólares al nacer el segundo hijo, y así sucesivamente". La sección fue eliminada después de que openDemocracy se pusiera en contacto con AllatRa para formularle algunas preguntas.
La[ declaración financiera](https://projects.propublica.org/nonprofits/organizations/881114891/202630899349200518/full?ref=opendemocracy.net) de Sociedad Creativa correspondiente a 2024 revela que es una fuente de financiación para AllatRa, ya que donó a la organización 51.425 dólares para apoyar "actividades benéficas y educativas relacionadas con la investigación científica e iniciativas de sensibilización pública que abordan los riesgos relacionados con el clima y la sostenibilidad medioambiental".
Tras nuestra entrevista con Ovtsynova, la portavoz de AllatRa, Valeria Smian, respondió a todas las preguntas escritas que openDemocracy envió a la organización. Se negó a revelar los nombres de los financiadores de AllatRa, pero nos dijo: "Durante los últimos tres ejercicios fiscales, los ingresos anuales de AllatRa ascendieron a 29.000 dólares". Por otra parte, afirmó que Sociedad Creativa "es un proyecto asociado independiente con sus propias actividades y objetivos".
Al ser preguntada sobre la eliminación de la sección ‘Sobre nosotros’ de su página web, en la que se advertía de un fin del mundo para 2036, Smian escribió: "La frase procede de una versión anterior de un artículo publicado en la página web de AllatRa y no refleja la postura actual de AllatRa". Añadió: "La página ‘Sobre nosotros’ está siendo sometida a revisión científica y editorial para garantizar que las formulaciones anteriores se correspondan con el estado actual de las pruebas, los comentarios de los expertos y la metodología".
Smian contestó de manera similar sobre la eliminación del informe catastrófico sobre el cambio climático. "Es habitual actualizar y aclarar la investigación a la luz de los nuevos avances científicos relevantes", escribió.
Y agregó: "AllatRa rechaza categóricamente que se califique nuestro trabajo de ‘desinformación climática’ o de promoción de mensajes ‘apocalípticos’".
### **"Una narrativa que retrasa la acción climática"**
AllatRa y Sociedad Creativa parecen haber adquirido una influencia especial en Europa central.
En 2022, el eurodiputado eslovaco[ Milan Uhrík](https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/197763/MILAN%5FUHRIK/home?ref=opendemocracy.net), del Movimiento Republika de extrema derecha, concedió una[ entrevista](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m1RGPqWZLcw&ref=opendemocracy.net) a[ Sociedad Creativa](https://creativesociety.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), en la que cuestionó los objetivos de reducción de emisiones de la Unión Europea y se preguntó qué pasaría si no se eliminara el CO2 de la atmósfera.
Al año siguiente, un equipo de periodistas checos, utilizando fuentes abiertas,[ localizaron](https://www.seznamzpravy.cz/clanek/porady-teren-odhalili-jsme-kde-se-skryva-vudce-proruske-sekty-ktera-pusobi-i-v-cesku-241971?ref=opendemocracy.net) al cofundador de AllatRa, Danilov, en una pequeña localidad del este de Eslovaquia, e incluso lograron entrevistarlo.
La periodista checa Kristina Cirokova en la redacción de Seznam Zprávy, en Praga | Julián Reingold
"Le pregunté por qué había huido de su país en 2023; se limitó a decir que estaba enfermo y no era apto para el servicio militar. Cuando le pregunté por las[ armas encontradas](https://vsquare.org/disinformation-whitewashing-russia-allatra-creative-society/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en la sede de AllatRa en Kiev, respondió que se utilizaban para cazar", explicó a openDemocracy Kristina Cirokova, la periodista de investigación que dirigió el reportaje.
A raíz de este reportaje, Cirokova fue procesada por supuestas "[actividades sospechosas](https://dennikn.sk/4243376/prokuratori-prehovorili-o-prepojeniach-svojej-kolegyne-na-sektu-nazvala-ma-antikultistkou-vravi-dalsia-vypocuvana/?ref=opendemocracy.net)" por una fiscal eslovaca cuyos colegas afirmaban que tenía vínculos con AllatRa. Los cargos contra Cirokova fueron retirados a los pocos meses, y la fiscal fue sometida a un proceso disciplinario y[ finalmente absuelta](https://www.nssud.sk/en/the-supreme-administrative-court-of-the-slovak-republic-acquitted-prosecutor-judr-lucia-pavlaninova-from-a-motion-to-initiate-disciplinary-proceedings-for-a-disciplinary-offense/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Otra periodista eslovaca,[ Karolína Kiripolská](https://www.womeninjournalism.org/alerts/slovakia-kristina-cirokov-and-karolna-kiripolsk-questioned-after-reporting-on-controversial-sect?ref=opendemocracy.net), fue interrogada por las autoridades sobre su[ investigación](https://www.icjk.sk/346/Hnutie-pred-ktorym-vystriha-ministerstvo-vnutra-siri-dezinformacie-Nasli-sme-firmy-ktore-ho-podporuju?ref=opendemocracy.net) sobre la secta en 2024\. "La Policía Criminal Nacional se puso en contacto conmigo antes de que se publicara mi artículo sobre AllatRa y me pidieron que facilitara información sobre mis fuentes", explicó Kiripolská a openDemocracy en Bratislava. La[ Federación Internacional de Periodistas](https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/press-releases/article/slovakia-two-journalists-investigated-for-their-work-on-sectarianism-and-cults?ref=opendemocracy.net) advirtió en un comunicado que poner en tela de juicio los derechos de los periodistas en Eslovaquia tenía implicaciones directas para todos los medios de comunicación europeos.
La periodista eslovaca Karolína Kiripolská, entrevistada por openDemocracy en Bratislava | Julián Reingold
AllatRa también tiene influencia en Eslovenia, donde medios locales informaron que los voluntarios de la organización fueron entrevistados y pudieron difundir sus ideas en[ Radio Prlek](https://www.radioprlek.net/?ref=opendemocracy.net), una popular emisora regional que forma parte del Instituto de Información de Ormož, cuya junta directiva encabezaba el diputado Andrej Kosi.
Mientras tanto, en Rumania, AllatRa cuenta con un poderoso aliado: el ex candidato presidencial George Simion, líder de la Alianza para la Unión de los Rumanos. Simion fue uno de los ponentes en el[ acto celebrado en el Capitolio de EEUU](https://youtu.be/5btt%5FtzFJkU?si=B-8OiCRx4cYQs9ac&t=1458&ref=opendemocracy.net), organizado conjuntamente por AllatRa y el pastor de Trump, donde afirmó que le habían robado las elecciones de 2025 – a pesar de que el Tribunal Constitucional de Rumania [desmintió](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/may/22/romania-top-court-rejects-george-simion-attempt-to-annul-election?ref=opendemocracy.net) esa denuncia – y dijo que la "[democracia rumana ha sido anulada](https://context.ro/george-simion-vorbitor-principal-la-o-conferinta-organizata-de-miscarea-allatra-care-imprastie-dezinformare-climatica/?ref=opendemocracy.net)" por aquellos a quienes "no les gusta Donald Trump".
Otros legisladores europeos están cada vez más preocupados por cómo la pseudociencia de AllatRa es amplificada por algunos políticos y gana credibilidad gracias a la presencia del grupo en los parlamentos.
Jan Bartosek, diputado del partido Unión Cristiana y Democrática en el Parlamento checo de Praga | Julián Reingold
"Estamos siguiendo de cerca \[a AllatRa\] y hemos consultado a antiguos miembros de la secta y a las autoridades ucranianas sobre su modus operandi", dijo a openDemocracy el diputado checo[ Jan Bartosek](https://en.kdu.cz/o-nas/nasi-lide/predsednictvo/bartosek?ref=opendemocracy.net), del partido Unión Cristiana y Democrática, en su despacho parlamentario de Praga.
"Esta estrategia híbrida para difundir veneno a través de la pseudociencia populista se está legitimando en el Parlamento Europeo y está destruyendo la cohesión social basada en las creencias comunes y las autoridades oficiales".
Borjan Kumer, exministro de Medio Ambiente de Eslovenia, se hizo eco de estas palabras en marzo, cuando aún ocupaba el cargo. "Los negacionistas del cambio climático quieren frenar nuestras políticas; se trata de una narrativa de retraso climático", dijo Kumer a openDemocracy en Liubliana. "Los resultados de la transición ecológica no son inmediatos: necesitamos políticas de mitigación para evitar la adaptación al cambio climático, lo que significa, en el caso de Eslovenia, mejorar la resiliencia ante sequías, inundaciones y otros desastres naturales".
Borjan Kumer, exministro de Ambiente de Eslovenia| Julián Reingold
La desinformación de AllatRa resulta especialmente preocupante dadas las tendencias que se observan en las redes sociales. Tal como expuso un[ informe de la UNESCO de 2025](https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000396638?ref=opendemocracy.net), las plataformas están cada vez más polarizadas y sus algoritmos premian la desinformación; en este contexto, advierte el informe, "la verificación de datos pierde relevancia, y los editores de los medios de comunicación tradicionales ya no actúan como guardianes, lo que deja a los usuarios a cargo de su propia seguridad".
*Julián Reingold es un periodista de investigación que vive en Atenas y Bruselas, especializado en ambiente, clima y tecnología. Es miembro de la Sociedad de Periodistas Ambientales (SEJ) y exbecario del Centro Pulitzer. Ha cubierto varias reuniones de la ONU y encuentros internacionales sobre clima y ambiente, y ha realizado trabajo de campo en zonas clave de América Latina, África y Asia. IG: @julianreingold*
*Ignacio Conese es un periodista y fotógrafo independiente que vive en Argentina, especializado en las consecuencias sociales y ambientales de las actividades extractivas. Su trabajo se ha publicado en español y en inglés en medios como El País, Vice, TRT World, Climate Home News, Dialogue Earth y Mongabay. IG: @ignacioconese*
*Este reportaje tuvo el apoyo de la* [*Environmental Investigation Agency*](https://eia-international.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*.*
### Saumitra Jha on why he changed his mind about climate change, and unexpected tricks that work to reduce polarization
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/saumitra-jha-on-why-he-changed-his-mind-about-climate-change-and-unexpected-tricks-that-work-to-reduce-polarization/
Last updated: 2026-06-18T14:02:24.000Z
[Listen on Apple Podcasts](https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/changed-my-mind/id1441157722?ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Spotify](https://open.spotify.com/show/58KNTFlSOFhEMQZ03jRrDf?si=031996902e2d4822&ref=opendemocracy.net) [Listen on Pocket Casts](https://pocketcasts.com/podcast/changed-my-mind/84182ff0-6484-013d-7b54-0ef99577e22d?ref=opendemocracy.net)
In a political climate dominated by echo chambers, media polarisation, and democratic backsliding, how do we actually get people to change their minds?
In this episode of *Changed My Mind*, we’re joined by [**Saumitra Jha**](https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/faculty-research/faculty/saumitra-jha?ref=opendemocracy.net), professor of political economy at the Stanford Graduate School of Business. Citing financial experiments in Israel, Palestine, and post-referendum Britain, Professor Jha shares both historical insights and behavioural evidence on how to bridge deep societal divides.
Plus, he opens up about his own profound shift in perspective: why he completely changed his mind on the relationship between global poverty and climate action.
### **What you’ll learn:**
- **The Power of “Skin in the Game”:** Why giving people small financial stakes to trade in conflicted markets appears to bypass cognitive bias
- **Swords into Bank Shares:** How historical societies used finance to successfully pacify deep caste and political conflicts
- **The Double-Edged Sword of Hero Worship:** How the immense trust earned by a World War I General led his loyal network of soldiers straight into Nazi collaboration
- **Climate Change is Not a Luxury:** Why the traditional economic theory that environmental protection is a luxury reserved for wealthy nations no longer holds up
Buy Alison, Laura and Alexandra’s new book, [**Poles Apart: Why People Turn Against Each Other, and How to Bring Them Together** https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781847942975?ref=opendemocracy.net)
### Secret ‘terror’ trials in the UK
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-130626/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:24.000Z
## In this week's issue
- How pro-Palestine activists became first protesters in Britain to be sentenced as terrorists without being convicted of terror offences
- As billionaires incited far-right violence in Belfast, ordinary people mobilised to protect our neighbours
- Is Keir Starmer rushing into plans to ban social media for under-16s?
- Trump has threatened a military intervention in Cuba, but there is no guarantee it would deliver a democratic transition
- Netanyahu is facing his biggest loss: A collapse in US support
- If Andy Burnham becomes PM, he must invest in care to grow the UK’s economy
- Despite privacy concerns, getting rid of Palantir now may not solve the problems its Federated Data Platform has created
- From the Archive: Swedish teen’s murder exploited by the far right
Last chance to help us improve this newsletterWe recently redesigned our weekly newsletter to make it easier for you to catch up on our best independent journalism. But the only metric that actually matters is what you think. Help us shape the future of this newsletter by sharing your thoughts. It only takes three minutes. The survey closes on Monday.
[Take the 3-minute survey ](https://od-weekly.paperform.co/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Imagine a trial where **the jury doesn’t know what the defendants are being tried for**, the **defendants aren’t allowed to explain their actions**, and the **police arrest citizens peacefully holding signs** saying “Jurors deserve to hear the whole truth”. Could this happen in the UK?
Yes, if you are one of four Palestine Action activists who yesterday became the **first protesters in Britain to be sentenced as terrorists** without being convicted of terror offences, as Nandini Naira Archer reports in this week’s issue of The Weekly. **The activists will now be officially recorded as terrorists for the rest of their lives.** Read Nandini’s piece to find out more about what the ruling means and the **terrifying precedent it sets for protest rights.**
Meanwhile, **let’s talk about Belfast.** After the protests in Southampton earlier this month, a blueprint is emerging: A grisly crime is committed, Nigel Farage demands the disclosure of the nationality and immigration status of the perpetrator, rising tensions are further inflamed on X by its now-trillionaire owner, Elon Musk, **rioters spread fear and chaos, prime minister Keir Starmer flaps helplessly.**
But as our politicians fail us, the people of this land draw on deep wellsprings of community and solidarity.
“**People in Northern Ireland have muscle memory of violence, murder and riots** in our not-very-distant past. We also have **muscle memory on how to organise and help each other**,” writes contributor Nicola Browne, in a letter from Belfast in this week’s newsletter. “Ordinary people from every background, community and colour are carrying out thousands of acts of care and repair, looking after people they do not know, and showing clearly that none of this is in their name.”
Also in this issue, privacy and technology experts are worried that **Starmer’s proposed social media ban for under-16s could backfire**. As one expert told openDemocracy’s tech reporter, Jade-Ruyu Yan, **“I don’t think the government really knows where they’re going with a lot of this stuff.”** That pretty much sums up the Starmer project.
Finally, there is still time to [**donate to support our continuing investigations into Big Tech accountability**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tip-jar?utm%5Fcampaign=BigTechWeekly), after we revealed how **Palantir is opening NHS health records up for surveillance.** Next week, we will be publishing a major investigation into the harrowing world of those paid to filter abusive content on social media platforms.
Thank you, as always, for reading our newsletter. We are lucky to have you read us!
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[Inside the Palestine Action trial that could redefine protest as terrorismFour activists may become first protesters in Britain to be sentenced as terrorists without being convicted of terror offencesopenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-palestine-action-trial-that-could-redefine-protest-as-terrorism/)
Big tech firms like Palantir spend millions lobbying to secure lucrative public contracts. At openDemocracy, we don't have corporate backers or billionaire owners - we have you. If you think it is vital to have independent journalists scrutinising Palantir and other big tech organisations, please help us keep digging.
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/account/plans)
[Far-right chaos won’t define Northern Ireland – solidarity willWhile extremists grabbed headlines, hundreds of ordinary people mobilised to protect our neighboursopenDemocracyNicola Browne](https://www.opendemocracy.net/far-right-violence-northern-ireland-belfast-tommy-robinson-solidary-community/)
[Keir Starmer’s social media ban for under-16s could backfire, experts warnCritics accuse embattled prime minister of rushing plans that will have consequences for surveillance and privacyopenDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmers-social-media-ban-for-under-16s-could-backfire-experts-warn/)
[Cuba’s revolution is dying. What comes next is unclearTrump is threatening a military intervention, but there are no guarantees a democratic transition will take placeopenDemocracyRut Diamint](https://www.opendemocracy.net/cuba-usa-trump-threat-embargo-blackouts-cuban-revolution-raul-castro-war-marco-rubio/)
[Palantir is turning the NHS into a tool for mass surveillanceKicking out Palantir, experts warn, may not solve the problems its Federated Data Platform has created.openDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-is-turning-the-nhs-into-a-tool-for-mass-surveillance/)
[How Sweden’s Radical Right Exploited a Teen’s MurderThe tale concocted about Tommie Lindh’s death has become an excuse to target minorities, particularly Muslims, with violence.openDemocracyMichael Colborne](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-global-radical-right-is-exploiting-a-swedish-teens-murder/)
[Andy Burnham’s promises of ‘growth’ rely on real investment in social careInvesting in care would produce 2.7 times as many jobs as an equivalent investment in construction, our research foundopenDemocracyErin Mansell](https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnhams-promises-of-growth-rely-on-real-investment-in-social-care/)
---
## Weekly Poll
---
## This week in history
The death of Hector Peterson | Sam Nzima.
### **The Soweto Uprising • 16 June 1976**
On 16 June 1976, South African schoolchildren in Soweto marched to protest being forced to learn in Afrikaans — the language of their oppressors. Police opened fire. Hundreds of students were killed in the months that followed. The uprising radicalised a generation and marked the beginning of the end of apartheid's social control. June 16 is now Youth Day in South Africa.
This week's archive piece uses the Soweto uprising as a reference point for examining why states and institutions seek to depoliticise student unions, connecting historical student resistance to contemporary attempts to suppress it.
[Student activism is being sabotaged and this is why it mattersPoliticians and the police are attempting to depoliticise student unions and repress student activism. To strengthen the struggle against this, we need to know about it.openDemocracyJuman Asmail](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/transformation/student-activism-is-being-sabotaged-and-this-is-why-it-matters/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**My women, Yuliia Iliukha, trans by Hanna Leliv**](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/my-women-yuliia-iliukha/41761dba4eecda9e?ean=9781917378284&next=t&ref=opendemocracy.net)
Lots of books have already been written about Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and many more will be in the years and decades to come. Most focus on tactics, international statesmen, weapons and strategy – but not My Women. In a short and devastatingly impactful volume, [Iliukha](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/my-women-yuliia-iliukha/41761dba4eecda9e?ean=9781917378284&next=t&ref=opendemocracy.net) uses a series of vignettes to tell the story of women from Kharkiv, Ukraine’s second largest city that sits around 30km from the border with Russia. These are stories of loss, of bravery, of fear, of heartbreak. A record of the impact of war on women’s lives, it is a must-read for anyone wanting to understand the day-to-day reality of this conflict.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
# Thank you!
If you're reading this then you're one of our amazing supporters! Our work is only possible thanks to your ongoing support. Thank you for believing in what we do and for helping to make the world a better place
### Palantir, nuestro futuro Gran Hermano
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-nuestro-futuro-gran-hermano/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:25.000Z
En la edición de esta semana:
- Palantir: El riesgo de una vigilancia masiva con datos de salud
- Mientras los multimillonarios incitaban a la violencia de extrema derecha en Belfast, la gente de a pie se movilizó para proteger a sus vecinos
- **Esta semana en la historia: Del ‘Fifagate’ al Mundial de Trump**
¡Hola! Puede suceder que nos toque vivir situaciones que parecen malas pesadillas cinematográficas. De hecho, ya nos está sucediendo.
**Palantir**, el **gigante de la vigilancia** y el **análisis de *big data***, ha puesto sus ojos en América Latina. Y ninguno de los gobiernos implicados cree necesario que la clarividencia de la piedra de Sauron valga también para las ciudadanías a las que, se supone, esos gobiernos deben servir.
Las reuniones de presidentes y otros altos cargos con el fundador de Palantir, Peter Thiel, transcurren detrás de un muro de silencio y opacidad.
Por eso resulta muy revelador el reportaje de esta semana, a cargo de **Jade-Ruyu Yan**, reportera de tecnología de openDemocracy, y de **Aman Sethi,** nuestro editor en jefe**.** Permite entender cómo el acceso a bases de datos con **registros médicos de pacientes** (que Palantir obtuvo en 2023 por un contrato con el gobierno británico) es un arma muy poderosa. Puede conducir, sin estaciones, a un **sistema masivo de vigilancia ciudadana con fines de persecución**. Palantir ya dijo que está disponible para el gobierno que se anime a pedírselo.
[Palantir y el riesgo de una vigilancia masiva con datos de saludLa empresa detrás de las deportaciones de Trump controla los datos de salud en Inglaterra y quiere expandirse en América LatinaopenDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-peter-thiel-registros-medicos-inglaterra-nhs-vigilancia-masiva-inmigrantes-persecucion-america-latina-milei/)
Seguramente viste las horribles imágenes de **hombres encapuchados incendiando vehículos y casas de migrantes** en Belfast, Irlanda del Norte. El guión es así: se comete un crimen horrendo, el ultraderechista Nigel Farage exige que se revele la nacionalidad y la situación migratoria del autor, las tensiones xenófobas se avivan en X gracias al multimillonario Elon Musk y **los alborotadores siembran el caos ante la impotencia de las autoridades.**
Lo que no vas a ver en X es la **solidaridad de la gente común** de Irlanda del Norte, que se organizó y salió a auxiliar y proteger a sus vecinos. De eso nos habla una carta desde Belfast, escrita por **Nicola Browne**.
[La solidaridad de Irlanda del Norte con los migrantes que X no te mostraráMientras los extremistas acaparaban los títulos de prensa, cientos de personas se movilizaron para proteger a nuestros vecinosopenDemocracyNicola Browne](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/irlanda-del-norte-belfast-disturbios-violencia-racismo-xenofobia-solidaridad-ayuda-algoritmos-odio/)
Como siempre, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
### **Esta semana en la historia**
### **Fifagate - 27 de mayo de 2015**
Comenzó el Mundial de Fútbol **más distópico de la historia**. Se juega en tres países a la vez (Canadá, Estados Unidos y México), aunque la **verdadera sede** es el territorio de Trump, donde **se humilla, maltrata y deporta** a jugadores, árbitros y selecciones por su nacionalidad o su color de piel.
Hace 11 años, en mayo de 2025, estalló el ‘Fifagate’, una investigación penal dirigida por el Departamento de Justicia de EEUU que destapó la mafia enquistada en las altas esferas del fútbol mundial. Hubo casi 50 imputados y unos 30 condenados.
Estados Unidos le puso el cascabel al gato. No le costó mucho, después, torcerle el brazo a la FIFA. Logró ser sede del Mundial, otra vez. Y a partir de ahí se han sucedido las humillaciones, algunas muy visibles en su patetismo, como el premio consuelo de Gianni Infantino a Trump, enojado porque no tenía su Nóbel de la Paz. Aquellos polvos trajeron estos lodos.
[La mafia que controla el fútbol mundialHa terminado el Mundial de 2018, pero el caso de la enorme conspiración para delinquir en la que está involucrada la Federación Internacional de Fútbol Asociación (FIFA) sigue su curso. EnglishopenDemocracyMike LaSusa](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/la-mafia-que-controla-el-f-tbol-internacional/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### El caos de la ultraderecha no definirá a Irlanda del Norte - la solidaridad lo hará
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/irlanda-del-norte-belfast-disturbios-violencia-racismo-xenofobia-solidaridad-ayuda-algoritmos-odio/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:26.000Z
Llevo los últimos 10 años viviendo en Cloughfern, en las afueras de la capital de Irlanda del Norte, Belfast. En 10 minutos a pie, llegas a Monkstown Wood, una reserva natural repleta de pájaros, ardillas y una comunidad muy unida de gente que pasea a sus perros. A 20 minutos en otra dirección se encuentra Hazelbank Park, a orillas del Belfast Lough, una entrada del mar en la desembocadura del río Lagan, donde la vista abarca las emblemáticas grúas amarillas de Harland and Wolff y se extiende hacia el norte hasta el faro de Whitehead.
Pero las imágenes retransmitidas desde el final de mi calle el martes por la noche, de alborotadores enmascarados, cócteles molotov y secuestros de coches, provocan repulsión.
Agitadores de extrema derecha como Tommy Robinson y el líder del partido Reform, Nigel Farage, respondieron a un ataque con arma blanca, perpetrado por un hombre que se cree era un solicitante de asilo, con silbatos para perros que incluían llamados a organizar disturbios, echando leña a un fuego que lleva semanas ardiendo.
La población de Irlanda del Norte lleva en su cuerpo la memoria de la violencia, los asesinatos y los disturbios de nuestro pasado no muy lejano. También tenemos una memoria muscular de cómo organizarnos y ayudarnos para salir adelante.
Hace apenas dos semanas, llamé a la puerta de un vecino en cuya casa habían pintado con spray “solo para locales”. Quería ver cómo estaba y preguntarle si había algo en lo que pudiera ayudarle. Este hombre amable y cordial me hizo pasar inmediatamente y me enseñó una carta que había recibido de alguien de la zona. Estaba impresa, con los datos de contacto de los concejales locales y de la policía, y terminaba así: “Tenemos pintura y podemos ir a borrar el grafiti. Me avergüenza mucho que te haya pasado esto”.
A pesar de lo que pueda parecer en las noticias y en las redes sociales, la violencia que se vive ahora mismo en nuestras calles y barrios está siendo orquestada por un puñado de personas, muchas de las cuales no viven aquí y llevan años normalizando la división y avivando el odio para sus propios fines.
Su mensaje se amplificó especialmente a través de Grok (la herramienta de inteligencia artificial de X) y en Facebook e Instagram, ya que los multimillonarios estadounidenses dueños de estas redes sociales, Elon Musk y Mark Zuckerberg, permitieron que sus plataformas se utilizaran como gigantescos megáfonos para difundir el odio y la desinformación y desgarrar nuestras comunidades. No tiene por qué ser así.
Escribo esto mientras mi ciudad se paraliza por una segunda noche consecutiva de violencia, y mi teléfono no deja de recibir notificaciones de WhatsApp.
Un grupo de cientos de personas se ha puesto en marcha, coordinándose, haciendo donaciones, ofreciendo transporte a las familias para que lleguen a un lugar seguro donde pasar la noche, llevando comida a quienes no quieren salir de casa, ofreciendo refugio, sillas de bebé para autos, juguetes y material artístico para los niños. Gente corriente de todos los orígenes, comunidades y colores está llevando a cabo miles de actos de ayuda y apoyo, cuidando a personas que no conocen y demostrando claramente que nada de esta violencia se perpetra en su nombre.
En cuanto al liderazgo, las comunidades están dejando a nuestros representantes políticos muy atrás. En toda la isla, los políticos deben centrarse ahora en quitar el megáfono del odio de las manos de quienes lo propagan y exigir a las plataformas de redes sociales como Meta y X que desactiven sus algoritmos tóxicos hasta que se demuestre que son seguros.
Por mi trabajo en Act Now, una comunidad activista independiente impulsada por personas de Irlanda del Norte, he tenido el privilegio de ver cómo la gente actúa con urgencia, compasión y amor en estos momentos. Aun cuando las imágenes de violencia y odio orquestado dan la vuelta al mundo, son estas acciones de amor y solidaridad las que, en última instancia, nos definirán – ante el mundo, pero sobre todo, ante nosotros mismos.
*Nicola Browne es de Belfast y es la directora ejecutiva de Act Now.*
### Datos médicos, migración y control: Las alarmas por el avance de Palantir
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-peter-thiel-registros-medicos-inglaterra-nhs-vigilancia-masiva-inmigrantes-persecucion-america-latina-milei/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:26.000Z
La contratista militar estadounidense Palantir creó y administra la Plataforma Federada de Datos del Sistema Nacional de Salud de Inglaterra (NHS). Esto otorgaría a un futuro gobierno británico la capacidad de usar los datos de los pacientes para desatar una vigilancia masiva sin precedentes, advirtieron expertos y técnicos a openDemocracy.
Palantir ya opera en Ecuador y Brasil y busca expandirse en Argentina, Chile y Paraguay. La empresa que desarrolló herramientas para que el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE) identifique y deporte a migrantes, tiene su tecnología insertada en el NHS de Inglaterra, disponible para vigilar a extranjeros si el gobierno se lo pide.
Palantir Technologies, que se dedica al análisis masivo de datos, nació en 2003 con financiación de la CIA.
Su cofundador Peter Thiel ya tuvo tres encuentros con el presidente argentino Javier Milei, el último en abril de 2026, cuando también se [reunió](https://x.com/LuisCaputoAR/status/2054266148414259651?ref=opendemocracy.net) con ministros y con la mano derecha de Milei, [Santiago Caputo](https://noticias.perfil.com/noticias/politica/peter-thiel-que-hace-el-padrino-tecnoimperial-de-milei-en-argentina.phtml?ref=opendemocracy.net), que controla el aparato de inteligencia. En estos meses también sostuvo reuniones con los presidentes[ José Antonio Kast](https://www.biobiochile.cl/noticias/nacional/chile/2026/05/12/se-reunio-kast-con-peter-thiel-diputado-winter-fa-oficia-a-presidencia-para-aclarar-supuesta-cita.shtml?ref=opendemocracy.net), de Chile, y [Santiago Peña](https://holanews.com/el-presidente-paraguayo-recibe-a-magnates-tecnologicos-peter-thiel-y-cully-cavness/?ref=opendemocracy.net), de Paraguay. Todas estas reuniones son opacas, sin información ni transparencia para las ciudadanías.
En Ecuador, la empresa tiene un [contrato](https://www.comunicacion.gob.ec/palantir-actor-clave-en-software-e-inteligencia-artificial-para-defensa-en-ee-uu-ahora-en-el-gobierno-de-noboa-para-combatir-delitos-aduaneros/?ref=opendemocracy.net) gubernamental que le da acceso al servicio de aduanas. En Brasil, [maneja y analiza](https://www.cartacapital.com.br/politica/cavalo-de-troia-3/?ref=opendemocracy.net) datos del programa nacional de transporte escolar a través de una triangulación de prestación de servicios.
En Estados Unidos, sus herramientas son el motor de las [deportaciones masivas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/defensa-reino-unido-palantir-tecnologia-vigilancia-espionaje-digital-ice-redadas-eeuu/) de migrantes latinoamericanos y de otras nacionalidades para el gobierno de Donald Trump.
En Inglaterra, Palantir ganó [un contrato](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/palantir-nhs-federated-data-platform-peter-thiel-data-privacy/) de 330 millones de libras (unos 440 millones de dólares) para crear y administrar la [Plataforma Federada de Datos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-peter-thiel-sistema-nacional-salud-inglaterra-trabajadores-datos-vigilancia-derechos-humanos-privacidad/) del NHS en 2023.
"Ya hemos visto en Estados Unidos cómo la presencia de Palantir en tantas áreas diferentes del gobierno le ha permitido construir un sistema que genera perfiles detallados de personas para facilitar las redadas del ICE", dijo Duncan McCann, del [Good Law Project](https://goodlawproject.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net), una organización activista británica que litiga casos de discriminación y odio."Lo mismo se está haciendo posible con la integración de Palantir en el sector público del Reino Unido".
Este riesgo se ve agravado por el hecho de que, casi tres años después de que Palantir obtuviera el contrato, sigue sin estar claro qué datos de pacientes recopila, sobre qué base y con qué fin. A pesar de esto, el [69% de los organismos regionales](https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/53352/documents/298462/default/?ref=opendemocracy.net) del NHS en Inglaterra y Gales ya adoptaron la plataforma, que proporciona un nuevo sistema operativo destinado a conectar las bases de datos y los programas informáticos independientes y no integrados de los diferentes servicios de salud regionales del NHS.
Esta opacidad quedó de manifiesto cuando el Comité de Ciencia, Innovación y Tecnología de la Cámara de los Comunes urgió al gobierno que rescindiera el contrato del NHS con Palantir. El [informe](https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/53352/documents/298462/default/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de este comité interpartidario, publicado el 3 de junio, incluye una recomendación contundente: revelar "la naturaleza exacta del acceso de Palantir a los datos de pacientes identificables y no identificables, sobre qué base legal fue autorizado, cuándo y por quién".
McCann y el Good Law Project forman parte de una coalición muy amplia que exige que el Reino Unido rompa sus vínculos con Palantir. Pero los técnicos que han trabajado en la Plataforma Federada de Datos advierten que el genio ya salió de la botella: expulsar al gigante estadounidense del NHS puede no ser suficiente para resolver los problemas de privacidad de los datos que generó su plataforma.
"Sabes que puedes sacar a Palantir", dijo Tom Bartlett, un técnico del NHS que trabajó en la Plataforma Federada de Datos y apoya el proyecto. "Pero el peligro permanece. Puede llegar un gobierno que diga: 'Necesitamos conectar los datos del NHS con los del Ministerio del Interior y queremos usarlos para negar atención médica a ciertas personas, o para deportarlas, o para lo que sea'".
### **Una coalición de resistencia**
Para comprender hasta qué punto Palantir está metido en el sector público del Reino Unido, basta con observar la coalición que se le opone.
Analistas de datos del NHS y directores jefes de datos y análisis se han pronunciado en contra de la plataforma. La Asociación Médica Británica, el sindicato que representa a médicos y estudiantes de medicina, pidió a los médicos de cabecera que la rechazaran. La Junta de Atención Integrada del Gran Manchester, que supervisa los servicios del NHS para 2,8 millones de personas, se negó a integrarse a la plataforma, alegando que no se abordaron los riesgos de seguridad y que cuenta con una mejor tecnología propia.
Y no es solo el NHS. El alcalde de Londres bloqueó un contrato piloto de la Policía Metropolitana (Met) con Palantir por 50 millones de libras (67 millones de dólares), argumentando que fue adjudicado de forma irregular.
El Ministerio de Vivienda reemplazó con tecnología propia un sistema de Palantir destinado a emparejar anfitriones británicos con refugiados ucranianos. En Coventry, Inglaterra, políticos locales y sindicatos protestan contra la renovación de un contrato de 750.000 libras (un millón de dólares) del departamento de servicios a la infancia del ayuntamiento con Palantir.
Empleados de la Autoridad de Conducta Financiera – el organismo que regula a las empresas financieras del Reino Unido – buscan articular una campaña intersindical contra un contrato de prueba de 12 semanas con Palantir que, temen, podría exponer datos financieros sensibles del Reino Unido a las autoridades policiales estadounidenses.
"Nuestro proyecto piloto con Palantir permite a la Met reunir por primera vez, en un solo lugar, datos que ya posee legalmente, para identificar posibles patrones, o problemas de servicios sociales o culturales", dijo un portavoz de la Policía Metropolitana por correo electrónico. "También nos permite detectar problemas de forma temprana para actuar de forma más justa y coherente, garantizando que los agentes reciban apoyo o se enfrenten a medidas adecuadas antes de que los problemas escalen". En abril, agentes de la Met [expresaron su indignación](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cpdpl1dgjppo?ref=opendemocracy.net) ante el uso "intrusivo" de la tecnología de Palantir para evaluarlos por conducta indebida.
La policía ya [puede solicitar información](https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment%5Fdata/file/802433/Information%5Fsharing%5Fbetween%5Fpolice%5Fand%5Fhealth%5Fand%5Fcare.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) al NHS si existe una necesidad policial, como una investigación por homicidio o la localización de personas desaparecidas.
El contrato de la Autoridad de Conducta Financiera con Palantir implica probar una herramienta de búsqueda con inteligencia artificial sobre sus datos. "Los datos utilizados en la prueba estarán totalmente cifrados y bajo nuestro control", contestó un portavoz de la entidad reguladora por correo electrónico. "Nadie puede acceder a los datos no cifrados sin nuestra autorización".
El ayuntamiento de Coventry no respondió nuestras preguntas sobre su contrato con Palantir.
### **¿Qué hace exactamente Palantir?**
El CEO de Palantir, Alex Karp, [describió](https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/17/style/alex-karp-palantir.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) en una ocasión la acción de su empresa como "encontrar cosas ocultas".
Karp cofundó la compañía con [dos millones de dólares](https://www.forbes.com/sites/andygreenberg/2013/08/14/agent-of-intelligence-how-a-deviant-philosopher-built-palantir-a-cia-funded-data-mining-juggernaut/?ref=opendemocracy.net) procedentes del brazo de capital riesgo de la CIA a principios de la década de 2000, cuando Washington y Silicon Valley debatían el fracaso en prevenir los ataques terroristas del 11-S. Se sospechaba – como se confirmó en el informe público un año después – que la CIA, el FBI y la Agencia de Seguridad Nacional [habían contado por separado con la información](https://www.jstor.org/stable/24907265?ref=opendemocracy.net) necesaria para haber previsto los ataques, pero “no lograron conectar los puntos".
Desde entonces [ese hallazgo fue la base](https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/30/opinion/palantir-shyam-sankar-military.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) de gran parte del éxito de Palantir. La empresa argumenta que los gobiernos, los ejércitos, las fuerzas de seguridad y las empresas ya disponen de gran parte de los datos que necesitan para tomar decisiones, pero que estos no están disponibles en las formas requeridas.
Palantir, les dice, es la solución.
"Lo que es realmente difícil es organizar todos tus datos", [dijo](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/21/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-alex-bores.html?searchResultPosition=1&ref=opendemocracy.net) Alex Bores, miembro de la Asamblea del Estado de Nueva York y exempleado de Palantir convertido en crítico, al New York Times. "Eso requiere mucho trabajo, y aún no existe ninguna magia para hacerlo. El software, más los ingenieros que van al sitio y hacen gran parte del trabajo manual de las conexiones, iban a ser siempre la verdadera fuente de valor".
### **Construyendo la base de datos nacional**
En el NHS, el trabajo de Palantir consiste en organizar, conectar y racionalizar inmensas cantidades de datos de pacientes actualmente dispersos, según un [recuento](https://www.england.nhs.uk/about/what-we-do/?ref=opendemocracy.net), en 44.000 sistemas informáticos de salud de 26.000 organizaciones. "La fragmentación es absolutamente enorme", dijo Bartlett, quien ayudó a construir la Base Federada de Datos. "Toda esta información existe y está repartida en distintos compartimentos".
La solución de Palantir tiene dos capas. Bartlett describe una de ellas como un "sistema operativo" análogo al software que hace funcionar tu teléfono inteligente, que permitirá a los organismos del NHS y a desarrolladores externos crear aplicaciones (o lo que Palantir llama "productos") que generen ganancias de eficiencia. Un equipo de ambulancias, por ejemplo, podría introducir información sobre una víctima de un accidente en un producto que la transmitiría al hospital, de modo que "el servicio de urgencias pueda prepararse, en lugar de recibir de golpe" la información cuando llega la ambulancia, explicó Bartlett.
Sin embargo, al igual que tu iPhone te ata de forma decisiva al ecosistema de productos de Apple, para que el sistema se gestione de manera eficiente, es necesario que el mayor número posible de organismos del NHS se suscriban al sistema de Palantir – algo que los expertos denominan "dependencia del proveedor" – y que se nutra de una asombrosa biblioteca de datos que abarca todo el servicio de salud.
La [documentación pública](https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/fdp-dpia-ontology-v1.0.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la Plataforma Federada de Datos revela que ya está incorporando varios cientos de bases de datos, con un vasto abanico de variables que incluyen actividad de contacto en salud mental, mortalidad, estado de vacunación contra la gripe, estado de vacunación contra el covid, datos de servicios de emergencia, raza y etnia, datos agregados de personas recluidas en centros de salud mental en prisiones y en centros de internamiento de inmigrantes, y mucho más.
Como señaló el comité interpartidario de diputados en su informe del 3 de junio, existe poca claridad sobre qué datos formarán parte de la plataforma y cómo se accederá a ellos. La discusión sobre las historias clínicas de los pacientes que se encuentran en los consultorios de médicos de cabecera ofrece una ilustración útil.
En 2023, la entonces secretaria de Estado de Sanidad y Atención Social, Victoria Atkins, [declaró](https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2023-11-21/debates/23112160000011/NHSFederatedDataPlatformContractAward?ref=opendemocracy.net) en la Cámara de los Comunes: "No se recopilarán nuevos datos, y los datos de los médicos de cabecera no formarán parte de la plataforma nacional".
Sin embargo, una página de preguntas frecuentes del NHS actualizada por última vez en abril de 2026 [admite](https://www.england.nhs.uk/digitaltechnology/nhs-federated-data-platform/fdp-faqs/?ref=opendemocracy.net#will-the-nhs-federated-data-platform-include-gp-data) que "algunos de los datos" de la plataforma "pueden haber provenido de registros de médicos de cabecera", y que los datos de médicos de cabecera compartidos legalmente con los centros regionales del NHS que utilizan la Plataforma Federada de Datos podrían acabar en la plataforma.
Más preocupante aún, la plataforma utiliza todos estos datos para crear perfiles detallados de pacientes individuales que denomina la 'Ontología de Persona'. [Citando](https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/fdp-dpia-ontology-v1.0.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) una Evaluación de Impacto en la Protección de Datos del NHS: "La Ontología de Persona sirve como única fuente de verdad para los conjuntos de datos seudonimizados a nivel de paciente".
En otro lugar, el documento señala que "la Ontología de Persona actualmente almacena datos de actividad de ciudadanos en diferentes entornos asistenciales", explicando que la plataforma asigna a cada paciente un identificador único que puede cruzarse en múltiples bases de datos.
El NHS afirma que, dado que los datos contenidos en la plataforma están seudonimizados, no identifican directamente a las personas. Pero la seudonimización, como ha señalado el ICO, organismo de protección de datos del Reino Unido, es un proceso reversible. "Tenga cuidado de no confundir la seudonimización con el anonimato", [advierte](https://ico.org.uk/for-organisations/uk-gdpr-guidance-and-resources/data-sharing/anonymisation/pseudonymisation/?ref=opendemocracy.net) el ICO.
Los datos de la salud de una persona son su "información más íntima", dijo una portavoz y abogada de Privacy International, una organización benéfica con sede en el Reino Unido especializada en tecnología y derechos. "Hablamos de la amplitud de los datos, de lo personales que son y de la gravedad de lo que podría hacerse con ellos si cayeran en manos equivocadas".
### **Los macrodatos son el Gran Hermano**
Consolidar tantos datos conlleva riesgos de vigilancia muy reales, afirman quienes conocen la plataforma, sobre todo porque Palantir también tiene contratos con fuerzas policiales del Reino Unido. En principio, lo único que impide al Ministerio del Interior acceder a los datos del NHS son garantías legales que pueden cambiarse o eliminarse.
El director ejecutivo de Palantir en el Reino Unido, Louis Mosley, [dijo](https://observer.co.uk/news/national/article/how-tech-giant-palantir-was-recruited-by-the-police-nhs-and-military?ref=opendemocracy.net) que si el partido de extrema derecha Reform de Nigel Farage llega al poder, la empresa seguirá las directrices del partido, que pretende utilizar los datos del NHS para identificar a las personas en función de su estatus migratorio.
Exactamente esto ya pasó Estados Unidos cuando Trump llegó a la presidencia por primera vez en 2017, según relató Bores, el exempleado de Palantir, al New York Times.
"Palantir había firmado un contrato con un departamento dentro del ICE llamado HSI, Investigaciones de Seguridad Nacional. En la administración Obama, se centraba en la lucha contra la trata de personas, el narcotráfico y a veces la falsificación", dijo Bores. "Cuando Trump llega en 2017, intentan cambiar la naturaleza de ese trabajo. Intentan que otra parte del ICE llamada Operaciones de Aplicación y Deportación – la parte que todo el mundo asocia con el ICE – acceda al software y lo utilice para las deportaciones".
En Estados Unidos, Palantir ya utiliza datos del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos para rastrear a personas señaladas para deportación por el ICE.
En el Reino Unido, la médica residente Rhiannon Mihranian Osborne, que hace activismo contra Palantir en el NHS con la organización de justicia sanitaria Medact, considera que se trata de un patrón perturbador: "La política de Reform ['Operación Restaurando la Justicia'](https://www.reformparty.uk/view-pdf/reform-immigration?ref=opendemocracy.net) pretende crear un poderoso sistema de vigilancia migratoria mediante la extracción de información de bases de datos de salud, policiales y financieras. Louis Mosley dijo que su empresa cumpliría con esto.
"Los contratos policiales de Palantir en el Reino Unido incluyen la recopilación de información altamente sensible sobre víctimas de delitos, incluyendo orientación sexual y afiliación sindical. La secretaria del Interior dice que quiere crear un panóptico de vigilancia estatal. La sinergia entre Palantir y los gobiernos que utilizan los datos para vulnerar derechos humanos es profundamente alarmante y una señal de lo que podría estar por venir en el Reino Unido".
Bartlett reconoce que este es un riesgo real. "Pensemos en un gobierno de Reform y la cuestión de la inmigración, eso me preocupa", dijo. Pero cuestionó si eso significa que el NHS no necesita una Plataforma Federada de Datos. "¿La respuesta a ese mal escenario es mantener los datos en un estado tan deficiente que nadie pueda utilizarlos nunca, ni para bien ni para mal?".
Palantir, NHS England, la Oficina del Gabinete, el Departamento de Salud y Atención Social y el Partido Reform no respondieron a nuestros pedidos de entrevista..
Quienes critican la Plataforma Federada de Datos desmienten la narrativa de que los sistemas informáticos del NHS son tan complejos y enredados que la única forma de arreglarlos es con una herramienta de vigilancia masiva construida por Palantir.
"Aquí no hay ninguna magia", dijo Sam Smith, técnico de la organización de derechos de los paciente [ medConfidential](https://medconfidential.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net), sobre la plataforma. "No es que Palantir haga algo que otros no puedan hacer… Lo hacen simplemente porque tienen el mito de que solo ellos pueden hacerlo".
Andrew Holway, fundador de la empresa de software médico Darwinist, con sede en el Reino Unido, dijo al comité interpartidario que "el principal obstáculo para la innovación en el NHS" son los megacontratos con empresas como Palantir. Estos, afirmó, mantienen al NHS "como rehén, impidiendo la implementación de herramientas de productividad modernas que podrían ahorrar decenas de miles de millones de libras".
Algunos en el NHS también han cuestionado si el servicio ha explorado enfoques diferentes que sean menos intrusivos y menos centrados en los datos. La Junta de Atención Integrada del Gran Manchester, por ejemplo, utiliza su propia Plataforma de Ciencia de Datos y Análisis porque considera que ofrece mejor tecnología y acceso a mejores datos.
"La confianza pública no es un asunto secundario para la Plataforma Federada de Datos", escribió Matt Hennessey, director jefe de datos y análisis de la Junta de Atención Integrada de Manchester, en una [publicación](https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/why-public-trust-matters-nhs-federated-data-platform-matt-hennessey-ifsge/?trackingId=fUmyrdcnTEeTfN0Og6swvw%3D%3D&ref=opendemocracy.net) en LinkedIn. Se trata, sostuvo, "del efecto que la preocupación ética, el malestar moral o la opacidad percibida tienen sobre la confianza y, a su vez, sobre la participación".
El principal problema de la plataforma "es que no queda claro qué es exactamente", escribió. "Cuando se erosiona la confianza, las personas se desenganchan, los pacientes optan por no participar y los médicos se vuelven cautelosos ante cualquier implicación".
En última instancia, dijo la médica Rhiannon Mihranian Osborne, "cualquier sistema de datos del NHS debe construirse sobre la confianza pública, la adhesión del personal y, sobre todo, la protección frente al abuso de las corporaciones privadas y de los propios gobiernos".
### Netanyahu faces a new threat: The collapse of Western support
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/netanyahu-new-threat-collapse-support-united-states-israel-iran-gaza/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:28.000Z
In a further fracturing of the very shaky ceasefire between Iran and the United States, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) this week shot down a US Army Apache attack helicopter near the Strait of Hormuz.
At any other time, the US would have seen this as an unacceptable act of war requiring a very strong reaction. But where Donald Trump’s unpredictable social media output would usually have breathed hellfire and damnation, this time it talked a proportionate response.
It seemed a welcome sign that Trump’s advisers, and maybe even the president himself, are having to accept that this war will not be won by bombs, missiles and drones, and will have to end in compromise.
As domestic support for the war is ebbing away in the US, the mood in Washington is changing. Opposition to the war is growing, while support for Israel and its prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, is dwindling.
A week ago, this was [all reasonably obvious](https://www.opendemocracy.net/two-ceasefires-no-peace-the-middle-easts-dangerous-pause/), but the past few days have given a sharp indication of how difficult it will be to move to negotiated settlements in the double conflicts involving Israel and Lebanon, and the US and Iran.
The recent sequence of events started with a warning from the IRGC leadership in Tehran: Israel’s continued bombing of Lebanese towns and cities, including the widespread targeting of health facilities, violated the temporary ceasefire and must stop. Instead, Netanyahu ordered more attacks, including on the Lebanese port city of Tyre, which has been subject to [around 30 direct air raids](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/10/satellite-images-show-israels-destruction-of-historical-city-of-tyre?ref=opendemocracy.net) by the IDF in the past three months.
As well as healthcare facilities, the IDF attacks have also been aimed at critical urban infrastructure, such as power and communications lines, water treatment plants and sewage treatment systems. The [New York Times](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/06/world/middleeast/white-phosphorous-israel-lebanon.html?ref=opendemocracy.net)even reports the probable use by the Israelis of white phosphorus, an incendiary substance that spontaneously ignites on contact with air and is exceptionally difficult to extinguish.
The IDF is also continuing its practice of ordering mass evacuations of both urban populations and rural communities.
Yet despite the extent of the force it is using, the IDF has failed to destroy Hezbollah. There is little sign of that changing; consider that the IDF is still unable to control Hamas in Gaza despite having destroyed so many urban areas.
Meanwhile, Netanyahu has made it abundantly clear that Israel is stepping up its plans to annex the great majority of Gaza. Over 50% of the land, including most of the area previously used for intensive horticulture, has been taken over by Israel. That is now increasing to 70% of Gaza, with yet more Palestinians being forced into overcrowded camps.
Taken alongside the increasing number of illegal settlements as well as Jewish settler violence in the Occupied West Bank, and the move to control substantial parts of southern Lebanon, the immediate prospects for a peaceful outcome are minimal.
A remarkable indicator of this is that, as settler violence against Palestinians continues, [Amnesty International reports on](https://www.amnesty.org.uk/latest/uk-amnesty-condemns-great-israeli-real-estate-event-promoting-illegal-settlement-property-sales-in-london/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a “Great Israeli Real Estate Event” scheduled to take place in London this weekend, in which land in illegal settlements will be marketed to the Israeli diaspora in the UK.
Two substantial issues remain. The first has been glaringly obvious for over 30 months: Israel is radicalising many thousands of young Palestinians to resist the IDF, even to the extent of sacrificing their lives. That alone means Netanyahu and his government are engaged in an unwinnable war.
Then there is the second issue: overseas opposition to Israel is growing in some unexpected quarters. Germany is historically reluctant to criticise Israel in public, yet [a pro-Palestinian wave of support](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/9/historic-wave-of-palestinian-solidarity-grows-at-universities-in-germany?ref=opendemocracy.net) has been seen in universities across the country.
In Britain, Labour MP Melanie Ward has brought attention to UK charities that she says have [given at least £28m illegal Jewish settlements](https://www.theguardian.com/society/2026/jun/10/charities-in-england-and-wales-donate-millions-to-israeli-settlements?ref=opendemocracy.net) across the occupied West Bank. Foreign secretary Yvette Cooper has responded by announcing that the Charity Commission will investigate the organisations’ links to the settlements and whether they can retain their charity status.
This comes in the week that the [Foreign Office announced](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-and-allies-sanction-%20networks-enabling-settler-violence-in-the-west-bank?ref=opendemocracy.net) plans for the UK to bring “together Australia, Canada, France, New Zealand and Norway to deliver coordinated sanctions against networks financing and enabling settler attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank, and firmly advises British businesses against activity in illegal Israeli settlements.”
Despite the Labour government’s antagonism to pro-Palestinian activists, [The Guardian](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jun/12/pro-palestine-activists-believe-sea-change-labour-approach-middle-east-israel?ref=opendemocracy.net) reports that some activists believe there is a “sea-change” underway in government circles, aided by the strongly pro-Palestinian stance of leading Green Party politicians, including leader Zac Polanski.
Successive Israeli governments have spent decades cultivating support through well-funded lobbies in these two key European states. That support is fraying, but what is far more significant is the shift in attitudes in the US. [A trenchant piece in the influential Wall Street Journal](https://www.wsj.com/opinion/netanyahu-has-lost-middle-america-ee4fb407?ref=opendemocracy.net), entitled ‘Netanyahu has lost Middle America’, concludes that whatever happens in the Gaza conflict, the loss of public US support “has been catastrophic and won’t be reversed quickly.”
That conclusion, in that journal, may turn out to be the most significant development in a singularly chaotic week.
### Andy Burnham’s promises of ‘growth’ rely on real investment in social care
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/andy-burnhams-promises-of-growth-rely-on-real-investment-in-social-care/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:29.000Z
Andy Burnham used what was widely understood as his Labour leadership launch speech to argue that the UK needs a different economic model to end “40 years of neoliberalism”.
The Manchester mayor, who is likely to mount a leadership challenge against Keir Starmer if he wins a parliamentary seat in next week’s Makerfield by-election, spoke of “good growth” and identified what he called a “gaping omission” in a recent intervention on Labour's future from Tony Blair: stagnant living standards, deepening inequality and the everyday struggles facing millions of households.
Burnham was right. And he’s right to put greater investment in infrastructure at the heart of his agenda to address the ills he diagnosed. But ambition alone won’t be enough. Whoever becomes the next prime minister will quickly face a test: whether to accept the Treasury orthodoxy that helped create those problems, or challenge it.
And that raises another key question: what kind of infrastructure should we invest in?
Most people think of roads, railways, housing and energy networks. The argument is familiar: invest in bricks and mortar, boost economic activity and growth will follow.
But while we readily recognise the economic value of a railway line that gets commuters to work, we struggle to see the same value in a nursery that enables a teacher to stay in her job, or social care that allows the mother of a Disabled child to remain in employment. All three are infrastructure. All make economic activity possible. Yet only one is treated as investment.
Because social infrastructure depends primarily on skilled workers rather than concrete and steel, Treasury accounting rules classify most spending on social infrastructure – health, education, childcare and social care – as day-to-day consumption rather than investment. Borrowing is generally reserved for physical assets that are assumed to generate long-term economic returns.
That distinction might make sense on a spreadsheet. In the real world, it makes far less sense.
Any investment in care in the UK would produce 2.7 times as many jobs as an equivalent investment in construction, according to our [research at the Women's Budget Group](https://wbg.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/Care-led-recovery-final.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net). This is not to say we shouldn’t build more affordable homes or expand bus routes. It is an argument for recognising that care systems generate economic returns in the form of employment, increased tax revenues and indirect societal benefits.
In fact, one area where we most urgently need growth is the care economy.
The country faces a crisis in social care. NHS waiting lists continue to keep people unwell and out of work. Despite recent expansions in childcare provision, high costs and shortages still force many women to reduce their hours or leave employment altogether. Underfunded social care leaves Disabled and older people without the support they need, while placing unsustainable pressure on families. We know that young people with caring responsibilities [are more than twice as likely](https://carers.org/news-and-media/news/post/622-young-carers-twice-as-likely-to-be-persistently-out-of-work-or-education-new-research-shows?ref=opendemocracy.net) not to be in employment, education, or training than their peers.
These are economic problems. Yet they are too often discussed as questions of affordability rather than necessity. For decades, politicians have asked how we will pay for stronger care systems. The more important question is who pays when we fail to provide them.
The answer is overwhelmingly women.
[Women’s Budget Group analysis](https://www.wbg.org.uk/publication/where-do-we-go-from-here-an-intersectional-analysis-of-womens-living-standards-since-2010/?ref=opendemocracy.net) has shown that women have borne the brunt of austerity-era spending cuts, with single mothers, Disabled women, women from Black and Asian backgrounds and low-income women experiencing some of the largest losses in living standards since 2010\. Women are the majority of public service workers and users, and they continue to perform most unpaid care.
Underinvestment in social infrastructure is never gender neutral. When childcare is unaffordable, when social care is unavailable, when public services are cut back, women absorb the costs through reduced working hours, lower earnings, poorer health and less economic security. The state does not eliminate care needs when it withdraws support; it simply shifts responsibility onto women.
If Andy Burnham is serious about addressing the inequalities he has identified, reforming social care and creating the conditions for “good growth”, he will have to grapple with a fiscal framework that systematically undervalues social infrastructure.
Yet in recent weeks, Burnham has appeared willing to embrace the government's fiscal rules. This is worrying; we cannot afford another autumn budget dominated by speculation about a fiscal hole and arguments over how to plug it. We know where that story ends. Fifteen years of austerity have taught us that when governments are too focused on ‘balancing the budget’, public services and social security are often first on the chopping block.
Instead, the Treasury should recognise social infrastructure as an investment that generates long-term economic returns. It should create a new category of investment spending alongside current spending and capital spending, allowing borrowing for social infrastructure while those returns are realised. And these reforms should be accompanied by a fairer and more progressive tax system that expands fiscal space by taxing wealth more effectively and equalising capital gains tax with income tax.
Furthermore, as the population of retired people grows – with a corresponding increase in spend on the state pension – the fiscal rule that limits government spending on social security means de facto reductions in spend on other forms of social security. Doing so should be a considered choice which balances the impact on citizens, especially women who are much more likely to rely on social security during their lives, rather than being driven by arbitrary rules.
The UK’s economic circumstances are undoubtedly complex. Inflationary pressures are likely to return even stronger as the economic impacts of the war in Iran unfold, and borrowing costs are significantly higher than they were a decade ago. We are not suggesting the government should just borrow without limit, but we do need to broaden what we understand investment to be.
Care has long been treated as a private responsibility rather than a collective necessity; as consumption rather than production. Yet without care, every workplace, business and public institution would grind to a halt.
A country that fails to invest in its social infrastructure is not being fiscally responsible. It is neglecting the foundations on which its economy depends.
---
***Erin Mansell is deputy director at the Women’s Budget Group***
### Keir Starmer’s social media ban for under-16s could backfire, experts warn
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmers-social-media-ban-for-under-16s-could-backfire-experts-warn/
Last updated: 2026-06-19T12:02:30.000Z
The UK government has been accused of rushing out plans for a social media ban for under-16s without considering the knock-on effects it would have on surveillance, privacy and young people’s wellbeing.
Ministers are expected to announce a full social media ban for children in the coming weeks, after technology secretary Liz Kendall [said the plans were backed](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/jun/09/crackdown-on-tech-platforms-will-go-ahead-despite-us-intervention-says-no-10?ref=opendemocracy.net) by 90% of respondents to a consultation on improving children’s relationships with phones.
The consultation closed last month after receiving over 116,000 responses from tech giants, members of the public, and advocacy groups. Keir Starmer has said his government will act quickly on its findings, which have not yet been made public in full.
But privacy and technology experts, as well as those working with children, have warned that the plans, which will require social media users to verify their age, could lead to a surveillance creep and data breaches, and push children into [unregulated parts](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c1721n4klp2o?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the internet as well as cutting them off from social media’s potential benefits, such as [giving LGBTQIA+ youth a chance to access communities](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/02/ban-children-social-media-biometic-data-surveilled?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Social%20media%20is%20a%20lifeline,most%20vulnerable%20children%20and%20adults.).
Others have voiced concerns that the government has not properly thought out how the ban will work.
“It’s very difficult to know what the actual ban would look like,” said Alan Woodward, professor of computer science and cybersecurity at the University of Surrey. The details of a ban have not been announced yet, although [specific restrictions have been discussed](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/may/05/how-uk-may-restrict-social-media-under-16s-time-limits-curfews-ban?ref=opendemocracy.net).
“I don’t think the government really knows where they’re going with a lot of this stuff,” Jasleen Chaggar, senior legal officer for British civil liberties and privacy campaigning organisation Big Brother Watch, told [the Media Storm podcast](https://open.spotify.com/episode/7vOiQd2DpwiCwIx1exAnKo?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Chaggar continued: “They want an outcome, but they haven’t actually figured out the technical solution to get there. So it’s like, ‘tech companies, you need to figure this out, or we’re just going to outsource this to ID companies and get them to figure out the details.’”
Donald Trump’s administration in the US, where the majority of Big Tech and social media firms are headquartered, has [warned the UK](https://www.the-independent.com/news/uk/politics/donald-trump-us-white-house-social-media-ban-uk-b2992215.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) against implementing the ban, arguing that it would “impose disproportionate compliance burdens on American companies” and limit freedom of speech.
But [Kendall said](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/jun/09/crackdown-on-tech-platforms-will-go-ahead-despite-us-intervention-says-no-10?ref=opendemocracy.net) she isn’t concerned “in the slightest” by the White House’s warning. “I think companies will continue investing in Britain,” the technology secretary said. “My focus is on what is right for British parents and British families.”
Asked about the status of the ban, a spokesperson said the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology doesn’t “comment on speculation about future announcements”.
“We've been clear we are determined to act quickly, but we will do so in a way that is effective, enforceable and genuinely keeps children safe,” he added. “As we've previously said, we will set out the government's response by the summer, and importantly we already have the powers to act within months rather than years.”
### **How did we get here?**
Conversation around a social media ban for children has gained traction in recent months amid growing concern around online safety and after Australia rolled out a similar ban in December last year. Starmer [has cited](https://www.globalbankingandfinance.com/uk-pm-starmer-set-ban-harmful-social-media-under-16s/?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=He's%20referencing%20Australia's%20world%E2%80%91first,abc.net.au%29.) the Australian ban, which imposes multimillion‑dollar fines on firms that fail to deactivate under‑16s’ accounts, as inspiration for the UK’s plan.
In March, the UK government [launched a six-week study](https://www.cityam.com/uk-trials-teen-social-media-bans-ahead-of-potential-crackdown/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to test the reactions of 300 teenagers aged 13 to 17 to having four different levels of access to apps such as Snapchat, Instagram and TikTok. One group was totally unable to access the apps, another could access them for only one hour a day, another had access blocked overnight, and the last had unrestricted use of social media.
While the results have not yet been made public, Kendall previously said they would be used as the “evidence we need to take the next steps”.
But an embattled Starmer has been accused of [rushing into a ban](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/jun/08/social-media-ban-under-16s-uk-safety-standards-molly-rose-foundation?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=If%20the%20government%20pushes%20ahead,swept%20up%20in%20that%20definition.) for political reasons – having [initially opposed the idea](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jan/13/keir-starmer-tells-mps-he-is-open-to-australian-style-social-media-ban?ref=opendemocracy.net).[ ](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/jun/09/keir-starmer-build-a-legacy-or-getting-on-with-the-job?ref=opendemocracy.net)
[The Times](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/keir-starmer-social-media-ban-3m95d7tfv?ref=opendemocracy.net) this week reported that the prime minister saw the ban as “a last-ditch attempt to win over Labour MPs before Andy Burnham’s possible return to parliament”. Burnham, Manchester’s Labour mayor, is hoping to win a parliamentary seat at the Makerfield by-election on 18 June. If he succeeds, [he is widely expected to launch a leadership challenge against Starmer](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/06/09/world/europe/makerfield-byelection-starmer-burnham-reform.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) after Labour’s dismal local election results last month.
“Child safety is too important to be relegated to piecemeal press releases timed around by-elections,” said Jack Coulson, head of advocacy at Big Brother Watch.
“It is right that the government should tackle Big Tech's failure to prioritise child safety over profit, but we are concerned that the complex task of safely changing the digital landscape is being done on the hoof,” Coulson added.
This week, [Starmer also announced](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-plans-to-stop-children-taking-sharing-or-viewing-nude-images?ref=opendemocracy.net) that his government will require manufacturers such as Apple and Google to activate or install software to detect and block explicit images on personal devices, which could be bypassed only by verifying that you’re an adult.
Companies that fail to introduce this software on any technology sold in the UK within three months may face fines and criminal liability, the government has said. It has been suggested that legislation could be used to target “operating system providers and others in the supply chain, such as retailers” if tech firms don’t comply.
Neither Apple nor Google [currently offers nudity-blocking](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2026/jun/08/starmer-tech-firms-ultimatum-block-explicit-images-children-phones?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Companies%20such%20as%20Apple%20and,8%20Jun%202026%2004.48%20EDT) software that works across its entire operating system, although Apple [is starting to implement](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c20qwz9xzr9o?ref=opendemocracy.net)[ age verification](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2026/jun/08/starmer-tech-firms-ultimatum-block-explicit-images-children-phones?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Companies%20such%20as%20Apple%20and,8%20Jun%202026%2004.48%20EDT) for specific apps and services on iPhones and iPads sold in the UK, and Google [began detecting and blurring nudity](https://support.google.com/messages/answer/15724426?hl=en-GB&ref=opendemocracy.net) on its messages app [last year](https://www.business-standard.com/technology/tech-news/google-messages-warns-users-if-shared-image-contains-nudity-how-to-enable-125081400835%5F1.html?ref=opendemocracy.net).
### **What would a ban mean?**
Many critics have argued that a ban is hard to enforce – 61% of under-16s in Australia still have access to social media, [research](https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/articles/cpwjjj2wq1po?ref=opendemocracy.net) suggests – and could leave children ill-equipped to handle social media and the internet when they get older and do have access. But perhaps the most cited concern focuses on surveillance.
Age verification “sounds simple” and “has got widespread appeal,” said cybersecurity specialist Woodward, but in reality, “it means age-verifying all of us.”
Organisations have previously warned that all social media users would need to [submit](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/keeping-children-safe-online-changes-to-the-online-safety-act-explained?ref=opendemocracy.net) an ID or credit card if platforms are required to verify that users are over 16, which could lead to a lack of online anonymity and a risk of data breaches.
“People will say, ‘Well, I’ve done nothing wrong, so I’ve got nothing to hide.’ And that is such a naive argument,” said Woodward. “Once you put the technology in place, time and again we have seen it being abused by governments – you get this scope creep.”
Alternatives to submitting ID include using AI to verify age through a facial scan, Woodward said, but [this can be bypassed with makeup](https://techcrunch.com/2026/05/06/some-kids-are-bypassing-age-verification-checks-with-a-fake-mustache/?ref=opendemocracy.net). He added that the age verification already needed to access websites containing pornographic content, which was introduced in the Online Safety Act, is creating a “whack-a-mole situation” amid suggestions of introducing age verifications on the VPNs used to bypass the requirements.
“The price of admission to the internet will now be ID checks,” said Big Brother Watch’s Coulson. “Ending anonymity online is a step that authoritarian regimes can only dream of. We all deserve privacy, but political dissidents, journalists, and victims of coercive control will find the need to out themselves especially terrifying.
“These policies create new risks, for adults and children alike,” Coulson continued, explaining that it’s not certain that platforms will delete the sensitive data handed over as part of the age verification process.
Over the past year, for example, messaging app [Discord announced](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c8jmzd972leo?ref=opendemocracy.net) that over 70,000 user photos were potentially leaked, while users of the dating safety app Tea [had their personal data and photos leaked](https://www.404media.co/women-dating-safety-app-tea-breached-users-ids-posted-to-4chan/?ref=opendemocracy.net) online.
The UK’s proposed ban comes as countries including France, Greece, and Indonesia are [considering and preparing for similar plans to restrict young people’s access to social media.](https://social-media-age-tracker.onrender.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
“We’re not honest enough about what these platforms are,” said Velisalava Hillman, a lecturer at Goldsmiths and founder of EDDS Institute, which researches and audits educational technology and AI systems used in schools. “They’re not about socialising or creating friendships – they’re money-making machines.”
But a ban is “a very narrow way of looking at this problem,” said Hillman. “The debate is always around the idea that children necessarily have to be on these platforms. They don’t have to; the world existed well before these social media platforms.”
“We await the government’s wider proposals, but this plan is a retrograde step for everyone's privacy,” said Coulson. “What we need is a wholesale culture change around the age at which children are given devices, what kinds of devices, and how parents engage with existing tools.”
### Far-right chaos won’t define Northern Ireland – solidarity will
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/far-right-violence-northern-ireland-belfast-tommy-robinson-solidary-community/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:31.000Z
For the past ten years, I’ve made my home in Cloughfern on the outskirts of the Northern Irish capital. Ten minutes’ walk one way, and you’re in Monkstown Wood, a nature reserve replete with birds, squirrels and a close community of dog walkers. Twenty minutes another way and you’re at Hazelbank Park on the shores of Belfast Lough, where the view takes in the iconic yellow Harland and Wolff cranes, and sweeps all the way north to the lighthouse at Whitehead.
But the scenes broadcast from the end of my street on Tuesday night, of masked rioters, petrol bombs and car hijackings, provoke revulsion. Far-right agitators such as Tommy Robinson and Reform leader Nigel Farage responded to a knife attack by a man believed to be an asylum seeker with dog-whistles, including calls to riot – pouring fuel on a fire that's been smouldering for weeks now.
People in Northern Ireland have muscle memory of violence, murder and riots in our not-very-distant past. We also have muscle memory on how to organise and help each other through.
Just two weeks ago, I called on a neighbour whose house had ‘locals only’ spray-painted on the wall. I wanted to see how he was and ask if there was anything I could do to help. This kind, warm man immediately brought me inside and showed me a letter he’d received from someone in the area. It was typed, printed out, with the contact details of local councillors and police and ended: “We have paint, and we can come over and paint out the graffiti. I am so ashamed that this happened to you*.*”
Despite how it might look in the news and on social media, the violence on our streets and neighbourhoods right now is being orchestrated by only a handful of people, many of whom don’t live here and have spent years normalising division and whipping up hatred for their own ends. Their message was amplified in particular by Grok (X’s AI tool) and on Facebook and Instagram, as US billionaire social media bosses Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg allowed their platforms to be used as giant megaphones to spread hate and disinformation and tear apart our communities. It doesn't have to be like this.
Writing this as my city goes into shutdown for a second night of violence, my phone is constantly pinging with WhatsApp updates. A group of literally hundreds of people has sprung into action, coordinating, donating, providing lifts for families to get somewhere safe for the night, bringing food to those who don’t want to leave the house, offering shelter, car seats, toys and arts supplies for children. Ordinary people from every background, community and colour are carrying out thousands of acts of care and repair, looking after people they do not know, and showing clearly that none of this is in their name.
In terms of leadership, communities are leaving our political representatives in the dust. Across this island, politicians must now focus on taking the hate megaphone out of the hands of haters – by demanding that social media platforms like Meta and X turn off their toxic algorithms until they can be proven to be safe.
Through my work at Act Now, an independent people-powered campaigning community in Northern Ireland, I’ve been privileged to see how people move with urgency, compassion and love in these moments. Even as the images of orchestrated violence and hate fly around the world, it is these actions of love and solidarity that will ultimately define us – to the outside world, but more importantly, to each other.
### After the aid cuts: Eight lessons from a leaner past
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/usaid-cuts-eight-lessons-from-the-past-democracy-rights-governance/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:33.000Z
Over the past year, organisations working in the democracy, rights and governance (DRG) space have faced layoffs, wind-downs, project handovers, mergers, cancelled benefits, enforced volunteerism, and more amid brutal aid cuts.
While some government funding for development [work](https://www.devex.com/news/how-much-will-donors-spend-on-aid-in-the-coming-years-110778?ref=opendemocracy.net) remains, betting on long-term sustainability through donor grants alone looks increasingly short-sighted. It is easy to forget how recent the current model is.
The professionalisation of DRG work largely took shape in the early 1990s, following the fall of the Berlin Wall and democratic transitions in Eastern Europe and the Balkans. The logframe-driven, top-down world of governance programming did not exist in the same way before this time; the field was smaller, more informal and more precarious, and there was less funding available.
So how did organisations structure themselves and sustain their work? Looking back, they adopted at least eight broad approaches that meant they were more agile, more rooted in communities, and more financially diverse.
As the current model comes under strain, these approaches do not offer a simple blueprint. But they do suggest a direction – towards work that is leaner, more politically connected, and less dependent on a single source of funding.
The past, in that sense, may offer a glimpse of what comes next.
### **1\. Keeping costs low**
Many DRG efforts grew out of volunteer networks, student organising or professional associations, with minimal fixed costs and significant in-kind support.
[Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan](https://www.mkssindia.org/index.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), founded in India in 1990, began as a grassroots movement against corruption and wage theft and, over time, helped drive the passage of the Right to Information Act.
In Serbia, [Otpor](https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/otpor-struggle-democracy-serbia-1998-2000/?ref=opendemocracy.net)!, a student-led movement, mobilised civil society to oust dictator Slobodan Milosevic in 2000\. It relied on students and civil society coalitions to monitor elections, plan general strikes, and build popular support against the regime.
To this day, smaller, less bureaucratic organisations like these often proved more sustainable precisely because they were built to operate with less.
### **2\. Building a membership base**
Membership models offered both financial stability and political leverage – rooting organisations in a clear base rather than external donors.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions ([COSATU](https://mediadon.co.za/formation-of-cosatu/?ref=opendemocracy.net)) is a strong example. Financed through membership dues in the late 1980s, it sustained itself while pushing for major reforms during and after apartheid. What began as 500,000 workers across 33 unions has grown into a federation of more than two million members.
That was important not just financially, but politically. COSATU’s emphasis on self-sufficiency meant costs were covered by its own base, while its union structure enabled coordinated action: organising for a living wage, advancing workers’ rights, and playing a role in shaping South Africa’s post-apartheid constitution.
### **3\. Diversifying philanthropy**
Institutional and community philanthropy played a critical bridging role – supporting early organisations, research, and networks before larger funding streams existed.
Smaller intermediaries such as the [Institute for Democracy in South Africa](https://policycommons.net/orgs/institute-for-democratic-alternatives-in-south-africa/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and the [Aga Khan Development Network](https://the.akdn/en/home?ref=opendemocracy.net) helped sustain local ecosystems, while larger foundations – including [Ford](https://www.fordfoundation.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Open Society](https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – backed emerging groups and independent media in democratising contexts.
That kind of mix is still important. But as funding pressures grow, the question is how far the field is willing to expand its sights. Significant private wealth exists – from high-net-worth individuals to donor-advised funds – yet relatively little is directed towards DRG work.
The challenge is clarity: making a sharper, more compelling case for why this work matters, and why it should be funded. Efforts led by figures such as Sudanese-British businessman [Mo Ibrahim](https://mo.ibrahim.foundation/news/2025/africa-loses-100bn-a-year-financial-crime-heres-whistleblowers-could-help-get-back?ref=opendemocracy.net), whose foundation champions sound leadership and governance in Africa, point to what is possible, but there is still far more room to build.
### **4\. Revisiting faith-based support**
Faith-based giving has largely dropped out of current DRG debates – but historically, it was central to funding and organising.
In Kenya, the [National Council of Churches](https://ncck.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net), founded in 1913, mobilised membership contributions and grassroots networks to advocate for fairer elections in the late 1980s and 1990s. Organisations such as [Catholic Relief Services](https://www.crs.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [Christian Aid](https://www.christianaid.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net), before becoming major aid contractors, provided flexible support to small governance and anti-corruption groups, while also backing organising around related issues like land rights.
These institutions are [not without their own contradictions](https://www.trtafrika.com/english/article/8d076ffa1825?ref=opendemocracy.net). But at a moment when funding is tightening, faith networks remain a significant – and underexplored – source of support for accountability work.
### **5\. Embedding within institutions**
Some organisations were housed within academic institutions or research bodies, gaining administrative support, partial cost recovery, and institutional credibility.
The [Center for the Study of Democracy](https://csd.eu/?ref=opendemocracy.net), founded in Bulgaria in 1989, set out to bridge scholars and policymakers, contributing to governance and anti-corruption reforms. Today, similar models persist – from the [GovLab](https://thegovlab.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) at NYU to the [European Research Centre](https://www.hertie-school.org/en/ercas?ref=opendemocracy.net) for Anti-Corruption and State-Building at the Hertie School, and accountability programmes housed within universities in Mexico and elsewhere.
These arrangements can provide stability and legitimacy. But they also come with trade-offs – from bureaucratic constraints and high overheads to the unpredictability of academic funding and partnerships.
### **6\. Working collectively**
Organisations often came together in loose networks – what we might now call “[translocal](https://accountabilitylab.org/understanding-translocal-networks-blair-glencorse-at-ssir-frontiers-of-social-innovation/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” – that gradually became more formal over time.
Early formations like [Transparency International](https://www.transparency.org/en/our-story?ref=opendemocracy.net) began as affiliations of groups and individuals pooling knowledge, resources and reach. That logic still holds. Closer ties can help share costs, reduce duplication, and strengthen impact – while also providing more stability in how decisions are made.
As funding tightens, deeper collaboration is likely to accelerate, including new partnerships, alliances and mergers across the field.
### **7\. Generating income**
Many DRG organisations built sustained income streams by producing something of value – research, training, technical advice – rather than relying solely on grants.
The [International Budget Partnership](https://internationalbudget.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) developed [research partnerships](https://internationalbudget.org/wp-content/uploads/IBP-annual-report-2009.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) with donors, governments and multilateral institutions to support its advocacy work. Others, like the [Center on Budget and Policy Priorities](https://www.cbpp.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net), funded accountability efforts by providing analysis and services to state actors. Some even ran service delivery programmes – schools and health centres, for example– to cross-subsidise their organising.
Today, many organisations are trying to do the same, but in a more crowded space. The challenge is not just finding new revenue streams, but clarifying what value is distinct – and whether current skills and models are fit for that shift.
### **8\. Stay rooted in movements**
Finally, DRG work was more explicitly tied to political movements. Organisations were often embedded in broader struggles, drawing on trade unions, parties and community networks for support.
Movements such as Poland’s [Solidarity](https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/polands-solidarity-movement-1980-1989/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and Czechoslovakia’s [Civic Forum](https://wagingnonviolence.org/2012/04/czechoslovakias-two-hour-general-strike/?ref=opendemocracy.net) operated through horizontal networks with limited formal budgets but deep social roots.
The [Coordinadora Nacional del Movimiento Urbano Popular](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/095624789000200106?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Mexico mobilised urban communities in similar ways. Political foundations also played a role in resourcing this ecosystem, particularly in the early decades.
Take the *Stiftungen* model, in which a non-profit foundation (a *stiftung,* in German) holds a controlling or majority stake in a commercial company, which then operates to serve a long-term purpose, rather than to maximise short-term profits for individual shareholders. This model funded political DRG work from the 1960s, and was later mirrored by US bodies such as the [National Democratic Institute](https://www.ndi.org/sites/default/files/1872%5Fksv%5Fpress%5F070505%5F5.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) and the [International Republican Institute](https://www.iri.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the 1980s.
---
*Blair Glencorse is co-CEO of Accountability Lab and founder of Civic Strength Partners. Shally Baloch is partnerships officer at Accountability Lab.*
### Inside the Palestine Action trial that could redefine protest as terrorism
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-palestine-action-trial-that-could-redefine-protest-as-terrorism/
Last updated: 2026-06-18T10:18:10.000Z
**Editor’s note: This piece was published in the days before the four Palestine Action activists were sentenced. In the end, the judge presiding over the case ruled that there was a terrorism connection to their offences, despite having withheld this information from the jurors. The activists were handed sentences ranging from four years and eight months to seven years and eight months.*
**A statement from The Filton 25 Defence Committee said: “The four protesters sentenced today destroyed over 40 Israeli weapons, including killer drones, which are used in almost every massacre of Palestinians in Gaza. By taking direct action, they saved lives. That is not terrorism, it is a duty. Today’s ruling will be appealed to correct this serious miscarriage of justice.”*
Four Palestine Action activists may this week become the first protesters sentenced as terrorists in Britain – a decision that their supporters told openDemocracy would be an unprecedented escalation in the UK’s crackdown on Palestine solidarity movements.
Lottie Head, 29, Samuel Corner, 23, Ellie Kamio, 30, and Fatema Rajwani, 21, were last month found guilty of criminal damage after breaking into a site belonging to the UK branch of Israeli arms firm Elbit Systems in August 2024 and damaging equipment, including drones and computer systems. Corner was also convicted of grievous bodily harm over an injury a police officer sustained during the incident.
In England and Wales, you do not need to be convicted of a terrorism offence to be sentenced as a terrorist. A court can find that an ordinary criminal offence meets the definition of terrorism under the Terrorism Act 2000 – a broad definition that includes serious damage to property carried out for a political or ideological cause, where one purpose is to influence a government.
That fact has caused alarm in this case, particularly since Palestine Action was not proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the UK government until July 2025 – almost a year after the protest took place. Despite this, the judge presiding over the hearing, Justice Johnson, [ruled](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/may/12/palestine-action-activists-elbit-protest-terrorist-connection-ruling?ref=opendemocracy.net) that there appeared to be a “terrorist connection” ahead of the trial, but said this could not be disclosed to the jury. Jurors were unaware that finding the activists guilty of criminal damage could lead to them being sentenced as terrorists.
If the court decides to make the terrorism connection at the sentencing on Friday, the activists will serve their whole sentence in prison, unless a parole board approves their release after they complete at least 66% of their sentence. Non-terrorist prisoners usually serve 40% of their sentence.
Even after their release, the defendants may be recorded as terrorists for life. They would have to register any new device, bank account, telephone number, email address, vehicle, relationship and overseas travel plans with the police for the rest of their lives. Failing to comply with these rules, or making a mistake in how they comply, could mean they are returned to prison.
“This is the first time that the terrorism link has been used on a criminal damage case, and the first time that protesters could be sentenced as terrorists in Britain,” an official representative of the Filton Defence Campaign, a Palestine solidarity support group formed around the activists prosecuted after the direct action, told openDemocracy.
The representative said they had “just come off the phone” with one of the prisoners, who described the pressure of awaiting sentence as overwhelming, telling them: “The stress is unbearable sometimes, the uncertainty is endless, and the burden of the fight is exhausting.”
Their families and partners, they said, are “dealing with it differently”, but have become “a very strong community” and remain “resolute… in their convictions and integrity”. One mother told the campaign that “it would be an honour for anyone to be in her daughter’s position”.
The representative told openDemocracy that “the British state ensured that the process itself was the punishment”, adding that the defendants have already spent many months in prison.
The four activists are part of a group known as the Filton 24, named after Elbit UK’s Filton site, near Bristol, where they protested. Of the 24 people charged over the August 2024 action, six were initially tried and acquitted of aggravated burglary in February this year. The jury failed to reach a verdict on the criminal damage charges – leading to the current retrial, in which two of the six activists were found not guilty. Prosecutors have since dropped the aggravated burglary charge against the remaining 18.
During the retrial, the defendants were barred from explaining the wider political context of their action. According to the [Guardian](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2026/may/12/palestine-action-activists-elbit-protest-terrorist-connection-ruling?utm%5Fsource=chatgpt.com), they could not discuss their opposition to Elbit, the war in Gaza or their stated intention to prevent harm. Outside the court, supporters holding placards about jury rights were [arrested](https://novaramedia.com/2026/04/24/nine-arrested-while-holding-jury-equity-signs-outside-filton24-trial/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
The case sits uneasily within the wider legal battle over Palestine Action. In February, the High Court ruled that the government’s decision to proscribe the group had been unlawful, finding that the home secretary had failed to apply government policy properly and had breached rights to freedom of expression and assembly.
The ruling does not mean that every Palestine Action protest was lawful. The [court](https://www.judiciary.uk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/R-Ammori-v-SSHD-OPEN-Judgment-final.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) accepted that some Palestine Action activity could fall within the broad statutory definition of terrorism, but found that proscribing the whole organisation was disproportionate. The government appealed, leaving the legal effect of the ruling contested. That makes the Filton sentencing all the more significant.
## Artists’ open letter
Public concern has spread beyond the immediate Palestine solidarity movement. [An open letter](https://artistsforpalestine.org.uk/public-figures-warn-against-unjust-terror-sentences-for-israeli-arms-site-action/?ref=opendemocracy.net) coordinated by Artists for Palestine UK and signed by around 100 public figures, including Sally Rooney, Greta Thunberg, Steve Coogan, Zoë Wanamaker, John McDonnell MP, Charlotte Church, Brian Eno and Ken Loach, urged the judge to drop the terrorism connection.
The signatories warned that sentencing the four as terrorists would be an “extremely grave miscarriage of justice”. They stressed that the defendants were not charged with terrorism offences, were not tried under terrorism laws, and that the jury did not convict them of terrorism. The letter argued that their motivations had been excluded from the trial, but could now be used against them at sentencing. It also said their actions “may well have saved lives”.
Charlotte Church put the criticism more sharply, saying: “The courts are lashing out at young people”. The singer argued that those manufacturing weapons for Israel should instead face accountability.
The outrage has also been shaped by months of prison protest. In late 2025, Palestine Action-linked prisoners held on remand in the Filton and RAF Brize Norton cases began [a hunger strike over prison conditions](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/25/palestine-action-prison-hunger-strikes-that-shaped-history?ref=opendemocracy.net), bail, fair trial rights, the proscription of Palestine Action and Elbit Systems’ operations in the UK. UN experts later raised “[grave concern](https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/12/un-experts-urge-uk-protect-lives-and-rights-pro-palestinian-detainees-hunger?ref=opendemocracy.net)” about reports of deteriorating health and the treatment of hunger strikers in custody.
The Filton 24 Defence Campaign says the case has drawn support far beyond the small group who first gathered outside counter-terrorism units after the arrests. “The movement that has grown in support of the Filton 24 has been nothing short of awe-inspiring,” the campaign representative said.
“We went from about 50 people outside Hammersmith Counter Terrorism units in August 2024 demanding their release, to thousands upon thousands mobilising regularly around the country and abroad.”
The implications, campaigners believe, may extend to climate, anti-arms and other direct action movements, but they are wary of framing the case as a generic protest rights issue.
“This could indeed affect other direct action and protest groups,” the campaign representative said, “however, it hasn’t yet affected any cause except the one for Palestinian liberation.” The case, they added, is “another face of Britain’s complicity in the occupation of Palestine and the ethnic cleansing of its people.”
## Palestine solidarity and protest movements
For the Filton defence campaign, the case is about more than four defendants. It is about the state’s response to Palestine solidarity, and the way counter-terrorism powers have been pushed into the realm of protest and direct action.
At the centre of the proposed terrorism connection is the claim that the action sought to influence the Israeli government by restricting access to weapons. The defence campaign believes that argument turns international law upside down.
The action took place months after the [International Court of Justice ordered Israel](https://www.icj-cij.org/node/203454?ref=opendemocracy.net) to take measures to prevent genocidal acts in Gaza. The defendants’ defence argues that they acted “in accordance with international law” by destroying equipment they believed was destined for use by the Israeli military. Evidence in court, it says, showed that exports of military equipment were cancelled because of the damage caused.
“Their action was a success,” the campaign representative said.
For the campaign, the danger is that this success is now being treated not as mitigation, but as the basis for a terrorism-linked sentence. “What this particular facet of the ruling suggests,” they said, “is that the genocide doesn’t matter; that it is more terrorist in nature to disrupt a genocidal regime’s military operations than it is to carry out those military operations.”
The defendants and their families will learn on Friday whether the court accepts the terrorism connection. Whatever happens, the campaign believes the case has already marked a dangerous shift in Britain’s treatment of Palestine solidarity. Relaying Lottie’s words to openDemocracy, the campaign’s representative said: “The divine right of kings is alive and well in the British judiciary system.”
### Cuba’s revolution is dying. What comes next is unclear
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/cuba-usa-trump-threat-embargo-blackouts-cuban-revolution-raul-castro-war-marco-rubio/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:39.000Z
Uncertainty is the prevailing mood in Cuba. Donald Trump has been clear about intervening in the country. Will the US president repeat his ‘successful’ intervention in Venezuela, or has he envisioned a different model for Cuba? There are many questions and one certainty: the revolutionary government is in decline.
The US Department of Justice last month [indicted](https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/united-states-unseals-superseding-indictment-charging-raul-castro-and-five-castro-regime-co?ref=opendemocracy.net) 95-year-old former president Raúl Castro, the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution, over the 1996 shootdown of two light aircraft belonging to Brothers to the Rescue, a group formed by Cuban dissidents in Miami that carried out several incursions into Cuban airspace during the 1990s. Four people died in the shootdown, three of them US citizens.
Castro’s murder indictment suggests that Washington is attempting to replicate the strategy it applied against Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, who is currently detained in New York. Maduro was [kidnapped](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/) by US military forces in January this year, in an operation that left between 70 and 100 people dead, after the US Justice Department issued an indictment against him in 2020, during Trump’s first term.
This time, though, the US faces less transgression of international law: Castro, unlike Maduro, does not enjoy the immunity of a head of state – he is a deputy of Cuba’s National Assembly of People's Power and an army general with an honorary rank. Neither position confers international immunity.
Trump has said that he wants to change the leadership in Havana and that he would be [delighted to invade Cuba](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-cuba-action-regime-change/?ref=opendemocracy.net). He has also intensified the economic embargo against the island, imposing new and sweeping sanctions and an [oil blockade](https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/el-bloqueo-de-eeuu-paraliza-la-entrega-de-miles-de-toneladas-de-ayuda-de-la-onu-para-cuba/91509905?ref=opendemocracy.net) that hampers even the delivery of humanitarian aid by the UN.
The US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, [told](https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c052vpv77gmo?ref=opendemocracy.net) journalists that Cuba has represented a national security threat for years and that Trump is determined to address this problem. While his message expressed a preference for a diplomatic solution, he observed that “the likelihood of that happening… is not high.”
At the same time, US news website Axios, citing classified information, [reported](https://www.axios.com/2026/05/17/us-military-drones-cuba?ref=opendemocracy.net) that Cuba possessed 300 drones capable of striking US targets such as the military base at Guantánamo Bay, and possibly Key West in Florida, or warships deployed in the area. Beyond those 300 drones, the military superiority of the US over Cuba is not in doubt. The drones could cause damage, but could not prevent or win a war.
There are, however, no guarantees about the outcome of an intervention similar to that in Venezuela. It is likely, therefore, that a negotiation will be attempted first, while military action would be only a last resort – though the effects of the war against Iran may convince Washington that it is not a wise course of action.
Cuba's internal situation is chaotic. One could argue that the decline of the Revolution has been slow and prolonged. The country is experiencing a long economic contraction, mass emigration, infrastructure collapse, diminished state capacity and widespread social discontent stemming from shortages of electricity, food and medicine, which are compounded by the stranglehold imposed by Trump.
Cuba is living through a process of exhaustion driven by four interrelated dynamics: economic deterioration, ideological decline, generational transition and institutional fragmentation.
The revolutionary narrative has lost its mobilising power. The state is focused on surveillance, coercion, information control, repression and human rights violations. It has transformed into a coercive institution that delivers no rights and provides no social goods. On the contrary, it disdains rights and concentrates social goods for a privileged few. Despite all of this, the regime maintains a capillary control over the population and has a loyal militant base that would respond to any external aggression.
The Communist Party dominates the political institutions, the media and the security bodies. The military-linked business conglomerate, the Business Administration Group, which expanded its commercial and financial reach following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, is a strategic instrument that [controls Cuba's most dynamic sectors](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cuba-protestas-alimentos-escasez-revolucion-comunista-fracaso/), from hotels and retail stores to customs and ports.
Does this situation mean we are witnessing the disappearance of the Revolution in Cuba? Probably. A negotiated transition is possible, with the participation of some sectors of the Cuban armed forces, opposition groups from exile and perhaps some local leaders.
It is very difficult to predict how societies react in times of change. It is even more complex when there is no civil society on the island free to express itself, and no political, social or economic rights.
The fear is that Cuba will fail to establish a democratic regime. This would be a failure for the island, for the Latin American region and for the United States. The Trump administration and Rubio will likely deploy all political, economic and military resources to avoid such an outcome. But there are no guarantees that a democratic regime will take hold.
The road will be full of difficulties. International actors – both Latin American and European countries – could contribute to support a democratic transition, as they did in the processes that ended dictatorships in Latin America, promoting dialogue among the various actors in Cuba and offering alternatives to the ferocity embodied by Trump.
The so-called Cuban lobby – the influential anti-Castro community based in Miami that for many years repudiated Fidel Castro regime – has managed to penetrate Washington more deeply, with Rubio as a clear asset. They do not want a US military invasion; they want the end of the Revolution.
If a democratic transition were to occur, it could take the form of an hybrid democracy – one that follows democratic forms, particularly in electoral procedures, but without a judiciary and a parliament possessing the autonomy and strength expected in a genuine democracy. It would have a parliamentary-presidential character, backed by some constitutional guarantees, a gradual decentralisation and the emergence of new political parties and civil society organisations.
There is hope that these challenges can be faced with a firm commitment to freedom, with the cooperation of Latin American and European democracies, and with the dream shared by many Cubans of one day being able to return home.
### Palantir + your NHS data = mass surveillance
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-060626/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:50.000Z
## In this week's issue
- Experts warn NHS’s contract with Palantir creates lasting risk of mass surveillance in health service
- Far-right weaponisation of Henry Nowak’s death highlights need for solidarity among targeted communities
- Gaza-bound aid convoy forced to abandon mission after 11 volunteers were detained in Libya
- Paul Rogers: Despite fragile ceasefires, there is no clear route to peace in the Middle East
- How leftist senator Iván Cepeda made it into Colombia’s presidential runoff against the odds
- Ghana’s draconian anti-LGBTQ bill passes – but even its key backers are calling for the law’s recall
- **Plus: This week in history and what we’re reading**
Help us improve this newsletterWe recently redesigned our weekly newsletter to make it easier for you to catch up on our best independent journalism. But the only metric that actually matters is what you think. Help us shape the future of this newsletter by sharing your thoughts. It only takes three minutes.
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I can’t quite believe that three years into Palantir’s £330m contract with the NHS, a cross-party committee of MPs *still* has to ask the government to come clean about precisely what sensitive personal information of British citizens is held by the controversial US military contractor, and on what statutory basis. One would argue this would be something to sort out before the contract gets underway?
This week, MPs urged the government to exercise a “break clause” in the contract in 2027, using the remaining time to shop around for British alternatives.
But as openDemocracy’s tech reporter Jade-Ruyu Yan reports in her cover story for this week, Palantir’s relationship with the NHS has revealed a persistent risk of mass surveillance that cannot be wished away by simply cancelling the contract. “As a bonus, can your story tell me what Palantir actually does?” I asked Jade. She has done exactly that.
Do read Satbir Singh’s introspective piece on being British and Sikh in the backdrop of Henry Nowak’s tragic murder. “For Sikhs, this is the moment to remember what our own traditions actually demand,” Singh writes, adding that “The harder reckoning is with ourselves.”
“Government must defend free speech consistently or risk deepening division,” says the director of Liberty, Akiko Hart. Her piece is the latest instalment in our series on how the government must reset after last month’s local election results. Fazilit Hadi from Disability Rights UK also urges Labour to “stop treating Disabled people as a problem to be managed”.
Speaking of that reset, Labour can look for lessons in Pedro Rossi’s analysis of how progressive labour reform has revived Colombia’s leftist movement.
Also in this issue, reports from Ghana, The Gambia, an update on our recent report from the land convoy to Gaza, and Paul Rogers on a dangerous pause in the Middle East.
If you want to see more rigorous reporting on behemoths like Palantir, then please donate to support our work. We don’t take money from Big Tech, we rely on readers like you!
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[Palantir is turning the NHS into a tool for mass surveillanceKicking out Palantir, experts warn, may not solve the problems its Federated Data Platform has created.openDemocracyJade-Ruyu Yan](https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-is-turning-the-nhs-into-a-tool-for-mass-surveillance/)
Big tech firms like Palantir spend millions lobbying to secure lucrative public contracts. At openDemocracy, we don't have corporate backers or billionaire owners - we have you. If you think it is vital to have independent journalists scrutinising Palantir and other big tech organisations, please help us keep digging.
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[There is no such thing as a safe minorityHenry Nowak’s murder was a tragedy. What is being done with it is something else entirelyopenDemocracySatbir Singh](https://www.opendemocracy.net/henry-nowak-death-no-such-thing-safe-minority-sikh-nigel-farage/)
[Gaza-bound land convoy forced to abandon mission after arrests in LibyaVolunteers remain detained in Libya after a bid to deliver aid to Gaza by land collapsed amid violence and obstructionopenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/gaza-bound-land-convoy-forced-to-abandon-mission-arrests-in-libya/)
[Two ceasefires, no peace: the Middle East’s dangerous pauseThe US, Iran, Israel and Hezbollah all have reasons to avoid full-scale war. But none yet has a serious route to peace.openDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/two-ceasefires-no-peace-the-middle-easts-dangerous-pause/)
[Colombia election: How labour reform revived the leftAs far right advances, President Petro’s political boost shows work, wages and inequality still mobilise progressivesopenDemocracyPedro Rossi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-election-ivan-cepeda-abelardo-de-la-espriella-gustav-petro-minimum-wage-labour-reform/)
[Government must defend free speech consistently or risk deepening divisionAs free speech becomes a culture war battleground, Labour must defend principles, not pick sidesopenDemocracyAkiko Hart](https://www.opendemocracy.net/government-must-defend-free-speech-consistently-or-risk-deepening-division/)
[Ghana’s anti-LGBTQ bill passes amid chaos as law’s backers call for recallContested vote throws into doubt future of law criminalising queer people, allies and parts of public health sectoropenDemocracyDelali Adogla-Bessa](https://www.opendemocracy.net/ghanas-anti-lgbtq-bill-passes-amid-chaos-as-laws-backers-call-for-recall/)
[UK government must prioritise Disabled people’s rightsLabour needs a new direction. Its first step must be to stop treating Disabled people as a problem to be managedopenDemocracyFazilet Hadi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-goverment-fail-disabled-people-kier-starmer-inequalities/)
[Inside the campaign that stopped The Gambia reversing its FGM banWhen lawmakers moved to legalise FGM again, Gambian feminists turned a dangerous rollback into a landmark victoryopenDemocracyIsatou Touray](https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-campaign-that-stopped-the-gambia-reversing-its-fgm-ban/)
---
## Weekly Poll
---
## This week in history
Photo by Peter Charlesworth/LightRocket via Getty Images
### **The Tiananmen Square massacre — 4 June 1989**
On 4 June 1989, the Chinese People's Liberation Army moved against pro-democracy demonstrators who had occupied Tiananmen Square for seven weeks. Hundreds — possibly thousands — were killed. The crackdown ended China's most significant popular movement of the 20th century.
What is less remembered is that the demonstrators explicitly drew inspiration from the Polish Solidarity movement — and that the Chinese generals who ordered the crackdown had been inspired by Jaruzelski's 1981 martial law.
[Remember Solidarity! Poland’s journey to democracyTwenty-five years ago, the workers of the shipyards at Gdansk, Poland, went on strike. A few years earlier, in the same city, the police of the Communist regime had murdered strikers on the streets. This time, the workers locked themselves into the yards - and dispatched emissaries throughout Poland toopenDemocracyNorman Birnbaum](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/polish-democracy-2782jsp/)
---
## What we're reading
### [**Elemental: the new geography of climate change and how we survive it, Arthur Snell**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781035412945?ref=opendemocracy.net)
How is the climate crisis affecting geopolitics? When will we see the first water wars, or have they already started? What happens to Saudi Arabia when we turn towards renewables; has the first polar bear been born that will never wander over summer Arctic ice; and will Chinese workers move into a more temperate Siberia? Snell’s book poses these questions and many, many more, in a fascinating, sometimes terrifying, often enraging and yes, even hopeful, read on the intersection between climate and geopolitics. Segmented into four digestible parts - earth, air, fire and water - it is a surprisingly easy read for what is a very dense subject, but that ease does not compromise on intellectual rigour and impeccable research. I learnt so much from reading this book, about where we are now, where we have been and where we might be going. And even though it hit the shelves only a week after the US-Israel war in Iran, it is prescient about this exact moment, too.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
# Thank you!
If you're reading this then you're amazing! Our work is only possible thanks to your ongoing support. Thank you for believing in what we do and for helping to make the world a better place
### Una ley pionera pone nombre a una violencia histórica en Argentina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/una-ley-pionera-pone-nombre-a-una-violencia-historica-en-argentina/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:52.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Mujeres indígenas del norte de Argentina ganan una batalla contra la violencia sexual y racial
- Colombia: Suba del salario y más derechos laborales explican que la izquierda aún esté en la carrera presidencial
- Cuba, entre Trump y el fin de la Revolución
- EEUU impone a Uganda un acuerdo que pone en riesgo la atención del VIH/sida y de emergencias posaborto
La palabra **chineo** tiene un origen incierto. Está asociado al nombre que los colonizadores y los criollos les daban a las mujeres y niñas indígenas en las pampas y selvas sudamericanas: *chinas*. Por extensión se llamó también así a las campesinas.
Las *chinas* eran parte de un **paisaje a dominar y explotar**. Y eso se hizo por mucho tiempo. La violencia sexual (y racial) enfocada en jovencitas y niñas indígenas pasó a nombrarse como ‘salir a *chinear*’ o *chineo*. Un lenguaje que deshumaniza.
Pero las mujeres indígenas decidieron pelear. Empezaron por llamar a las cosas por su nombre, se organizaron, se autoprotegieron y articularon una batería de medidas para exigir al Estado la erradicación del abuso sexual sistemático.
Parte de esas medidas hoy son ley en la provincia argentina de Salta. **Florencia Galarza** nos cuenta la historia de esa lucha.
[La batalla de las mujeres indígenas del norte argentino llega a la leyAsí las mujeres indígenas lograron una ley pionera que reconoce el ‘chineo’ como crimen de odio y establece medidas para erradicarloopenDemocracyFlorencia Galarza](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-indigenas-mujeres-ninas-chineo-violencia-sexual-ley-octorina-patriarcado/)
En la última semana se habló mucho del ascenso electoral de un político extremista, violento, misógino y abogado de narcos, **Abelardo de la Espriella**, que competirá en segunda vuelta por la presidencia de Colombia.
Pero de lo que nadie habla es de que la izquierda, que gobierna en Colombia por primera vez, se sostuvo, y su candidato **Iván Cepeda** va a competir en segunda ronda, a pesar de los errores del actual presidente **Gustavo Petro**.
¿Cómo fue eso? El economista brasileño Pedro Rossi tiene dos respuestas: una **reforma laboral** que entregó derechos básicos a los trabajadores y un **aumento sostenido del salario mínimo**. El regreso de las políticas para la clase trabajadora.
[Mejoras laborales sostienen a la izquierda en ColombiaLas políticas laborales y salariales del primer gobierno de izquierda en Colombia aseguran que Iván Cepeda pase a la segunda vuelta presidencialopenDemocracyPedro Rossi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/colombia-elecciones-petro-izquierda-salario-derechos-laborales-ivan-cepeda-abelardo/)
Gobernado por Trump, Estados Unidos es sin tapujos el policía del mundo, un policía más bien matón.
Su próximo objetivo es derrocar al debilitado régimen de Cuba. La población cubana se ha quedado con casi nada. Apagones, falta de combustible y agua potable, escasez de alimentos y una censura férrea.
Por eso a Trump se le ocurrió que sería buena idea imponerle un bloqueo naval para que no le llegue siquiera un barril de petróleo, mientras negocia con el régimen algo que nadie sabe si se parecerá al protectorado impuesto en Venezuela o a la guerra desquiciada contra Irán.
En ese escenario, **Rut Diamint** y **Laura Escudero** se preguntan si hay esperanza para una democratización en Cuba y cómo podría ser ese proceso.
[Sin futuro para la Revolución CubanaCon la Revolución en cuenta regresiva, Cuba enfrenta el riesgo de una intervención armada y la posibilidad de una transición democráticaopenDemocracyRut Diamint](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cuba-eeuu-trump-amenaza-bloqueo-apagones-revolucion-cubana-raul-castro-guerra-marco-rubio/)
También en Uganda, Estados Unidos impone condiciones. Guiado por el **fanatismo ultraconservador**, Washington hizo firmar a Uganda un acuerdo de salud pública que está desamantelando servicios que salvan vidas.
Ejemplos: la atención de emergencias obstétricas por abortos inseguros y la prevención y el tratamiento para el VIH/sida, según la investigación de la periodista **Soita Khatondi Wepukhulu.** Acuerdos similares se están preparando para América Latina.
[EEUU pone en riesgo la atención posaborto y de VIH/sida en Uganda“Estamos peleando guerras políticas y culturales. Guerras que no son nuestras”openDemocracySoita Khatondi Wepukhulu](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/uganda-eeuu-acuerdo-sanitario-fondos-atencion-servicio-posaborto-vih-sida/)
Una vez más, gracias por leernos y hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
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*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### 'Vamos a morir': El costo del acuerdo de salud que Trump impuso a Uganda
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/uganda-eeuu-acuerdo-sanitario-fondos-atencion-servicio-posaborto-vih-sida/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:55.000Z
Una madrugada de febrero, Suzan Akello, de 23 años, murió en el porche de una casa en la ciudad de Mbale, en el este de Uganda. Sus amigos dijeron que había ingerido hierbas medicinales para interrumpir un embarazo y luego necesitó atención de emergencia en una clínica, pero no pudo pagarla.
Los servicios de atención posaborto son legales en Uganda – garantizados tras años de activismo y colaboración entre el gobierno y las ONG –, parte de ellos en el marco de programas financiados por Estados Unidos.
Pero trabajadoras de la salud, activistas y pacientes dijeron a The New Humanitarian que en los últimos meses la atención médica posaborto y de VIH/sida se está desmantelando debido a un nuevo acuerdo sanitario de 2.300 millones de dólares entre Uganda y Estados Unidos, que integra los programas financiados por donantes en el sistema de salud pública ugandés al tiempo que reduce la dependencia de las ONG.
Una portavoz del Departamento de Estado de EEUU dijo que el acuerdo es un compromiso conjunto para sostener programas que salvan vidas mientras se fortalece la capacidad nacional. En virtud del acuerdo, Uganda se comprometió a incrementar su financiación interna en salud en unos 50 millones de dólares anuales – más de 500 millones en cinco años –, mientras Estados Unidos cubre el resto de los costos durante una transición gradual.
Presentado como un [paso hacia la "soberanía sanitaria"](https://www.citizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2026-0012QN-Uganda-Health-12.10.2025.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) y la apropiación nacional, el acuerdo es uno de más de [20 similares](https://www.thinkglobalhealth.org/article/tracking-the-america-first-bilateral-health-agreements?ref=opendemocracy.net) firmados en toda África, y que también se van a aplicar en América Latina. Es parte la [revisión que el presidente Donald Trump hizo de los programas de la Agencia para el Desarrollo Internacional (USAID](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-congela-fondos-ayuda-internacional-exterior-america-latina-africa-ucrania-usaid/)) en todo el mundo, que desencadenó una "paralización de actividades" a principios del año pasado y retiró miles de millones de dólares de financiación de salud en todo el mundo, Uganda incluida.
Los fondos para el personal de salud de primera línea y para productos médicos esenciales se mantendrá íntegramente durante el primer año, dijo el Departamento de Estado, con una transferencia gradual de responsabilidades, que se hará en base a evaluaciones de la capacidad local. Esas transferencias serán "caso a caso, plurianuales y planificadas conjuntamente" para garantizar la continuidad de la atención.
Pero para muchos de quienes trabajan en el sistema sanitario ugandés, esa continuidad ya está fallando.
## **Deshaciendo años de progreso local**
El cambio ya estaba en marcha a mediados de 2025, meses antes de que se firmara el acuerdo. Cientos de empleados que trabajaban en programas financiados por EEUU fueron convocados a reuniones en todo el país y – según documentos que revisó esta reportera – se les pidió que firmaran acuerdos de cumplimiento alineados con las restricciones estadounidenses sobre el aborto.
Esas adendas contractuales les prohibían "realizar, promover o derivar" atención médica relacionada con el aborto "incluso si son legales" y desalentaban el debate público sobre estas decisiones. Si bien el aborto está penalizado en Uganda, la atención posaborto sigue siendo legal.
Meses después de esas reuniones, solo una parte de ese personal de apoyo sanitario mantiene contratos activos. Los recortes de la financiación de USAID redujeron drásticamente el despliegue de personal, en particular de quienes trabajaban junto a ONG en establecimientos de salud gubernamentales.
Sobre el papel, el acuerdo contiene elementos que expertos en salud pública apoyan en términos generales. Nakibuuka Noor, subdirectora de la Coalición para Detener la Mortalidad Materna por Aborto Inseguro (CSMMUA), señala sus disposiciones sobre revisiones conjuntas y compromisos para aumentar la financiación sanitaria dentro del presupuesto nacional ugandés.
"Estas son cosas que siempre hemos pedido", dijo. "Un gobierno que asuma la responsabilidad de su sistema sanitario".
Las ONG ugandesas negociaron en 2025 con el Ministerio de Salud un [paquete nacional](https://www.cehurd.org/download/post-abortion-care-pac-guidelines-prevention-and-management-of-abortion-complications/?wpdmdl=14510&refresh=69d649d27f4391775651282&ref=opendemocracy.net) de atención posaborto destinado a estandarizar y ampliar la atención que salva vidas a mujeres que sufren complicaciones por abortos inseguros. Pero según Noor, el acuerdo con EEUU deja de lado este avance.
Un informe del Ministerio de Salud de 2010 señalaba que el [8% de todas las muertes maternas](https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/abortion-and-postabortion-care-uganda?ref=opendemocracy.net#2) se debían a abortos inseguros, pero quienes defienden el aborto seguro advierten que el sistema sanitario está mal equipado incluso para medir su impacto. Noor señala que los formularios de notificación de muertes maternas no incluyen una categoría específica para muertes derivadas de complicaciones por aborto inseguro, lo que hace que los datos sean incompletos y poco fiables.
Richard Mugahi, comisionado del Ministerio de Salud para salud reproductiva, insistió ante The New Humanitarian en que Uganda tiene capacidad para financiar su parte del presupuesto sanitario y en que el acuerdo no viola la política sanitaria nacional.
Sobre la atención posaborto, Mugahi dijo que no existe "ninguna violación" de las directrices de Uganda, aunque reconoció las limitaciones cuando afirmó que la atención posaborto "no tiene presupuesto".
Esa tensión entre las garantías políticas y las realidades sobre el terreno es cada vez más visible, Sumadas a las nuevas imposiciones de Washington.
Trabajadoras de la salud reportan una presión creciente para rechazar a mujeres que muestran signos de haber interrumpido un embarazo. "Ni siquiera nos está permitido indagar sobre los detalles de esos casos", dijo en Mbale una trabajadora de la salud que pidió no ser identificada. "Se espera que guardemos silencio".
Otras dos trabajadoras en el este y el oeste de Uganda dijeron que se habían visto en el trance de perder su empleo para ayudar a las pacientes o rechazar a decenas de personas que necesitaban atención posaborto urgente.
## **Un sistema sin intermediarios**
El énfasis del acuerdo de EEUU y Uganda en la "integración" de los programas financiados por donantes también está reconfigurando el modo en que se prestan los servicios médicos. Miles de educadoras, trabajadoras de extensión comunitaria y profesionales especializados son absorbidos, reasignados o quedan fuera del sistema.
El personal de salud que permanece en sus puestos reportó haber recibido desde enero comunicaciones del Ministerio de Salud informándole de que sus puestos serían puestos a concurso y de que sus calificaciones serían "validadas" como parte de un proceso para "integrarlas" en el sistema nacional de salud. Muchos trabajadores dijeron que no cumplían con los requisitos académicos que el gobierno fijó para que conservaran sus empleos, a pesar de haber trabajado eficazmente en comunidades marginadas durante años.
Las educadoras y las trabajadoras de extensión comunitaria son una parte integral de la atención centrada en el VIH/sida en Uganda.
Winnie Byanyima, directora ejecutiva de ONUSIDA, advirtió que las comunidades no pueden ser ignoradas en la atención al VIH/sida.
"Las comunidades deben seguir siendo el corazón de la respuesta, y todas las personas que viven con VIH o están en riesgo de contraerlo necesitan acceso a medicamentos y servicios que les salven la vida", dijo Byanyima a The New Humanitarian. "Este reconocimiento no es una declaración política; es un hecho epidemiológico".
Sin embargo, los cambios en la financiación también parecen estar desmantelando años de avances en el abordaje de las poblaciones más vulnerables, que se lograron mediante una delicada organización comunitaria bajo el paraguas de las ONG.
Según Betty Balisalamu, directora ejecutiva de Women with a Mission en el este de Mbale, los efectos de un modelo de salud que excluye a la sociedad civil ya son visibles en la manera en que las autoridades locales se relacionan con las comunidades marginadas.
"Manda un mensaje", dijo. "Los funcionarios dicen: si hasta nuestros financiadores se están retirando, el gobierno también debería hacerlo".
En el Hospital General de Rukoki, en Kasese, en el oeste de Uganda, un técnico de laboratorio describió cómo se manifiesta esto en la práctica. Los referentes de poblaciones clave – personal formado para apoyar a grupos como trabajadoras sexuales y personas LGBTIQ+ – ya no están presentes.
"Hay más estigma ahora", dijo el técnico. "La gente tiene miedo de venir".
Algunas pacientes dijeron que, sin esos intermediarios, fueron avergonzadas o rechazadas, lo que empeora la prevención del VIH.
En la comunidad pesquera de Kahendero, cerca del lago Albert en el oeste de Uganda, las trabajadoras de extensión reportaron tal escasez de métodos de prevención de VIH que algunas personas están usando bolsas de plástico en lugar de preservativos.
Hilda Kamuhangire, ex trabajadora sexual que ahora actúa como educadora en Kahendero, dijo que la interrupción fue abrupta. "Íbamos a los bares, hablábamos con las mujeres, les dábamos condones, información sobre profilaxis preexposición", dijo. "Ahora muchos de esos servicios ya no existen".
En los establecimientos de salud, añadió, algunos trabajadores ahora piden pago o rechazan a los pacientes alegando cambios en la financiación. "Te dicen: '¿No te has enterado de lo de Trump?'".
El encuadre político del acuerdo ha complicado aún más su impacto. Funcionarios estadounidenses vinculan las restricciones de financiación a su oposición a la ["ideología de género"](https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01516/combating-gender-ideology-in-foreign-assistance?ref=opendemocracy.net), una narrativa que ha ganado terreno en Uganda. Las activistas dicen que este encuadre tergiversa su trabajo y socava la prestación de servicios.
"Estamos librando guerras políticas y culturales", dijo Noor. "Guerras que no son nuestras".
Un activista LGBTIQ+ dijo a The New Humanitarian que la narrativa del gobierno estadounidense de que las ONG difunden "ideología de género" recuerda a la febril [retórica antigay](https://www.hrw.org/report/2025/05/26/theyre-putting-our-lives-risk/how-ugandas-anti-lgbt-climate-unleashes-abuse?ref=opendemocracy.net) que impulsó el apoyo a la Ley Anti-Homosexualidad de 2023, en parte basada en la falsa creencia de que las ONG ugandesas "promueven" la homosexualidad.
## **Retrocesos en el VIH/sida**
La respuesta de Uganda al VIH ha dependido durante mucho tiempo del apoyo estadounidense, en particular del Plan de Emergencia del Presidente de EEUU para el Alivio del Sida (PEPFAR), que ayudó a brindar tratamientos a más de un millón de ugandeses y financió programas de prevención para poblaciones de alto riesgo. Aproximadamente 1,4 millones de personas viven con VIH, con decenas de miles de nuevas infecciones cada año.
Las personas LGBTIQ+ y las trabajadoras sexuales en Uganda enfrentan [riesgos de VIH desproporcionadamente altos](https://sph.mak.ac.ug/maksph-unveils-new-hiv-survey-on-female-sex-workers-in-uganda/?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=The%20survey%20found%20that:%20%2A%20Female%20sex,mental%20health%20support%20alongside%20HIV%20prevention%20services) en comparación con la población general, ya que el estigma, la [criminalización](https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/19/health/uganda-lgbtq-hiv.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) y el acceso cada vez más reducido a servicios comunitarios limitan sus posibilidades de prevención y tratamiento.
Durante décadas, gran parte de la respuesta del gobierno estadounidense se ha canalizado a través de redes comunitarias que tienden puentes entre los sistemas de salud formales y las poblaciones marginadas.
En su respuesta a The New Humanitarian, el Departamento de Estado aportó nuevos datos que, según dijo, muestran que el número de personas que reciben tratamiento antirretroviral en Uganda aumentó a finales de 2025 en comparación con el año anterior, señalando la "resiliencia y adaptabilidad a largo plazo" de la respuesta ugandesa al VIH.
Sin embargo, trabajadoras de la salud denunciaron que desde el año pasado los socios ejecutores del gobierno estadounidense les han indicado – de manera formal o informal – que prioricen a determinados grupos – como mujeres embarazadas y en periodo de lactancia – para la profilaxis posexposición, incluso cuando otras poblaciones de alto riesgo tienen dificultades para acceder a ella.
"No podemos acabar con el sida eligiendo quién puede acceder a los medicamentos", dijo Byanyima. La directora de ONUSIDA también advirtió que el impacto real de estas disrupciones puede no ser visible todavía.
Una trabajadora de la salud que lleva más de 15 años en la prevención y el tratamiento del VIH entre personas LGBTIQ+ dijo que tenía un único y urgente mensaje para los responsables de la política estadounidense: "Vamos a morir. Por favor, tengan compasión".
*Editado por Obi Anyadike. Soita Khatondi Wepukhulu es una periodista de investigación galardonada que informa sobre salud global, gobernanza y derechos humanos en África. Este artículo fue* [*publicado originalmente*](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2026/05/06/frontline-costs-uganda-new-us-health-agreement?ref=opendemocracy.net) *en inglés por The New Humanitarian.*
*.*
### Two ceasefires, no peace: the Middle East’s dangerous pause
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/two-ceasefires-no-peace-the-middle-easts-dangerous-pause/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:57.000Z
There are supposedly two ceasefires in force in the Middle East. One is between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon; the other, between the United States and Iran. Both are fragile. Neither is bringing peace much closer.
The difficulty is that these conflicts are not separate. Hezbollah is an Iranian ally; Israel’s war in Lebanon is tied to its wider regional confrontation with Tehran; and Donald Trump’s effort to end the US-Iran war is constrained by Benjamin Netanyahu’s political needs at home. What looks, at first glance, like two ceasefires is better understood as one unstable regional pause in fighting.
Finding a way forward is difficult. But the dynamics of the two conflicts can be analysed – and that may at least help explain why the present moment remains so dangerous.
First, Lebanon. The Israel-Hezbollah conflict has its roots going back more than 40 years to Israeli attempts to stop Palestinian paramilitary groups exiled to Lebanon from firing rockets into northern Israel. In June 1982, this developed into an operation by the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) to occupy part of southern Lebanon.
In practice, ‘Operation Peace for Galilee’ became a full-scale invasion reaching as far north as Beirut, where it led to a protracted siege of the western part of the city and the Palestinian leadership. The loss of life was reportedly over 10,000 people, many of them Palestinian civilians, with thousands more wounded. Furthermore, and relevant for the current conflict, is that after the IDF withdrew from the capital in September 1982, it occupied a large part of southern Lebanon for the best part of a decade.
Those years of occupation involved tough treatment of the local population, mostly Shi’a Muslims, and from within that community lay the origins of a paramilitary resistance that was vigorously suppressed by the IDF but also killed scores of Israeli soldiers. That led to Israel withdrawing from almost all of Lebanon by 1990\.
The resistance movement became known as Hezbollah, and it also showed Israeli strategists that counterinsurgency warfare against an entrenched and angry opponent was costly. Air power became the main method of control, both there and more recently in Gaza. This strategy includes the Dahiya doctrine, where Israel uses civilian support for its opponents to justify the destruction of public infrastructure, including bridges, water supplies, schools, universities and even health centres and hospitals.
Variants of this in Lebanon in recent weeks have been on a smaller scale but have already seen well over [3,000 people killed](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cqjpglyjwjeo?ref=opendemocracy.net) since 2 March, according to Lebanon’s health ministry, and many more thousands wounded. Recent targets include three hospitals in southern Lebanon – attacks that reportedly [killed nine people and wounded more than 150](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jun/03/lebanese-hospitals-hit-by-israeli-forces?ref=opendemocracy.net), many of them health workers. Overall, since 2 March, 130 medical workers have been killed, and 162 ambulances and healthcare facilities targeted.
From Netanyahu’s perspective, Hezbollah’s continued ability to threaten northern Israel with rocket and drone attacks is a major political issue in the run-up to the general election due in October. Indeed, it is made worse by Hezbollah’s recent introduction of accurate fibre optic-guided armed drones that pose a substantial threat to IDF ground troops.
While the IDF does not view the conflict as part of the US/Iran ceasefire, even though Hezbollah is allied to Iran, Trump’s people see it as a headache in their desire to bring the war with Iran to an end. Talks between the Lebanese and Israeli governments in Washington have this week resulted in[ yet another ceasefire](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jun/04/israel-lebanon-renew-ceasefire-hezbollah-trump-iran-deal-middle-east-us?ref=opendemocracy.net), but that has little meaning as Hezbollah – which has long operated as a state-within-a-state, outside the control of the Lebanese government – has said it rejects the deal.
Meanwhile, in the US/Iran conflict, the shaky ceasefire that started on 28 February barely survives. Just this week, the US Navy damaged a tanker reportedly trying to breach its blockade of Iranian ports, and blamed Iran for an attack on Kuwait International Airport. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) [denied responsibility](https://www.lemonde.fr/en/middle-east-crisis/article/2026/06/03/iran-strikes-kuwait-s-main-airport-killing-indian-passenger-as-fragile-ceasefire-is-tested-again%5F6754097%5F368.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) for that attack, which killed one person and wounded 60 others. Meanwhile, Iranian media reported that the IRGC had attacked the HQ of the US Fifth Fleet in Bahrain, though US sources denied that any of the missiles had hit their targets.
Despite the continuing violence and loss of life, neither the Iranian nor the US leadership wants to see the war continue, and both have a motive for avoiding any post-war peace that involves even a hint of failure.
The Iranian leadership in Tehran, which is intent on regime survival, is dominated by hardline members of the IGRC, suppresses opposition with force when necessary and will only settle for a lasting agreement that seriously curtails any future threat from Israel. It even seems to believe that it could survive a further bout of devastating warfare.
Trump, meanwhile, badly needs the war to end as soon as possible, whatever his bluster and his often contradictory media posts may suggest. Domestic anger over the conflict is growing, including in both houses of Congress, where his Republican Representatives and Senators are even starting to break ranks.
In short, there is little trust on either side; Iran wants relief from sanctions, release of frozen assets and guarantees of durability of agreements, whereas Trump wants a loose memorandum that can be sold as victory. Furthermore, beyond that, Netanyahu needs the wars to continue for as long as possible, and certainly until the next election.
None of the three will get what they want, but the first to move may come from Trump, especially as his domestic support declines further. Even so, that may still take many weeks or even months, and even then, it is far from certain.
### Argentina: Una ley para erradicar la violencia racial y sexual contra niñas indígenas
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-indigenas-mujeres-ninas-chineo-violencia-sexual-ley-octorina-patriarcado/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:35:59.000Z
Por primera vez, una ley en Argentina reconoce que el abuso sexual sistemático contra niñas y mujeres indígenas, naturalizado bajo el nombre de ‘chineo’, es un crimen de odio que debe prevenirse mediante sensibilización y educación.
El ‘chineo’ es una [práctica sistemática](https://lac.unwomen.org/es/stories/noticia/2022/09/el-chineo-una-forma-de-violencia-sexual-racista-y-colonial?ref=opendemocracy.net) de abuso sexual y agresión a niñas, niños y mujeres indígenas por parte de hombres criollos, es decir, de ascendencia no indígena, frecuentemente con mayor poder económico, social o político. En lengua wichí se los llama *hätäy*, “demonios blancos”.
No por casualidad a la [ley 8534](https://boletinoficialsalta.gob.ar/instrumento.php?cXdlcnR5dGFibGE9THw4NTM0JmRhdGE9MjIxODNxd2VydHk=&ref=opendemocracy.net), aprobada por el Congreso de la norteña provincia de Salta el 16 de abril, se la conoce como ‘ley Octorina’, en memoria de la lideresa wichí Octorina Zamora que defendió los derechos humanos de los pueblos originarios. Es resultado de una larga lucha de las mujeres indígenas.
El [Movimiento de Mujeres y Diversidades Indígenas por el Buen Vivir](https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=1362584059246731&set=pb.100064854487584.-2207520000&locale=es%5FLA) nació con reuniones en fogones de mujeres referentes que recorrían kilómetros para contar y escuchar los problemas de cada territorio, como la falta de agua potable o la desnutrición infantil, hasta su conformación oficial en 2012, en la ciudad de Rosario, provincia de Santa Fe (centro). Reúne al menos 36 comunidades de más de 20 pueblos indígenas y tiene alcance nacional.
En 2019, el Movimiento lanzó su campaña #BastaDeChineo, creando redes para cuidarse entre ellas y a sus hijos e hijas, asistir a las víctimas y acompañar en sus denuncias a las que no hablan español.
[Mujeres wichí de Argentina denuncian violencia sexual e impunidadCriollos abusan de niñas y adolescentes wichí en el norte argentino mientras el Estado no investiga y sostiene la impunidadopenDemocracyCecilia Osorio](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-violacion-indigenas-wichi-ninas-adolescentes-derechos-impunidad-javier-milei/)
En algunas comunidades, las indígenas se organizaron para denunciar lo que soportaban, como ocurrió en 2022 en la [comunidad wichí Misión Kilómetro 2](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-violacion-indigenas-wichi-ninas-adolescentes-derechos-impunidad-javier-milei/), donde mujeres y adolescentes hicieron una marcha y firmaron una carta pública, luego de la violación y femicidio de una niña de 12 años, Pamela Flores. Con el apoyo de Octorina Zamora, también participaron de la Primera Asamblea de Mujeres Indígenas de la ruta 81 en la que hicieron oír sus reclamos a autoridades provinciales y nacionales.
Octorina Zamora (izquierda) en una protesta por el crimen de la niña Pamela Flores | Foto cortesía de la Agrupación Las Fieras de Abya Yala
En mayo de ese mismo año, el Movimiento de Mujeres y Diversidades organizó en Chicoana, Salta, el Tercer Parlamento Plurinacional con presencia de más de 36 delegaciones indígenas de todo el país. El [Informe de Chicoana](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28195253-informe-chicoana-tercer-parlamento-plurinacional-del-movimiento-de-mujeres-y-diversidades-indigenas-por-el-buen-vivir/?ref=opendemocracy.net), elaborado por las delegadas, incluía el pedido de medidas urgentes contra el chineo.
Varias de sus demandas serían luego parte de la ley, como la obligación de generar estadísticas, la capacitación intercultural de funcionarios, la incorporación de intérpretes y la participación de las comunidades indígenas en las políticas públicas. Otras quedaron por el camino.
Octorina Zamora falleció una semana después del Parlamento Plurinacional. Fue entonces cuando el senador provincial Walter Cruz, del pueblo kolla, ingresó a la legislatura salteña el primer proyecto, rindiéndole homenaje y recogiendo algunas de sus ideas.
“Nosotras \[el Movimiento de Mujeres y Diversidades\] no participamos en la escritura de la ley directamente”, dijo a democraciaAbierta la activista travesti trans María Pía Ceballos, indígena wichí ava guaraní de la ciudad salteña de Tartagal. “Con excepción de Tujuay \[Gea Zamora, hija de Octorina\], que sí fue consultada”.
## **‘Disciplinamiento colonial’**
En la tarde del jueves 16 de abril, un puñado de mujeres indígenas lograron ingresar a la sede de la legislatura de Salta para presenciar el debate y la votación. Rieron, lloraron y se abrazaron. Habían logrado que el Estado reconociera por primera vez la violencia racista y machista que sufren las comunidades wichí, qom, kolla, guaraní, pilagá, chorote y otras en el norte argentino.
Allí estaba Tujuay, la hija de Octorina, quien continúa la lucha de su madre contra el chineo.
“Cuando salimos de la legislatura, nos dimos cuenta de que recién empezaba todo. La ley no es un punto de llegada sino un punto de partida”, dijo Tujuay a democraciaAbierta. Es urgente contar con “herramientas jurídicas para defender” los territorios de “este disciplinamiento colonial”, agregó.
La norma no crea nuevas figuras penales – facultad que recae en el Congreso nacional – ni modifica las sanciones previstas para los delitos sexuales ni los agravantes de delitos motivados por odio racial, religioso, de género, orientación sexual o identidad de género. Su objetivo es reconocer una violencia históricamente invisibilizada.
"Sabemos que es una ley primaria; decidimos aprobarla porque es necesaria. Es un primer paso", dijo a democraciaAbierta el senador Cruz.
La ley dispone crear un organismo que deberá elaborar estadísticas, crear protocolos de actuación, campañas de prevención y mecanismos de protección. Los ministerios de Salud, Educación, Gobierno y Justicia deberán destinar recursos para campañas de difusión multilingües, centros de asistencia intercultural, capacitación de funcionarios estatales y acompañamiento integral a víctimas. La reglamentación, aún pendiente, determinará en qué ministerio recaerá la responsabilidad y definirá su presupuesto.
La norma exige consultas y diálogo permanente con comunidades originarias a través del Instituto Provincial de Pueblos Indígenas de Salta, y habilita la intervención del Ministerio Público Fiscal como actor civil en representación de las víctimas. “Podemos ser pioneros con esta ley. Pero si no la aplicamos bien, habrá sido un lindo papel”, advirtió Cruz.
El escenario político argentino no ofrece un marco favorable para que una norma así sea aprobada para todo el país. Desde que el presidente libertario Javier Milei asumió el gobierno en diciembre de 2023, se eliminaron instituciones y presupuestos para combatir la violencia de género y se desmantelaron organismos vinculados a derechos indígenas.
Justamente por eso, según Cruz, la ley salteña adquiere mayor relevancia. La aspiración es que pueda convertirse en antecedente de legislaciones similares en provincias vecinas o en todo el país. “Sería ideal que esto pueda discutirse también en Chaco, Formosa, Jujuy o Santiago del Estero; el chineo no ocurre solo en Salta”, dijo el senador.
## **Olvido y miseria**
En 2015, [Juana](https://ri.conicet.gov.ar/handle/11336/252077?ref=opendemocracy.net)\*, una niña wichí de la comunidad de Alto La Sierra que padecía microcefalia y retraso madurativo, fue interceptada por ocho criollos que la arrastraron al monte, la drogaron, la golpearon y la violaron. Juana quedó embarazada y, a causa de las distancias, la falta de ambulancias y las barreras idiomáticas no recibió atención médica durante días. A pesar de que el aborto en caso de violación ya era legal en Argentina, el sistema de salud y la justicia local dilataron los tiempos hasta la semana 19 de gestación. Como el embarazo estaba "muy avanzado", los médicos la obligaron a someterse a una cesárea.
Adolescente wichí | Julieta Bogado
Su madre denunció el hecho, pero sufrió amenazas y presiones para desistir de su reclamo judicial que, además, estuvo lleno de irregularidades que derivaron en apartamientos de fiscales, jueces y médicos. Con todo, en 2019 la justicia condenó a los agresores a 17 años de prisión.
Octorina Zamora acompañó a la familia de Juana, como a tantas otras, y realizó un seguimiento incluso años después del hecho. “Juana sigue sometida en el olvido y la miseria, sin una asistencia que le corresponde por ser víctima, por ser mujer, por ser indígena, por ser una niña”, [contó en 2020, en un conversatorio del Instituto Nacional contra la Discriminación](https://www.pagina12.com.ar/285434-juana-sigue-en-el-olvido-en-la-miseria-sin-una-asistencia/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
La mayoría de los casos nunca llegan a juicio o quedan paralizados entre barreras idiomáticas, falta de intérpretes o presiones locales, como detalló [una investigación que republicó democraciaAbierta](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-violacion-indigenas-wichi-ninas-adolescentes-derechos-impunidad-javier-milei/).
## **Una palabra cargada de dolor**
El proyecto original presentado por Cruz en 2022 quedó sin tratamiento por la resistencia que oponían algunos partidos políticos y terratenientes a una iniciativa enfocada en los abusos cometidos por hombres no indígenas.
Sin perspectiva de avances, las organizaciones que lo apoyaban decidieron cambiar la estrategia. El texto “ha variado mucho desde su primera presentación”, que hablaba explícitamente de chineo, dijo el senador Cruz. Debido a las contribuciones de “algunas organizaciones de mujeres y derechos humanos”, el término fue eliminado, ejemplificó.
Según Ceballos, el uso de esa palabra genera, aun hoy, debates y contradicciones. “Algunas mujeres indígenas ven ‘chineo’ como una mala palabra y les afecta emocionalmente. Desde el Movimiento explicamos que ese concepto es una práctica de violación sexual colonial y machista que debe nombrarse”, dijo.
Entre 2023 y 2025, el proyecto fue discutido en distintos espacios de intercambio con liderazgos indígenas, organizaciones feministas y actores vinculados a los derechos humanos.
La organización Na’ Nechepa (Levantémonos), impulsada por Tujuay Zamora, la Fundación Juala y varias liderezas territoriales redactaron e hicieron llegar modificaciones específicas al articulado.
Así, aunque la ley recogió parte de las demandas de las organizaciones, el costo de la aprobación fue su reducción.
“La ley sufrió varios recortes en puntos importantes, como la reparación económica y judicial”, dijo Tujuay Zamora. “No es lo ideal, pero es una herramienta útil y un primer paso fundamental para que nos empiecen a ver”.
### Una plataforma de lucha
Años antes de la ley, el [Informe Chicoana](https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28195253-informe-chicoana-tercer-parlamento-plurinacional-del-movimiento-de-mujeres-y-diversidades-indigenas-por-el-buen-vivir/?ref=opendemocracy.net) fue mucho más que un petitorio contra el chineo. Fue una plataforma amplia que abordaba el origen de la explotación y el abuso. Reclamaba que se prohibiera trabajar en territorios indígenas a empresas cuyos empleados hubieran cometido abusos y “que se procese, condene y se dé de baja deshonrosa a policías, gendarmes y/o militares” que hubieran incurrido en los mismos delitos.
Proponía expulsar y condenar “a las instituciones y grupos religiosos que operan en territorio indígena y sean cómplices”; así como juzgar, sin fueros, a funcionarios públicos y autoridades tradicionales que hubieran incurrido en chineo como ejecutores, cómplices o facilitadores.
También reclamaba que se embargaran “todos los bienes de los violadores” para aportar a la reparación de la víctima y que fueran las mujeres “las receptoras y administradoras de los programas de alimentación y asistencia social”.
Ceballos explicó este punto: “Tenemos casos donde los conductores de camiones con alimentos solidarios llegan a las comunidades y piden niñas a cambio de entregar los recursos. Y algunos caciques las entregan”.
Tujuay Zamora recordó que su madre ya presenciaba estas situaciones en la década de 1980\. “Durante la vuelta de la democracia en Argentina, Octorina denunció que cuando se entregaban las cajas PAN (Plan Alimentario Nacional), algunos conductores pellizcaban en zonas íntimas a niñas de 10 años o intercambiaban alimentos por sexo”.
El Informe Chicoana también explicitó el ‘terricidio’, concepto acuñado por el Movimiento de Mujeres Indígenas por el Buen Vivir para describir la destrucción de la Tierra y de los pueblos originarios, perpetrado por un sistema económico extractivista, colonial y patriarcal. “La civilización ocupante ha generado muerte y la afectación en todas las vidas en los territorios ancestrales. Nuestro dolor y nuestras pérdidas son irreparables”, dice.
En diciembre de 2024, el gobierno derogó [una ley](https://agenciatierraviva.com.ar/milei-derogo-la-ley-de-emergencia-territorial-indigena-menos-derechos-mas-violencia-y-extractivismo/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que amparaba a las comunidades indígenas y suspendía las órdenes de desalojo de las tierras donde vivían de forma ancestral, aunque no tuvieran títulos de propiedad. Ahora, las comunidades de las provincias de Salta y Jujuy ven con preocupación el avance del [Corredor Bioceánico de Capricornio](https://corredorbioceanico.org/es/?ref=opendemocracy.net), una red de carreteras sudamericanas que unirá el centro-oeste de Brasil con puertos sobre el océano Pacífico, y que cruzará sus territorios.
Para las indígenas, camiones y nuevas rutas comerciales aparecen asociadas a otro tipo de circulación, como la trata de personas, el narcotráfico y mayor violencia de los criollos.
“Ya existen situaciones de trata en algunas comunidades y esto puede empeorar muchísimo”, dijo Tujuay Zamora. “El proyecto extractivista avanza aunque las comunidades resistan. Entonces necesitamos herramientas para proteger a nuestras niñas y adolescentes de todo lo que se viene”.
La población indígena de Argentina asciende a 1,3 millones, según el [censo nacional](https://censo.gob.ar/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/censo%5F2022%5Fsintesis%5Fresultados.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de 2022 que contabilizó 45,8 millones de habitantes. En Salta suman más de 130.000, un 10% de la población de la provincia. El Estado reconoce la preexistencia de 14 pueblos indígenas en Salta.
“El informe Chicoana y la problemática del terricidio nos puso de acuerdo y permitió la difusión sobre el vacío legal que existe en este tema", dijo Ceballos.
## **Mujeres que iluminan**
Según la cosmovisión wichí, anterior a la colonización española, las *atsinay katés* (mujeres estrellas) eran portadoras de sabiduría ancestral y pilares fundamentales para la comunidad.
Fabiana Ibarra, integrante del Movimiento de Mujeres y Diversidades Indígenas por el Buen Vivir, es una de esas mujeres estrella. Aprendió a hablar español sola, luego de haber denunciado, con 13 años, el abuso sexual de un criollo. “Nadie me entendió del todo”, dijo a democraciaAbierta. Le tomaron la denuncia con lo poco que lograron entender, aunque “no hubo seguimiento del caso”.
En 2006 un *hätäy* la interceptó mientras volvía de vender artesanías en el monte de la localidad El Quimilar Carboncito, cerca de la frontera con Bolivia y Paraguay. “No sé si estaba ebrio o drogado; tenía los ojos muy rojos”, recordó Fabiana con un hablar pausado y silencios prolongados. “El hombre me amenazó por la espalda y me llevó hasta unos yuyales donde me abusó”. La causa judicial no avanzó – el hombre tenía familiares dentro de la policía – y ella nunca logró una reparación.
Fueron años de lucha y dolor, que se alivianó cuando comenzó a reunirse con otras hermanas wichí que habían sufrido episodios similares. En las comunidades, explica, todavía es normal escuchar a algunos hombres decir “‘vamos a chinear’. Se refieren a salir a buscar mujeres para abusar, a nosotras, que tenemos los ojos como chinas”.
Hoy Fabiana Ibarra es una mujer estrella que ilumina y guía a otras mujeres indígenas que no pueden expresarse en español frente a médicos, policías o funcionarios judiciales. “Me siento vocera de las hermanas que no pueden hablar”, dijo.
*Florencia Galarza es una periodista argentina especializada en género, justicia y derechos humanos. Colabora con medios nacionales e internacionales, e investiga sobre violencias, desigualdades y acceso a derechos. También trabaja en el Consejo de la Magistratura de la Nación, órgano del Poder Judicial.*
### Palantir is turning the NHS into a tool for mass surveillance
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/palantir-is-turning-the-nhs-into-a-tool-for-mass-surveillance/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:02.000Z
NHS England’s Federated Data Platform, run primarily by controversial US military contractor Palantir, would give a future UK government the ability to use patients’ healthcare data to unleash unprecedented mass surveillance, experts and technologists have warned openDemocracy.
“We have already seen in the US how Palantir’s reach into so many different areas of government has allowed it to build a system that provides detailed profiles of people to enable ICE raids,” said Duncan McCann of the Good Law Project, referring to how President Donald Trump’s mass deportation programme has used Palantir’s tools. “The exact same thing is being enabled by the integration of Palantir into the UK public sector.”
This risk is only exacerbated by the fact that nearly three years after Palantir was awarded the £330m contract to run the FDP, it remains unclear what patient data it gathers, on what basis and to what end. Despite this, [69% of regional NHS Trusts](https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/53352/documents/298462/default/?ref=opendemocracy.net) have already adopted the platform, which provides the health service with a new operating system intended to link up otherwise unconnected databases and disparate software across different NHS services and regions.
This lack of clarity was laid bare this week, when the UK’s cross-party Science, Innovation and Technology Committee urged the government to break the NHS’s contract with Palantir. [Its report](https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/53352/documents/298462/default/?ref=opendemocracy.net) contained a stark recommendation to the government: reveal “the exact nature of Palantir’s access to identifiable and non-identifiable patient data, on what statutory basis this was authorised, when, and by whom.”
McCann and the Good Law Project are part of an unusually wide coalition demanding the UK cut ties with Palantir, but technologists who have worked closely on the FDP warn that the genie is now out of the bottle; kicking the US giant out of the NHS may not be enough to solve the data privacy problems its Federated Data Platform has created.
“You know you could pull Palantir out,” Tom Bartlett, an NHS technologist who worked on the FDP and has spoken publicly in favour of the project, told openDemocracy. “But the danger remains."
“You still might get a government that says, ‘We need to have the data from the NHS and the data from the Home Office connected, and we want to use it for the purpose of denying people healthcare or deporting people or whatever’.”
### **Coalition of Resistance**
To understand how deeply Palantir is enmeshed in the UK’s public sector, consider the coalition opposed to it.
NHS data analysts and chief data and analytical officers have spoken out against the FDP. The British Medical Association, a union representing doctors and medical students, has urged GPs to reject it. The Greater Manchester Integrated Care Board, which oversees NHS services for 2.8 million people, has refused to sign up to the platform, claiming outstanding security risks haven’t been addressed, and that it has better technology in-house.
It’s not just the NHS, either. London’s mayor has blocked a £50m Palantir contract with the Metropolitan Police, arguing that it was improperly awarded. The housing ministry replaced a Palantir system to match British hosts with Ukrainian refugees with its own technology. In Coventry, local politicians and unions are protesting the renewal of a £750,000 Palantir contract with the council’s children’s services department. Financial Conduct Authority employees are seeking to orchestrate a cross-union campaign against a 12-week trial contract with Palantir that they fear could expose the UK’s sensitive financial data to US law enforcement authorities.
“Our pilot with Palantir allows the Met for the first time to bring together data it already lawfully holds in one place to identify potential standards, welfare or cultural concerns,” said a spokesperson for The Met over email. “It also allows us to identify early issues so we can act more fairly and consistently, ensuring officers receive support or face appropriate action before problems escalate.” In April, [Met officers expressed outrage](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cpdpl1dgjppo?ref=opendemocracy.net) at the “intrusive” use of Palantir’s technology to assess them for misconduct.
The police [can already request information from the NHS](https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment%5Fdata/file/802433/Information%5Fsharing%5Fbetween%5Fpolice%5Fand%5Fhealth%5Fand%5Fcare.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) if it meets a policing need, such as a homicide investigation or tracing missing persons.
The Financial Conduct Authority’s contract with Palantir involves testing an AI search tool for its data. “The data used in the trial will be fully encrypted and under our control,” wrote a spokesperson for the regulator over email. “No-one is able to access the unencrypted data without our authorisation.”
Coventry City Council did not respond to questions about its Palantir contract.
### **What exactly does Palantir do?**
Palantir’s CEO, Alex Karp, [once described its role as](https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/17/style/alex-karp-palantir.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) “the finding of hidden things”.
He [co-founded the company with $2 million](https://www.forbes.com/sites/andygreenberg/2013/08/14/agent-of-intelligence-how-a-deviant-philosopher-built-palantir-a-cia-funded-data-mining-juggernaut/?ref=opendemocracy.net) from the venture capital arm of the CIA in the early 2000s, when the failure to prevent 9/11 was being debated across Washington and Silicon Valley. It was suspected, and would be confirmed by the public report a year later, that the CIA, the FBI, and the National Security Agency [had separately held the data](https://www.jstor.org/stable/24907265?ref=opendemocracy.net) required to have foreseen the terror attacks, but had “failed to connect the dots”.
That [finding has since been the basis of much of Palantir’s success.](https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/30/opinion/palantir-shyam-sankar-military.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) It argues that governments, militaries, law enforcement authorities and businesses already have much of the data they need to make decisions, but that it is not readily available in the forms needed.
Palantir, it tells them, is the solution.
“The actual thing that’s difficult is organising all your data together,” Alex Bores, a member of the New York State Assembly and a former Palantir employee turned critic, [told The New York Times](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/21/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-alex-bores.html?searchResultPosition=1&ref=opendemocracy.net). “That requires hard work, and there’s no magic to do that yet. The software, plus engineers going on site and doing a lot of that hard work to do the manual hookups, was always going to be the true source of value.”
### **Databasing the Nation**
In the NHS, Palantir’s work involves organising, hooking up, and streamlining vast troves of patient data currently scattered across, [by one count](https://www.england.nhs.uk/about/what-we-do/?ref=opendemocracy.net), 44,000 healthcare IT systems in 26,000 organisations. “The fragmentation is absolutely massive,” said Bartlett, who helped build the FDP. “There's all this information, and it's all sat in different pockets.”
Palantir’s solution has two layers. Bartlett describes one layer as an “operating system” analogous to the software that runs your iPhone, which will allow NHS Trusts and third-party developers to create applications (or what Palantir calls “products”) that allow for efficiency gains. An ambulance crew, for example, could input information about an accident victim to a product that would pass it onto the hospital, so that “the A&E department could prepare, rather than being sort of hit in the face” with information when the ambulance arrives, he said.
Yet, much like how your iPhone decisively locks you into the ecosystem of Apple products, running this system efficiently requires as much of the NHS as possible to sign on to the Palantir system – something experts call “vendor lock-in” – and to draw on a staggering library of data held across the health service.
The [FDP’s public documentation](https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/fdp-dpia-ontology-v1.0.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) reveals that the platform is already in the process of ingesting several hundred databases, covering a vast array of variables that include mental healthcare contact activity, mortality, flu vaccination status, covid vaccination status, emergency services data, race and ethnicity, aggregated data for persons held in secure mental health facilities in adult prisons and immigration removal centres, and much more.
As the cross-party committee of MPs noted in their report last week, there is little clarity around exactly what data will make it into the FDP, and how it will be accessed. The debate around patient data held by GP practices offers a useful illustration.
Back in 2023, the then secretary of state for health and social care, Victoria Atkins, [told the House of Commons:](https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2023-11-21/debates/23112160000011/NHSFederatedDataPlatformContractAward?ref=opendemocracy.net) “No new data will be collected, and GP data will not be part of the national platform.” However, an NHS FAQ page last updated in April 2026 [admits](https://www.england.nhs.uk/digitaltechnology/nhs-federated-data-platform/fdp-faqs/?ref=opendemocracy.net#will-the-nhs-federated-data-platform-include-gp-data) that “some of the data” in the FDP “may have been sourced from GP records”, and GP data lawfully shared with NHS trusts that use the FDP could end up on the platform.
More worryingly, the FDP uses all this data to create detailed profiles of individual patients that it calls the ‘Person Ontology’. To quote from [an NHS Data Protection Impact Assessment:](https://www.england.nhs.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/fdp-dpia-ontology-v1.0.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) “The Person Ontology serves as the single source of the truth for pseudonymised patient level datasets”.
Elsewhere, the document says that “the Person Ontology currently holds activity data for citizens in different care settings”, explaining that the platform assigns individual patients a unique ID that can be cross-referenced across multiple databases.
The NHS says that as the data held in the FDP is pseudonymised, it does not directly identify individuals. But pseudonymisation, as has been pointed out by the Information Commissioner’s Office, the UK’s data protection watchdog, is a reversible process. “Take care not to confuse pseudonymisation with anonymisation,” the ICO [warns](https://ico.org.uk/for-organisations/uk-gdpr-guidance-and-resources/data-sharing/anonymisation/pseudonymisation/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
A person’s healthcare data is their “most intimate information,” said a spokesperson and legal officer at Privacy International, a UK-based charity focusing on technology and rights. “We’re talking about the breadth of the data, how personal it is, and the severity of what could be done with it if it were to land in the wrong hands.”
### **Big Data Means Big Brother**
Consolidating so much data brings very real risks of surveillance, say those familiar with the platform, particularly since Palantir also holds contracts with police forces in the UK. In principle, all that’s stopping the Home Office from accessing NHS data are legal safeguards that can be reversed.
Here in the UK, Palantir UK CEO Louis Mosley [has said](https://observer.co.uk/news/national/article/how-tech-giant-palantir-was-recruited-by-the-police-nhs-and-military?ref=opendemocracy.net) that if Nigel Farage’s Reform comes into power, the company will follow the party’s professed directives to use NHS data to target individuals based on their immigration status.
Such a scenario played out in the US when Trump first became president in 2016, as Bores, the former Palantir employee, told The New York Times.
“Palantir had signed a contract with a department within ICE called HSI, Homeland Security Investigations. During the Obama administration, it was focused on anti-human trafficking, anti-drug trafficking, sometimes counterfeiting,” Bores said. “Then, when Trump comes in in 2017, they try to change the nature of that work. They try to get another part of ICE called ERO, Enforcement and Removal Operations – the part that everyone thinks of as ICE – to get access to the software and to use it for deportations.”
In the US, Palantir already uses data from the Department of Health and Human Services to track people targeted for deportation by ICE. Here in the UK, junior doctor Rhiannon Mihranian Osborne, who is organising against Palantir in the NHS with health justice organisation Medact, described what she said was a disturbing pattern: “Reform’s policy [‘Operation Restoring Justice’](https://www.reformparty.uk/view-pdf/reform-immigration?ref=opendemocracy.net) wants to create a powerful immigration surveillance system by mining data from health, police and financial databases. Louis Mosley said his company would comply with this.
“Palantir's police contracts in the UK include collating highly sensitive information on victims of crime, including sexual orientation and trade union membership. The home secretary says she wants to create a panopticon of state surveillance. The synergy between Palantir and governments who use data to abuse human rights is deeply alarming, and a sign of what could be coming in the UK.”
This is a real risk, conceded Bartlett. “Let's take \[a\] Reform government and the immigration question coming in, I do worry about that scenario,” he said – but he questioned whether that means the NHS doesn’t need a Federated Data Platform. “So is the answer to that bad scenario playing out to keep the data in such a bad state that nobody could ever use it at all for good or bad?”
Palantir, NHS England, the Cabinet Office, the Department of Health and Social Care and The Reform Party did not respond to requests for comment.
Critics of the FDP, however, have pushed back against what they see as a narrative that the NHS’s systems are so hopelessly complex and tangled that the only way to solve them is with a mass surveillance tool built by Palantir.
“There’s no magic here,” Sam Smith, a technologist with patient rights organisation medConfidential, said of the FDP. “It’s not like Palantir is doing anything that other people can’t do… They’re just doing the thing because they have the mythos that they can do the thing.”
Andrew Holway, the founder of UK-based medical software startup Darwinist, told the cross-party committee that “the primary barrier to NHS innovation” is mega contracts with companies such as Palantir. These, he said, hold the NHS “hostage, preventing the implementation of modern productivity tools that could save tens of billions of pounds”.
Some in the NHS have also questioned whether the service has tried different approaches that are less intrusive and data-centric. The NHS Greater Manchester Integrated Care Board, for instance, uses its own Analytics and Data Science Platform because it believes it offers better technology and access to better data.
“Public trust isn’t a side issue for the Federated Data Platform,” wrote Matt Hennessey, the chief data and analytics officer at Manchester Integrated Care Board, [in a post on LinkedIn.](https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/why-public-trust-matters-nhs-federated-data-platform-matt-hennessey-ifsge/?trackingId=fUmyrdcnTEeTfN0Og6swvw%3D%3D&ref=opendemocracy.net) He outlined the “effect that ethical concern, moral unease or perceived opacity has on trust–and, in turn, on participation."
The platform’s “main problem is that it isn’t clear what it actually is,” he wrote. “Where trust is eroded, people disengage, patients opt out, and clinicians become cautious about involvement.”
Ultimately, as Osborne said, “any NHS data system must be built on public trust, buy-in from staff, and most importantly, protection from abuse by private corporations and governments themselves”.
### Ghana’s anti-LGBTQ bill passes amid chaos as law’s backers call for recall
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/ghanas-anti-lgbtq-bill-passes-amid-chaos-as-laws-backers-call-for-recall/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:08.000Z
Ghana’s parliament has again passed one of Africa’s most draconian anti-LGBTQ bills – but the chaotic circumstances of its passage have left even some of its supporters calling for it to be recalled.
The Human Sexual Rights and Family Values Bill, which would make identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or queer punishable by up to three years in prison and proposes a “duty to report” prohibited acts to police, was passed on 29 May 2026, having bypassed the standard waiting period of one sitting day before a final reading.
The speaker of Parliament, Alban Bagbin, who was absent on the day, later said he was surprised by its passage, despite having long championed the legislation and encouraged its swift consideration.
An earlier version of the anti-LGBTQ+ bill was introduced in 2021 and passed by Parliament in 2024, but was not signed into law by former president Nana Akufo-Addo before he left office. Akufo-Addo had cited multiple Supreme Court challenges as a reason for not giving it assent, though Ghana’s Finance Ministry had also issued a stark warning that enacting the bill could cost the country $3.8bn in World Bank funding.
Last week’s parliamentary vote over the latest version of the bill, which was reintroduced in February 2025, has also been clouded by concerns over quorum. Much like the 2024 version, this bill’s passage appeared to flout rules requiring at least half of Ghana’s 276 MPs to be present for a decision of that nature.
## **Who the bill targets**
The bill expands existing colonial-era laws criminalising gay sex, with provisions that define and criminalise queer people and their allies.
One of its harshest sections targets people who advocate for, fund or indirectly support LGBTQ rights – wording that pro-queer NGOs and public health groups say is aimed squarely at their work. Breaching this provision could lead to a prison sentence of between five and ten years.
It also places all people within Ghana’s jurisdiction under a duty to not only report queer people and their advocates, but to promote the bill’s core provisions in homes, schools, religious institutions and the media.
The potential impact goes beyond individuals. Sponsors of the bill have often singled out pro-queer NGOs and organisations providing public health support to LGBTQ people, including UNFPA (the United Nations sexual and reproductive health agency) and the Ghana AIDS Commission, accusing them of supporting LGBTQ “activities” through their work.
During stakeholder engagements in April 2026, Sam George, one of the bill’s sponsors, accused the Ghana AIDS Commission of promoting gay sex by distributing lubricants. Like the media outlets that reported his comments, George ignored experts’ explanations of the epidemiological basis for such interventions.
That framing has led backers of the bill to lump public health bodies, rights organisations and other civil society groups under the section banning the “propaganda of, promotion and advocacy” for queer people.
## **What changed from the last version**
Some of the risks to public health bodies, journalists and rights institutions have been narrowed by amendments.
Under the previous version of the law, groups such as the Ghana AIDS Commission, journalists whose reporting may advocate for queer communities, and the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, which receives reports of abuses against LGBTQ people, could have been prosecuted or muzzled. But eight exemptions were added to allow certain bodies and professionals to continue their work.
Those exemptions cover legal representation, court submissions, academic research, communications by health organisations, professional medical services, journalism, public health functions and privileged communications under Ghana’s Evidence Act.
Other changes include broadening the duty to promote so-called family values from citizens to all people within Ghana’s jurisdiction; introducing “dignified regard” for intersex persons; adding new definitions for members of queer communities; and setting a 12-month deadline for a Legislative Instrument to aid implementation.
That deadline could become another test of the government’s commitment. The ministries responsible for health and social protection have been tasked with developing the instrument, but some MPs unsuccessfully pushed for the Ministry of Justice to also be involved – suggesting a lack of confidence in the assigned ministries.
## **Partisan theatre**
The bill’s passage has exposed a series of partisan reversals.
When the National Democratic Congress (NDC) was in opposition, it pushed for the harshest version of the bill, resisting any exemptions that could allow organisations to continue work, which it deemed to be “promotion and advocacy” for queer people. At the time, Alexander Afenyo-Markin, then leader of the governing New Patriotic Party (NPP) caucus, warned against this, saying that some elements of the bill could fail constitutional tests and noted the vulnerability of queer people.
Now the roles have reversed. Since President John Mahama and his NDC returned to power at the December 2024 election, the NDC leadership has inserted protection for journalists, legal representatives and public health reasons into the draft, while Afenyo-Markin and other NPP MPs have resisted these amendments. The dispute has led Bagbin, the speaker, to suggest the bill may need to be recalled for further bipartisan consideration.
The legislation began as a private member’s motion sponsored by a small group of MPs. But the lawmakers backing it have shifted since the NDC took office, with some original sponsors distancing themselves while new NPP legislators have joined.
Alhassan Suhuyini, an NDC MP and one of the bill’s original sponsors, told Parliament he has stepped away because “the motive of the lead sponsors \[on the NPP side\] was not to pass this bill but to do propaganda.”
John Ntim Fordjour, one of the bill’s sponsors, told openDemocracy that the way it passed was an embarrassment. He was upset that the bill had been watered down with exemptions that would take targets off the backs of groups like the UNFPA.
“We have passed a bill that is not going to be fit for purpose,” he said. “The best way forward is for us to recall the faulty bill that has been passed.”
*“We have passed a bill that is not going to be fit for purpose.”*
The Christian Council of Ghana, which had previously pushed for the bill’s quick passage, has also backed a recall. Its general secretary, reverend Cyril Fayose, told openDemocracy he was concerned about what the appearance of division between the NPP and NDC would mean for the bill’s credibility.
“If there is even one person who is not satisfied and is a representative of the people, then we must go back and make sure everyone is on board,” he said.
## **The Family Values connection**
The timing of the vote has raised further questions. The bill passed only days before Ghana hosted the Africa Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Family Values, bringing together representatives from more than 20 countries and groups.
The conference was previously hosted by Uganda, which also passed an anti-LGBTQ bill days before the first gathering in 2023\. Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni hosted attendees at the state house and gave the event overt backing.
Ghana has not seen the same level of executive involvement. Mahama was expected to attend the conference opening as a guest of honour, but was out of the country on a work trip. His chief of staff represented him instead.
The event’s venue also changed twice within a month. It was first scheduled for the Four Points by Sheraton Hotel, under the Marriott Bonvoy brand. Rights activists in Ghana targeted the hotel with complaint emails and called for ‘review bombs’ – in which people leave negative online reviews – and the venue was later changed. openDemocracy asked the hotel why it did not host the conference, but a representative declined to comment.
Accra Ridge Church, an interdenominational church near Parliament House, was then advertised as the replacement, before it was confirmed that the event would be held in Parliament. A parliamentary spokesperson told openDemocracy he did not know why the venue had changed. On 1 June, Bagbin told the press that Parliament was the most appropriate venue.
The bill also sits within a broader transnational “family values” agenda. Its sponsors have invoked anti-LGBTQ legislation elsewhere in Africa, particularly Uganda, to argue that Ghana’s version should be more draconian towards media, individuals and institutions supporting queer people.
Some of the rhetoric around the bill also mirrors talking points from the US religious right. Sharon Slater of Family Watch International, a US Christian lobbying group that is classified as an anti-LGBTIQ+ hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center, questioned comprehensive sex education in Ghana and the role of the UNFPA during a 2019 meeting with parliamentary leaders and clergy. But the extent of recent Western anti-rights involvement around this latest vote remains unclear.
## **What will Mahama do?**
The question now is what Mahama will do. He has wavered on the bill for years, mostly affirming his personal Christian beliefs on gender and marriage when pressed during his successful campaign.
A month after taking office at the start of 2025, he told Bloomberg TV he was more interested in teaching children about the family values the bill’s supporters say they want to preserve, while avoiding a direct answer on whether he would sign it.
On 18 November 2025, during an engagement with clergy, Mahama said for the first time that he would sign the bill. But by March 2026, after Lincoln University in Pennsylvania cancelled plans to award him an honorary doctorate, citing the legislation, he appeared to soften his stance. Days later, while meeting civil society groups, he said the bill was not a priority.
On 1 June, responding to the bill’s passage during an engagement in the UK, Mahama questioned the procedural lapses around the vote, including the apparent lack of quorum. He said there was “still quite a while to go before that bill becomes law”.
Even with amendments removing some of the most obvious risks to public health work, lawyer and legal analyst Amanda Clinton told openDemocracy that fundamental constitutional questions remain.
“Whether the amendments make it easier for Mahama to assent is ultimately a political and constitutional question,” she said. “They may provide greater comfort from a legal drafting perspective, but the president must still weigh constitutional considerations, Ghana’s international obligations, social expectations, governance concerns and potential economic implications.”
Rights groups have already told openDemocracy they are considering legal action. For queer Ghanaians and the organisations that support them, the bill’s contested passage may have created uncertainty for politicians – but the danger remains immediate.
### Government must defend free speech consistently or risk deepening division
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/government-must-defend-free-speech-consistently-or-risk-deepening-division/
Last updated: 2026-07-07T09:11:06.000Z
**Editor’s note: The following piece was commissioned in the wake of last month’s local election results, before the conviction of the young man who killed student Henry Nowak. The subsequent protests over Nowak’s death, sparked by accusations of “two-tier policing”, have made more urgent the issues of government responsibility and free speech that are explored in this article by Liberty.*
As the Labour Party sought to gather its resolve after bruising local election results in May, prime minister Keir Starmer wrote of a need to take a “unifying rather than dividing” approach. Now, his government must move quickly to keep that promise – particularly in the wake of recent events.
We have seen deep fault lines emerge across a range of issues. How people express their views – whether on social media, at protests or in everyday interactions – and how these views are heard or censored has become the new battleground of the culture wars.
Free speech is in the news every day, from the recent travel bans to the chants at protests.
Depending on who you speak to, you might hear that you “can’t say anything anymore”, or that protest has been restricted through successive pieces of legislation, or that counter-terror powers were used to proscribe Palestine Action.
Some have rallied to the cause of people arrested for communication offences on social media. Others have defended speakers who have been denied entry into the UK. Accusations abound of silencing and two-tier policing, like those made by senior politicians this week.
Throughout, three things are clear.
The first is that most people and organisations are selective about defending speech, only doing so when the speech or the speaker in question aligns with their political views and affiliations. This typically plays out very publicly, meaning they open themselves up to the charge of hypocrisy.
[Labour Reset 2026 - openDemocracyIn this ongoing series, experts weigh-in on how the government must reset after disastrous local election resultsopenDemocracyEmma Pickering](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tag/labour-reset-2026/)
This weakens our tolerance of speech that we find challenging or offensive, because not enough people are defending the principle of free speech itself. The net result is that it becomes easier to argue that there is a fundamental problem with free speech in the UK.
Secondly, the laws governing free speech in the UK are very poorly understood.
Free speech is not unfettered – it is a qualified right that needs to be balanced alongside others.
Our freedom of expression is protected under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, even if our views are deeply unpopular or could upset or offend others. It’s not a privilege, it’s a right – one that is critical to our democracy, and needs to be as wide as possible. But it is not an absolute right; dozens of criminal offences separate lawful from unlawful speech in the UK.
One of the tests to determine whether or not speech is unlawful is context. That’s why a cursory analysis of one recent high-profile legal case may come across as unfair when compared to another – because with speech, context is everything. But again, if this is not well understood, then the charge that there is a problem with free speech in the UK is able to gain traction.
Thirdly, the government’s response has been unhelpful at best, paving the way for more troubles.
The suite of cluttered and restrictive protest laws and the expansion of counter-terror powers have changed the legislative landscape. Freedom of expression, as articulated through protests, has been curtailed. But the government has also found itself trying to get ahead of politically unhelpful headlines through inconsistent policy positions, instead of standing up for the principle of free speech.
The government has a critical role to play in safeguarding freedom of expression. Its duty is to protect our right to express differences of opinion and share them with others without state intervention, while balancing that with our collective right to live free from fear and violence.
In the UK, we have an imperfect but relatively coherent legislative framework around free speech, which reflects the political settlement of a plural, liberal democracy.
Some of it does need to change. Our protest laws need an immediate overhaul, public interest speech must be protected through the repeal of SLAPPs (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation), and the application of our free speech laws must be adapted to a digital age. But broadly speaking, we don’t need ‘new’ free speech laws. We need existing ones to be applied consistently, and the government to take a lead on finding a better balance between navigating public order concerns and upholding freedom of expression.
Why does this matter? In the run-up to the 2029 general election, we can expect to hear that the UK is in a ‘free speech crisis’. This narrative has long been peddled by those who want to lay the groundwork for repealing human rights laws and removing legal restrictions in a way that would effectively decriminalise hate speech.
Setting out a clear and robust defence of free speech – backed up by a clear and consistent approach – is an imperative for the government if it wants to hold the political terrain.
In the coming months, this Labour government has to show urgent leadership on this issue by taking a non-partisan approach to freedom of expression. If it continues down the path of heavier policing and greater restrictions on lawful speech, it will not unite our divided country, but may create a more fragmented, alienated and polarised society – setting a dangerous political precedent for future governments that may want to go much further.
### Cuba ante el ocaso de la Revolución y la amenaza de Trump
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cuba-eeuu-trump-amenaza-bloqueo-apagones-revolucion-cubana-raul-castro-guerra-marco-rubio/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:22.000Z
En Cuba hay incertidumbre. El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, ha sido contundente. ¿Repetirá la “exitosa” intervención en Venezuela o ha pensado para Cuba un modelo diferente? Hay muchas preguntas y una certeza: el gobierno revolucionario está en declive.
La acusación del Departamento de Justicia de Estados Unidos contra Raúl Castro, histórico exmandatario de la Revolución Cubana, hoy de 95 años, daría pautas de que Washington intenta replicar con él la estrategia aplicada con el presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro, aunque esta vez con menor transgresión del derecho internacional: Castro, a diferencia de Maduro, no goza de inmunidad de jefe de Estado.
Maduro fue [secuestrado](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/) el 3 de enero por fuerzas militares estadounidenses, en un operativo que dejó entre 70 y 100 personas muertas, y se encuentra detenido en Nueva York. Castro es diputado de la Asamblea del Poder Popular y general del ejército con rango honorífico. NInguno de esos cargos le otorgan inmunidad.
El 21 de mayo, el Departamento de Justicia [acusó](https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/united-states-unseals-superseding-indictment-charging-raul-castro-and-five-castro-regime-co?ref=opendemocracy.net) al expresidente Castro de asesinato por el derribo, en 1996, de dos avionetas del grupo Hermanos al Rescate en el que murieron cuatro personas, tres de ellas estadounidenses. Hermanos al Rescate era un escuadrón aéreo formado por disidentes cubanos en Miami que, en la década de 1990, hizo varias incursiones en el espacio aéreo cubano.
Trump ha dicho claramente que quiere cambiar el liderazgo en La Habana, y que [estaría encantado de invadir Cuba](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-cuba-action-regime-change/?ref=opendemocracy.net). Además, intensificó el embargo económico contra la isla y le impuso nuevas y amplias sanciones y un [bloqueo petrolero](https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/el-bloqueo-de-eeuu-paraliza-la-entrega-de-miles-de-toneladas-de-ayuda-de-la-onu-para-cuba/91509905?ref=opendemocracy.net) que dificulta incluso la entrega de ayuda humanitaria por parte de la ONU.
El secretario de Estado, Marco Rubio, [declaró](https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c052vpv77gmo?ref=opendemocracy.net) a periodistas que Cuba ha representado una amenaza para la seguridad nacional durante años y que Trump está decidido a abordar este problema. Mientras que en su mensaje dijo que prefería una solución diplomática, observó que “la probabilidad de que eso ocurra… no es alta”.
Al mismo tiempo, el sitio web de noticias estadounidense Axios, citando información clasificada, [aseguró](https://www.axios.com/2026/05/17/us-military-drones-cuba?ref=opendemocracy.net) que Cuba poseía 300 drones que podrían atacar objetivos estadounidenses como la base militar en la Bahía de Guantánamo, Key West en Florida o buques de guerra desplegados en la zona. Más allá de los 300 drones, la superioridad militar de EEUU respecto de Cuba no se pone en duda. Los drones podrían ocasionar daños, pero no evitar una confrontación ni ganarla.
Sin embargo, no hay garantías sobre el resultado de una intervención similar a la de Venezuela. Es probable, entonces, que se intente una negociación y, solo en última instancia, una acción militar, pero los efectos de la guerra contra Irán pueden convencer a Washington de que no es un buen recurso.
La situación interna de Cuba es caótica. Se podría interpretar que el declive de la Revolución ha sido lento y prolongado. Cuba atraviesa una larga contracción económica, emigración masiva, colapso de infraestructuras, disminución de la capacidad estatal y un descontento social generalizado.
El descontento se debe a las carencias básicas y cotidianas: falta de luz, comida o medicamentos, carencias agravadas por el cerco impuesto por Trump. Cuba vive un proceso de agotamiento impulsado por cuatro dinámicas interrelacionadas: deterioro económico, declive ideológico, transición generacional y fragmentación institucional.
[Protestas por falta de alimentos y energía exponen el fracaso de la revolución cubanaLas protestas y un éxodo masivo exponen la desconfianza de la población cubana hacia sus gobernantes comunistas – y el fracaso de la revoluciónopenDemocracyRut Diamint](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cuba-protestas-alimentos-escasez-revolucion-comunista-fracaso/)
La narrativa revolucionaria ha perdido su poder movilizador. El Estado está centrado en la vigilancia, la coacción, el control de la información, la represión y las violaciones de los derechos humanos. Se ha transformado en una institución coercitiva. No da derechos ni otorga bienes sociales. Por el contrario, desprecia los derechos y concentra bienes sociales para un grupo de privilegiados. Pese a todo esto, el régimen mantiene un control capilar sobre la población y tiene una militancia leal que respondería ante una agresión externa.
El Partido Comunista domina la organización política, los medios de comunicación y las instituciones de seguridad. El conglomerado empresarial vinculado al ejército, el Grupo de Administración Empresarial (GAESA) que, a partir de la caída de la Unión Soviética en 1991 ganó espacio comercial y financiero, es un arma estratégica que [maneja los sectores más dinámicos de Cuba](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cuba-protestas-alimentos-escasez-revolucion-comunista-fracaso/), desde hoteles y tiendas minoristas hasta aduanas y puertos.
¿Significa esta situación que estamos frente a la desaparición de la Revolución en Cuba? Probablemente. Es posible que se dé una transición negociada, con participación de algunos sectores de las fuerzas armadas cubanas, grupos opositores desde el exilio y tal vez algunos dirigentes locales.
Es muy difícil predecir cómo reaccionan las sociedades en tiempos de cambio. Es aún más complejo cuando no existe en la isla una sociedad civil con libertad para expresarse, ni derechos políticos, sociales o económicos.
El temor es que Cuba no logre el establecimiento de un régimen democrático. Esto sería un fracaso para la isla, la región latinoamericana y Estados Unidos. Es probable que el gobierno de Trump y Marco Rubio pongan todos los recursos políticos, económicos y militares para evitar semejante derrota. Pero no hay garantías de que se instale un régimen democrático.
El camino estará lleno de dificultades. Los actores internacionales, tanto países latinoamericanos como europeos, podrían colaborar para el establecimiento democrático – de forma similar a lo que hicieron en los procesos para poner fin a las dictaduras en América Latina – promoviendo el diálogo entre los distintos actores en Cuba, y alternativas a la ferocidad que expresa Trump.
El llamado *lobby* cubano – la influyente comunidad anticastrista afincada en Miami que durante muchos años repudió al régimen de Fidel Castro – ha logrado penetrar más fuertemente en Washington, y Marco Rubio es un buen ejemplo de ello. No quieren una invasión militar estadounidense, sino el fin de la Revolución.
Si hubiera una transición democrática podría darse una democracia híbrida, que siga las formas democráticas, especialmente en los procedimientos electorales, pero sin una justicia y un parlamento con la autonomía y la fortaleza que se espera en una democracia real. Tendría carácter parlamentario-presidencial, respaldada por algunas garantías constitucionales, una descentralización gradual y el surgimiento de nuevos partidos políticos y organizaciones de la sociedad civil.
Existe la esperanza de que dichos retos puedan afrontarse con un firme compromiso con la libertad, con la cooperación de las democracias latinoamericanas y europeas, y con el sueño compartido por muchos cubanos de poder regresar algún día a su hogar.
### Gaza-bound land convoy forced to abandon mission after arrests in Libya
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/gaza-bound-land-convoy-forced-to-abandon-mission-arrests-in-libya/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:24.000Z
A land convoy attempting to deliver aid to Gaza has been forced to abandon its mission after days of escalating obstruction, violence and arrests in eastern Libya.
The news comes two weeks after openDemocracy [reported](https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-gaza-convoy-trapped-in-libyas-desert-refusing-to-turn-back/) on how the convoy had become trapped by the refusal of Libyan militias to allow their passage through a checkpoint near Sirte, as they attempted to continue east towards Egypt.
Days after our article was published, ten members of a negotiating delegation approached a nearby checkpoint to discuss safe passage for the humanitarian mission. They were forced into unmarked white vans, taken to an unknown location and cut off from communication, according to Global Sumud. A further volunteer, 24-year-old Tunisian technical team member Mehdi Bouzguenda, had already been detained five days earlier while attempting to return home near the Tunisian-Libyan border.
“After our comrades were detained, we were attacked by two Libyan militias and our camp was destroyed,” South African writer and convoy participant Jessica Breakey told openDemocracy this week. “They escorted us all the way back to Tripoli.”
Global Sumud said unmarked vehicles began surrounding the convoy, where more than 200 participants were encamped, on the night of 25 May. Participants were forced to evacuate, and some men and women were physically assaulted.
Most international and Maghreb participants are now home and safe, Breakey said, but the detained volunteers from the negotiating team remain in custody. Global Sumud [confirmed](https://globalsumudflotilla.org/press/free-the-11-global-sumud-land-convoy-volunteers/?ref=opendemocracy.net) that 11 civilian volunteers – five Europeans, three people from Latin America, one from the US and two from Tunisia – remain detained in Libya as of 3 June.
The ten negotiators were brought before the attorney general in the Libyan city of Benghazi on 2 June, after more than seven days without seeing a judge or prosecutor. Their detention was extended for another ten days. Global Sumud says the volunteers have been denied legal counsel, subjected to severed communications and psychological pressure, and that some were forced to sign statements in Arabic without interpretation.
The convoy’s forced retreat marks the collapse of one of the most ambitious attempts to reach Gaza by land since the current assault began. Its organisers say they were carrying medical and humanitarian supplies for a population under siege. Instead, the mission ended with its camp destroyed, its participants dispersed, and 11 volunteers still detained in eastern Libya.
While [attacks on and interceptions of](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/30/act-of-piracy-world-reacts-to-israeli-interception-of-gaza-aid-flotilla?ref=opendemocracy.net) Gaza-bound boats in the Mediterranean have drawn wider international attention, the overland route has also been violently blocked. Global Sumud [says](https://globalsumudflotilla.org/press/free-the-11-global-sumud-land-convoy-volunteers/?ref=opendemocracy.net) its land convoy included around 230 participants from 21 countries, carrying ambulances, medicine and mobile homes. An earlier statement said the convoy included seven ambulances, 20 mobile homes and ten aid trucks with supplies intended for Gaza’s besieged civilian population.
### There is no such thing as a safe minority
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/henry-nowak-death-no-such-thing-safe-minority-sikh-nigel-farage/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:32.000Z
There is a pattern to how certain crimes become political weapons in the UK. It begins with a real horror. It ends, reliably, somewhere that has very little to do with the dead.
Henry Nowak was 18, a first-year student in Southampton, walking home from a night out when Vikrum Digwa stabbed him five times. The footage of what came next — Nowak handcuffed on the pavement, bleeding, telling police officers he had been stabbed, telling them he couldn't breathe, his pleas being dismissed — is harrowing.
Digwa, a British-born Sikh, had told officers he was the victim of a racist attack by Nowak. The court found his account fabricated and sentenced him to life in prison, with a minimum term of 21 years. His brother, mother and father have all been charged or convicted of related offences.
Three of the four officers involved in arresting Nowak still work for the police, though they have been taken off frontline duties while the Independent Office for Police Conduct, the watchdog for policing in England and Wales, reviews police conduct in the case. The attorney general’s office is considering whether to submit Digwa’s 21-year sentence for review under the ‘unduly lenient scheme’.
Justice, though imperfect and rarely comforting for the bereaved, has been swift. As Stephen Bush [sets out with clarity](https://www.ft.com/content/aa945c97-9e39-4f4f-ade5-28f23c3e29eb?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the Financial Times, there is no comparison to be drawn here with the cases of either George Floyd or Stephen Lawrence, and yet that is exactly what both Kemi Badenoch and Nigel Farage have sought to do.
Nowak’s family have asked explicitly for their grief not to be enlisted in someone else's argument. That request has plainly been ignored. Farage has declared his death an example of “two-tier policing” and, chillingly, called on people to respond with “pure, cold rage”. His outriders and media allies have devoted column inches and hours of airtime to the absurd proposition that Nowak’s murder is evidence that this is no country for white men. Riots have erupted in Southampton, and there are calls for escalation across the country.
Farage is not freelancing here; he is reading his own balance sheet. The stench around his receipt of a £5m donation from a Thai-based crypto millionaire refuses to go away. With a by-election looming in Makerfield, Reform is being pressed from the right by Restore Britain and the residue of Tommy Robinson’s movement, who think Farage has gone soft. In order to retain the aura of inevitability that his party has enjoyed for over a year, Farage needs to remind the most combustible parts of his base that he is still one of them. So when he speaks of justice and rage in the wake of tragedy, Henry Nowak and his family are not the audience. They are mere props.
So far, so familiar. Part three of ‘confected race war summer’. What is worth noticing is what the script has begun to require.
The categories are shifting. Refugees. Migrants. Muslims. Jews. The cast of who we are told to fear is refreshed every few years, but the logic underneath — that a whole community can be made to answer for an individual crime — has no natural terminus, which is exactly why people who crave power keep reaching for it. The threshold drops with each cycle. In 2026, a brown man has killed a white boy: that is now enough for Reform's leader to ride the inference into a by-election, enough to move the public conversation to within earshot of ‘great replacement’ conspiracies.
For Sikh families like mine, none of this is theoretical. The crowds outside a police station, the chants, the wheelie bins on fire, the demand that an entire community account for one man's crime — these are familiar shapes. The memory of the 1947 partition, when many Sikhs were killed as millions were violently forced to leave their ancestral homelands amid the creation of the border between the newly independent India and Pakistan, is held quietly in most British Sikh households. So are India’s[ anti-Sikh pogroms of 1984](https://wienerholocaustlibrary.org/exhibition/the-1984-anti-sikh-pogroms-remembered/?ref=opendemocracy.net). We know what happens when a movement decides to sort people into the worthy and the unworthy. We know how fast the categories shift, and how thin the warning is before they do.
For Sikhs, this is the moment to remember what our own traditions actually demand. Digwa argued that the weapon he carried was a Sikh dagger or kirpan; it was not — the court was clear it was a larger, offensive blade. The kirpan, one of the five Ks of Sikhi, is not a weapon. It is a symbolic reminder that the martial culture of the faith exists to defend the oppressed. That same tradition sent generations of Sikh soldiers (like my grandfather) into Britain's wars in numbers far in excess of our share of any population. The instruction it leaves us is unambiguous about which side we are meant to be on. It is not on the side of people who terrorise and divide communities.
The harder reckoning is with ourselves. Though most of us will have experienced racism, the idea of our entire community being in the crosshairs feels unfamiliar to many, as we have for too long taken refuge in the idea that we are ‘a model minority’. The acceptable kind. The integrated kind. The kind that proves the others — the ones they really mean — are the real problem. There are prominent Sikh voices that [repeat](https://spectator.com/article/vickrum-digwa-is-no-sikh/?ref=opendemocracy.net) this back openly. They confuse being tolerated for being safe.
This is the oldest trap in the history of communal violence, and the one British Sikhs, of all people, ought to recognise on sight. The status of model minority is not earned, and it cannot be banked. It is on loan, extended conditionally by people who have always reserved the right to reclassify, and it is withdrawn the moment it stops being useful — usually at the point one of us does something that can be made to stand in for all of us. That moment is visibly approaching. Vikrum Digwa is being used to draw it closer. The only honest response is to refuse the bargain — to stand with Muslims, with refugees, with migrants, with every community in the firing line of this politics, publicly and without qualification. Not as charity but as clarity: their fate and ours are the same.
None of which is simple. It will require Sikhs and Hindus to find a way past 1984 that has eluded both communities for 40 years. It will require Sikhs and Muslims to confront what partition did, and what the 75 years since have continued to do. It will require Muslims and Jews to reach each other across a politics engineered, on every side, to keep them apart. The shared menace of the far right is where these conversations begin. It is not where they end.
Henry Nowak is dead. His family asked only to be left to grieve him; they were refused that right. What comes next will not arrive by accident. It does not end on its own. None of us is safe until all of us are safe. For those who know their history, this is not a slogan. It is the entire lesson.
### “We are going to die”: The frontline costs of Uganda’s new US health agreement
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/we-are-going-to-die-the-frontline-costs-of-ugandas-new-us-health-agreement/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:45.000Z
*Soita Khatondi Wepukhulu* is an award-winning investigative journalist reporting on global health, governance, and human rights in Africa. *This article was originally published by the New Humanitarian* [*here*](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2026/05/06/frontline-costs-uganda-new-us-health-agreement?ref=opendemocracy.net)
On an early morning in February, 23-year-old Suzan Akello was found lying dead on a veranda outside a house she had visited in Namataala, Mbale town, in eastern Uganda. Friends said she could not afford a clinic and had taken herbal medicine to terminate a pregnancy. By the time Akello needed urgent care, it was too late.
Post-abortion care services (PAC) are legal in Uganda, secured through years of advocacy and government-NGO collaboration, some under US-supported programmes. But health workers, activists, and patients told The New Humanitarian that in recent months, post-abortion care and critical HIV/AIDS services are increasingly caught in the fallout of a new $2.3 billion health agreement between Uganda and the United States, one that is integrating donor-funded programmes into Uganda’s public health system while reducing reliance on NGOs.
A US State Department spokesperson said the deal is a joint commitment to sustain lifesaving programmes while building national capacity. Under the agreement, Uganda has pledged to increase domestic health funding by about $50 million annually, more than $500 million over five years, while the United States foots the rest of the bill through a phased transition.
Framed as [a step towards “health sovereignty”](https://www.citizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2026-0012QN-Uganda-Health-12.10.2025.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) and national ownership, the deal is one of more than [20 similar agreements](https://www.thinkglobalhealth.org/article/tracking-the-america-first-bilateral-health-agreements?ref=opendemocracy.net) signed across Africa, now expanding into Latin America. It follows President Donald Trump’s revision of USAID programmes worldwide, which triggered “stop work” orders early last year and withdrew billions in health funding globally, including in Uganda.
Funding for frontline health workers and medical commodities will be maintained in full in the first year, the State Department said, with responsibility shifting gradually based on readiness assessments. Transitions will be “case-by-case, multi-year, jointly planned” to ensure continuity of care.
But for many working within Uganda’s health system, that continuity is already fraying.
## Undoing years of local progress
By mid-2025, months before the memorandum was signed, the shift was already underway. Hundreds of support staff working under US-funded programmes were called into meetings across Uganda and – in documents seen by this reporter – asked to sign compliance agreements aligning with US abortion restrictions.
Contract addendums barred them from “performing, promoting, or referrals” for abortion-related services “even where legal” and discouraged public discussion of the policy. While abortion is generally criminalised in Uganda, post-abortion care remains legal.
Months after those meetings, only a fraction of those support health workers still hold active contracts. Cuts to USAID funding have sharply reduced staff deployment, particularly those working alongside NGOs at government health facilities.
On paper, the memorandum contains elements that public health experts broadly support. Nakibuuka Noor, deputy at the Coalition to Stop Maternal Mortality Due to Unsafe Abortion (CSMMUA), points to its provisions on joint reviews and commitments to increasing health funding within Uganda’s national budget.
“These are things we have always asked for,” she said. “A government that takes responsibility for its health system.”
Ugandan NGOs, alongside the health ministry, negotiated a national [PAC package](https://www.cehurd.org/download/post-abortion-care-pac-guidelines-prevention-and-management-of-abortion-complications/?wpdmdl=14510&refresh=69d649d27f4391775651282&ref=opendemocracy.net) in 2025 intended to standardise and expand lifesaving care for women suffering complications from unsafe abortions. But according to Noor, the memorandum sidelines this progress.
A 2010 report by the health ministry said [8% of all maternal deaths were due to unsafe abortions](https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/abortion-and-postabortion-care-uganda?ref=opendemocracy.net#2), but safe abortion advocates say the health system is poorly equipped to even measure its impact. Noor notes that maternal death notification forms do not include a specific category for deaths resulting from unsafe abortion complications, making data incomplete and unreliable.
Richard Mugahi, the ministry of health commissioner for reproductive health, insisted to The New Humanitarian that Uganda has the capacity to finance its share of the health budget, and that the memorandum does not violate national health policy.
> “We are not even allowed to probe to find out details about such cases. We are expected to stay silent.”
On post-abortion care, he maintained there is “no violation” of Uganda’s guidelines, even as he has acknowledged constraints, stating at one point that PAC “has no budget”.
That tension between policy assurances and the realities on the front line is increasingly visible.
Coupled with reinforced US restrictions, health workers report being under growing pressure to turn away women showing signs of a terminated pregnancy. “We are not even allowed to probe to find out details about such cases,” said one in Mbale, who asked not to be named. “We are expected to stay silent.”
Two other support staff in eastern and western Uganda said they have been forced to either risk their jobs to help patients or turn away dozens in need of critical post-abortion care.
## A system losing its intermediaries
The memorandum’s emphasis on “mainstreaming” donor-funded programmes is also reshaping how care is delivered. Thousands of peer educators, outreach workers, and specialised staff are being absorbed, reassigned, or lost altogether.
Remaining health workers said they received communication from the Ministry of Health since January, saying their positions will be advertised, and that their qualifications are currently being “validated” as part of a process to “mainstream” them into the national system. Many of them say they do not meet the academic qualifications the government has set for them to retain their jobs, even though they’ve worked effectively with marginalised communities for years.
Peter educators and outreach workers form an integral part of Uganda’s HIV/AIDS focused care.
Winnie Byanyima, the executive director of UNAIDS, cautioned that communities can not be ignored in HIV/AIDS care.
“Communities must remain at the heart of the response and all people living with or at risk of HIV need access to lifesaving medicines and services,” she told The New Humanitarian. “Recognising that is not a political statement; it’s an epidemiological fact.“
However, funding shifts also appear to be undoing years of progress on attitudes towards most at-risk populations secured by delicate community organising under NGOs.
According to Betty Balisalamu, executive director of Women with a Mission in eastern Mbale, the effects of a health model cutting out civil society are already visible in how local officials engage with marginalised communities.
“It sends a message,” she said. “The officials say if even our funders are stepping back, then the government should too.”
At Rukoki General Hospital in Kasese, in western Uganda, a laboratory technician described what that looks like in practice. Key population focal persons, like staff trained to support groups such as sex workers and LGBTIQ individuals, are no longer present.
“There is more stigma now,” the technician said. “People are afraid to come.”
Without those intermediaries, patients reported being shamed or turned away, widening gaps in HIV prevention.
In the fishing community of Kahendero near Lake Albert in western Uganda, outreach workers reported shortages of prevention tools so severe that some people are using polythene bags as condoms.
Hilda Kamuhangire, a former sex worker now working as a peer educator in Kahendero, said the disruption has been abrupt. “We used to go to the bars, talk to women, give them condoms, PrEP \[pre-exposure prophylaxis\] information,” she said. “Now many of those services are not there.”
> “They tell you, ‘haven’t you heard about the Trump things?’”
At health facilities, she added, some workers now ask for payment or turn patients away, citing funding changes. “They tell you, ‘haven’t you heard about the Trump things?’”
The political framing of the agreement has further complicated its impact. US officials[ ](https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01516/combating-gender-ideology-in-foreign-assistance?ref=opendemocracy.net)have linked funding restrictions to concerns about [“gender ideology”](https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01516/combating-gender-ideology-in-foreign-assistance?ref=opendemocracy.net) – a narrative that has gained traction in Uganda. Activists say this framing misrepresents their work and undermines service delivery.
“We are fighting political and cultural wars,” Noor said. “Wars that are not ours.”
An LGBTIQ+ organiser told The New Humanitarian the US government’s narrative that NGOs spread “gender ideology” is reminiscent of the feverish [anti-gay rhetoric](https://www.hrw.org/report/2025/05/26/theyre-putting-our-lives-risk/how-ugandas-anti-lgbt-climate-unleashes-abuse?ref=opendemocracy.net) that drummed up support for the 2023 Anti Homosexuality law, partly on the false belief that Ugandan NGOs “promote” homosexuality.
## Steps back on HIV/AIDS
Uganda’s HIV response has long depended on US support, particularly through PEPFAR – the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief – which helped place over a million Ugandans on treatment and financed prevention programmes targeting high-risk populations. About 1.4 million people are living with HIV, with tens of thousands of new infections each year.
LGBTIQ+ people and[ ](https://sph.mak.ac.ug/maksph-unveils-new-hiv-survey-on-female-sex-workers-in-uganda/?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=The%20survey%20found%20that:%20%2A%20Female%20sex,mental%20health%20support%20alongside%20HIV%20prevention%20services)sex workers in Uganda face [disproportionately high HIV risks](https://sph.mak.ac.ug/maksph-unveils-new-hiv-survey-on-female-sex-workers-in-uganda/?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=The%20survey%20found%20that:%20%2A%20Female%20sex,mental%20health%20support%20alongside%20HIV%20prevention%20services) compared to the general population, as stigma, [criminalisation](https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/19/health/uganda-lgbtq-hiv.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), and shrinking access to community-based services limit their ability to seek prevention and treatment.
For decades, much of US government response has been delivered through community-based networks that bridge the gap between formal health systems and marginalised populations.
In a response to The New Humanitarian, the State Department pointed to new data, it said, showing that the number of people receiving antiretroviral treatment in Uganda increased in late 2025 compared to the previous year, pointing to “the long-term resilience and adaptability” of Uganda’s HIV response.
However, health workers described how since last year they have sometimes been instructed by US government implementing partners, formally or informally, to prioritise certain groups – such as pregnant and breastfeeding women – for post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP), even as other high-risk populations struggle to access it.
“We cannot end AIDS by picking and choosing who can access medicines,” Byanyima said. The UNAIDS head also warned that the full impact of these disruptions may not yet be visible.
But for a health worker who has worked on HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment of LGBTIQ+ people for over 15 years, she had one urgent message for US policy makers; “We are going to die. Please have mercy.”
*Edited by Obi Anyadike.*
*This article has been republished under a Creative Commons licence.*
### The return of class politics: What Colombia’s election reveals about the left
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-election-ivan-cepeda-abelardo-de-la-espriella-gustav-petro-minimum-wage-labour-reform/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:50.000Z
Colombia’s next president will either be leftist senator Iván Cepeda or far-right lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella, whose former clients include [drug traffickers](https://voragine.co/historias/investigacion/la-tierra-de-un-narcoparamilitar-que-paso-a-manos-de-abelardo-de-la-espriella/?ref=opendemocracy.net). The two will go head to head in the presidential runoff on 21 June, after no candidate won the 50% voteshare needed to automatically win the presidency at the first-round vote on Sunday. De la Espriella [came first](https://resultados.registraduria.gov.co/resultados/0/00?ref=opendemocracy.net) with 43.7% of the vote, closely followed by Cepeda with 40.9%.
De la Espriella’s rapid rise has been the major surprise of this year’s race to the presidency. The 47-year-old is a new figure in Latin America’s far right, who combines Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele’s brand of popular authoritarianism with Javier Milei’s radical economic liberalism in Argentina.
Less discussed, but equally significant, has been the political recovery of incumbent president Gustavo Petro, who leads Colombia’s first left-wing government in recent history.
Just over a year ago, he was widely seen as politically weakened and, according to some observers, incapable of backing a competitive successor. (Petro himself could not run again due to Colombia’s strict one-term limit for presidents.) The strength of Cepeda’s candidacy reflects a political shift driven by the radicalisation of the economic agenda in Colombia, the [third most unequal country in the world](https://afsee.atlanticfellows.lse.ac.uk/en-gb/blogs/how-the-architecture-of-power-underpins-inequality-in-colombia?ref=opendemocracy.net).
At the start of 2025, Petro [had approval ratings of only 32%](https://www.lasillavacia.com/en-vivo/primera-invamer-poll-de-2025-petro-en-63-de-desaprobacion/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and 63% disapproval, according to Invamer, Colombia’s oldest and most influential polling firm. His government was suffering from public dissatisfaction over security, economic difficulties, and repeated conflicts with Congress.
The turning point came in March 2025, when Petro took on Congress over a Senate committee’s rejection of a labour reform bill that his government had tabled in 2023\. The bill, which included measures such as higher overtime and night-shift pay, restrictions on precarious contracts, stronger labour rights and worker protections, was rejected after harsh criticism from business groups and conservative sectors, which argued that it would increase costs and informality.
Rather than backing down, Petro announced that he would attempt to convene a national popular consultation to submit the reform directly to voters – transforming a parliamentary defeat into a permanent political campaign. The president mobilised unions, social movements, and workers around the idea that political elites were blocking the labour reforms that they had voted for at the ballot box in 2022.
The government formally [proposed a popular consultation](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2025/04/22/petro-anuncio-que-el-1-de-mayo-radicara-la-consulta-popular-pidio-a-la-ciudadania-salir-a-las-calles/?ref=opendemocracy.net) on 1 May 2025, International Workers’ Day, during a massive rally in Bogotá, but the Senate narrowly rejected the proposal weeks later. Even so, Petro’s campaign proved politically successful. By increasing the political cost of blocking the reforms, the government pressured centrist forces and part of the business community into negotiations and a moderated version of the labour reform was [ultimately approved in Congress](https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c5y7xv2n27lo?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the second half of 2025\.
The left portrayed the outcome as proof that popular mobilisation works, while the opposition accused Petro of governing through conflict. The public, though, appeared to side with the president; by February 2026, Petro’s [approval rating](https://www.rtvcnoticias.com/politica/gobierno/aprobacion-presidente-petro-aumento-invamer?ref=opendemocracy.net) had risen to 49%, while disapproval had fallen to 46%, according to Invamer. In less than a year, he had recovered more than 15 points in popularity.
Minimum wage was another central axis of Petro’s political recovery, after he promoted consecutive real increases throughout his presidency. The peak of the confrontation came at the end of 2025, when Petro [decreed a 23% increase in the minimum wage](https://es-us.finanzas.yahoo.com/noticias/colombia-petro-decreta-aumento-salario-022616923.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), resulting in a significant real increase in purchasing power, with inflation running at around 5% last year.
Once again, conflict defined the process. Colombia’s Council of State, the country’s highest administrative court, [temporarily suspended the measure](https://www.france24.com/es/programas/econom%C3%ADa/20260213-colombia-consejo-de-estado-suspende-provisionalmente-el-alza-del-23-2-en-el-salario-m%C3%ADnimo?ref=opendemocracy.net), but Petro responded with a transitional decree that maintained the increase while opening a broader legal and political dispute. The president called for street mobilisations in defence of the increase, which unions, labour federations, and social organisations [supported](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2026/02/18/estos-seran-los-puntos-de-concentracion-de-las-marchas-convocadas-para-el-19-de-febrero-por-el-gobierno-para-apoyar-el-salario-minimo-de-2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net). The dispute became one of the central themes of the 2026 campaign. For much of Colombia’s working population, it was seen not as institutional instability, but as a president fighting for their wages.
It is no coincidence that labour issues are also returning to the centre of Brazil’s political agenda. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has used the debate over the “6x1” work schedule – in which a person works 44 hours over six consecutive days, followed by only one day off – to reconnect with working-class voters. A constitutional amendment he proposed to limit work weeks to 40 hours over five days, with two rest days, was [approved last month](https://www.riotimesonline.com/brazils-lower-house-approves-end-of-the-6x1-workweek/?ref=opendemocracy.net) by the Chamber of Deputies, but still needs to be passed by the Senate. It comes after a policy to raise Mexico’s minimum wage, which[ doubled between 2018 and 2024](https://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/lessons-from-mexicos-wage-policy-that-lifted-millions-out-of-poverty/?ref=opendemocracy.net), coincided with a rise in electoral support for the ruling Morena party.
Petro and Lula share roots on the left and a belief in labour as a central political axis, but they arrive at different destinations through different paths. Lula is a conciliator; Petro is a politician of permanent confrontation. The Colombian president took a gamble in challenging Congress, economic elites, and the political system – and it worked, while his Brazilian counterpart prefers political stability and negotiation to secure victories. These are styles shaped by different histories and institutions, but perhaps Lula could be a little more like Petro, and Petro a little more like Lula.
Regardless of the outcome, Colombia’s election offers an important lesson about the powerful mobilising potential of economic issues. While moral, identity-based, and security concerns continue to fuel far-right candidates across the region, debates over wages, work, social protection and income distribution still appear capable of energising the progressive camp.
*Pedro Rossi is Vice President and Chief Economist of the Global Fund for a New Economy (GFNE) and Associate Professor of Economics at the University of Campinas (UNICAMP), Brazil*
### Inside the campaign that stopped The Gambia reversing its FGM ban
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/inside-the-campaign-that-stopped-the-gambia-reversing-its-fgm-ban/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:36:55.000Z
In July 2024, The Gambia came closer than any country in the world to reversing a ban on female genital mutilation. A practice that had been criminalised for nearly a decade was on the verge of becoming legal again.
Then feminist organisers stopped it.
After months of sustained organising, community mobilisation and public campaigning, the National Assembly voted 34 to 19 to reject a bill that would have repealed the country’s 2015 ban on FGM. It was a major victory, not only for Gambian women and girls, but for feminist movements across the continent.
The fact that the vote happened at all should alarm us. Just months earlier, in March 2024, 42 members of the same Parliament had voted to advance the repeal bill. Its supporters argued that FGM is Islamic and the ban was a Western imposition – that Gambians, up to 96% of whom are practising Muslims, should be free to practise their faith as they see fit. These false arguments – there is no requirement for FGM in Islamic law – were not new, but they were better coordinated and more politically embedded than before.
At a moment when anti-rights forces are better funded, better organised and more confident, The Gambia offers something the feminist movement badly needs: a documented win, and a template worth studying. It is a rare case of a movement turning a political crisis into momentum. But it is also a reminder that ‘winning’ in legislation does not automatically deliver change.
In August 2025, a one-month-old baby girl, Sarjo Conteh, was rushed to a hospital in Banjul. She had been cut. By the time doctors reached her, she had bled to death. The Gambian authorities confirmed that her injuries were the result of FGM.
Conteh’s death was not an isolated incident. Activists on the ground have for years reported that the 2015 ban has not ended FGM, but pushed it underground, and led to girls being cut younger than ever. Many families believe that infants as young as a few days old will heal faster from the cutting, meaning evidence will be harder to detect.
Recently, activist Dr Leyla Hussein wrote about this tragedy with the clarity and fury it deserved. She named what so many institutions still refuse to: that FGM is sexual violence, that it is child abuse, and that the world’s reluctance to say so plainly is inseparable from the fact that the children being harmed are overwhelmingly Black and Brown girls. She asked why, if this violence were happening to white children, there would be any hesitation at all in calling it assault. There would not be.
Hussein also wrote about the particular cruelty of normalisation: the way survivors are taught to question the legitimacy of their own pain when the world has minimised it first. That is the atmosphere in which Sarjo Conteh died. That is the atmosphere in which three women were recently acquitted in connection with her death.
And that is why the legislative fight in The Gambia, as hard-won as it was, cannot be the end of the story. Even now, the people who tried to roll back this right are petitioning the Supreme Court, claiming that the ban violates their right to religious and cultural freedom..
This is a story about a victory. But it is also a story about the fragility of that victory, and about what enforcement, long-term cultural change and sustained feminist organising actually require.
## How we got here
The 2015 ban was introduced under former president Yahya Jammeh. It was imperfect legislation, lacking a serious enforcement strategy, and many Gambians associated it with Jammeh’s dictatorship rather than with the rights it was designed to protect. For years, FGM continued largely unabated.
Then, in August 2023, three women were convicted under the law for performing FGM on eight girls under the age of five, one of whom was just four months old.
Those convictions – the first for perpetrators of FGM in a Gambian court – were a breakthrough. Although the law states offenders can be imprisoned for up to three years, the women were issued fines of 15,000 dalasis – equivalent to up to half a year’s income for women in rural areas of the country – or one-year prison sentences if they were unable to pay. Amid national outrage, a prominent imam paid the women’s fines, lawmakers began to talk openly about repealing the ban, and, in February 2024, a private member’s bill was introduced in the National Assembly to do exactly that – arguing that it was ‘anti-Islamic’.
I want to be direct about this framing, because it is used to silence us – and we should not let it. The Quran does not mention FGM. There is no authentic hadith that promotes it. FGM predates Islam, is practised by communities of multiple faiths, and is opposed by Muslim scholars across the world. Associating FGM with Islam is not theology. It is politics. And its political purpose is to put the practice beyond critique.
## The organising that turned it around
When the bill to repeal the ban was introduced, the Gambian government said very little, with the main opposition parties saying even less. Civil society did not wait for either.
GAMCOTRAP, which has spent three decades working community by community across this country, mobilised immediately. We were joined by organisations across the Network Against Gender-Based Violence, which became the coordination spine of the campaign.
Together, activists ran events across the country. We ran radio programmes, put up billboards, and called legislators directly. We brought survivors to testify at the National Assembly, gathered evidence on death rates and health consequences, and put it in front of anyone who would look at it.
We also took the religious argument seriously, rather than dismissing it. Activists and lawyers facilitated a fact-finding mission to Al-Azhar University in Egypt, one of the most respected institutions in Islamic scholarship. The findings were clear: FGM is not required by Islam. That evidence was placed before lawmakers, and it mattered.
At the international level, I took this fight to the UN Human Rights Council. I met with the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women and Girls, with UNFPA, WHO and state delegations, urging them all to use their mandates. I also warned them of something the global conversation tends to underestimate: if The Gambia had fallen, girls from neighbouring countries where FGM is banned could have been transferred across the border to be cut.
None of this was without cost. Activists faced harassment, particularly online. Speaking out against the repeal made people targets. Some survivors who were prepared to testify chose silence because the atmosphere had become too threatening. I want that recorded. The victory was real, and so was the price paid to achieve it.
## What the movement needs now
The organisations that held the line in The Gambia need continued, sustained resourcing, not project funding tied to deliverables and donor reporting cycles. They need core funding that allows movements to respond to a political crisis in real time, coordinate across networks, and sustain community engagement over the years that real norm change requires.
The fight against FGM is not the responsibility of women alone. It never was. It requires men, religious leaders, community elders, young people and lawmakers who are willing to be on the right side of this, even when it is uncomfortable. In The Gambia, we have seen what happens when enough of them are brought into the work. We have also seen what happens when they stand aside.
I have spent decades on this. I will spend whatever decades remain on it. But two years on from July 2024, I want to be clear about what that moment meant, and what it did not. It meant that a specific, coordinated rollback was defeated. It meant that activists who risked a great deal showed it was possible to turn a political crisis into momentum.
It did not mean that the work is done, or that the protections are secure, or that the next attempt will not come. We stood on the right side of history. Now we have to make sure we stay there.
### Colombia: Mejoras salariales y laborales sostienen a la izquierda
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/colombia-elecciones-petro-izquierda-salario-derechos-laborales-ivan-cepeda-abelardo/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:00.000Z
El domingo, los colombianos acudieron a las urnas y enviaron al[ abogado de narcotraficantes](https://voragine.co/historias/investigacion/la-tierra-de-un-narcoparamilitar-que-paso-a-manos-de-abelardo-de-la-espriella/?ref=opendemocracy.net) Abelardo de la Espriella y al senador de izquierda Iván Cepeda a la segunda vuelta presidencial, que tendrá lugar el 21 de junio. De la Espriella [ganó](https://resultados.registraduria.gov.co/resultados/0/00?ref=opendemocracy.net), con 43,7% de los votos, seguido por Cepeda, con el 40,9%. Pero ninguno alcanzó el 50% necesario para ser elegido en primera ronda.
El rápido ascenso de De la Espriella es la gran sorpresa de la carrera: una nueva figura de la extrema derecha latinoamericana, que combina el autoritarismo populista del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele con el liberalismo económico radical del argentino Javier Milei.
Menos comentada, pero igualmente significativa, fue la recuperación política experimentada en el último año por el actual presidente Gustavo Petro, que encabeza el primer gobierno de izquierda de Colombia. Hace poco más de un año, se lo consideraba en gran medida débil y, según algunos observadores, incapaz de respaldar a un sucesor competitivo. La fuerza de la candidatura de Cepeda refleja un giro político cuyo motor central obedece a un único factor: la radicalización de la agenda económica de Colombia, el[ tercer país más desigual del mundo](https://afsee.atlanticfellows.lse.ac.uk/en-gb/blogs/how-the-architecture-of-power-underpins-inequality-in-colombia?ref=opendemocracy.net).
A principios de 2025, Petro[ tenía solo 32% de aprobación y 63% de desaprobación](https://www.lasillavacia.com/en-vivo/primera-invamer-poll-de-2025-petro-en-63-de-desaprobacion/?ref=opendemocracy.net), según Invamer, el instituto de sondeos más tradicional de Colombia. Su gobierno sufría el descontento de la ciudadanía por los problemas de inseguridad, las dificultades económicas y sus repetidos conflictos con el Congreso. La oposición creía que la izquierda llegaría debilitada a las elecciones de 2026.
El punto de inflexión se produjo en marzo de 2025\. El proyecto de ley de reforma laboral que el gobierno de Petro había enviado al Congreso en 2023 fue rechazado por la Comisión Séptima del Senado. La propuesta incluía un aumento de las remuneraciones por horas extras y por turnos nocturnos, restricciones a los contratos precarios, derechos laborales más sólidos y una mayor protección de los trabajadores. Los grupos empresariales y los sectores conservadores reaccionaron con dureza, argumentando que la reforma aumentaría los costos laborales y la informalidad.
En lugar de dar marcha atrás, Petro optó por enfrentarse directamente al Congreso. El 11 de marzo de 2025, anunció que intentaría convocar una consulta popular nacional para someter la reforma directamente a los votantes. La estrategia transformó una derrota parlamentaria en una campaña política permanente. Petro movilizó a sindicatos, movimientos sociales y trabajadores en torno a la idea de que las elites políticas estaban bloqueando reformas que ya habían sido respaldadas en las urnas en 2022, porque habían sido una promesa de su campaña.
El gobierno[ propuso formalmente una consulta popular](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2025/04/22/petro-anuncio-que-el-1-de-mayo-radicara-la-consulta-popular-pidio-a-la-ciudadania-salir-a-las-calles/?ref=opendemocracy.net) el 1 de mayo de 2025, Día Internacional de los Trabajadores, durante una manifestación masiva en Bogotá. Semanas más tarde, el Senado rechazó convocar la consulta popular por estrecho margen. Aun así, la campaña de Petro resultó un éxito político. Al aumentar el costo político de bloquear las reformas, el gobierno presionó a las fuerzas centristas y a parte de la comunidad empresarial para que accedieran a negociar.
Durante la segunda mitad de 2025, una versión moderada de la reforma laboral fue[ aprobada finalmente en el Congreso](https://www.bbc.com/mundo/articles/c5y7xv2n27lo?ref=opendemocracy.net). La izquierda presentó el resultado como prueba de que la movilización popular funciona; la oposición acusó a Petro de gobernar a través del conflicto.
Políticamente, sin embargo, la balanza se inclinó a favor del presidente. En febrero de 2026, el[ índice de aprobación](https://www.rtvcnoticias.com/politica/gobierno/aprobacion-presidente-petro-aumento-invamer?ref=opendemocracy.net) de Petro había subido al 49,1%, mientras que el de desaprobación había bajado al 46,1%, según Invamer. En menos de un año, Petro recuperó más de 15 puntos de popularidad.
La política del salario mínimo se convirtió en otro eje de la recuperación política de Petro. A lo largo de su presidencia, promovió aumentos reales consecutivos del salario mínimo. El punto más caliente del enfrentamiento se produjo a finales de 2025, cuando el presidente[ decretó un aumento del 23% del salario mínimo](https://es-us.finanzas.yahoo.com/noticias/colombia-petro-decreta-aumento-salario-022616923.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), lo que suponía un aumento real significativo del poder adquisitivo, ya que la inflación de 2025 rondó el 5%.
Una vez más, el conflicto marcó el proceso: el Consejo de Estado de Colombia, el máximo tribunal administrativo del país,[ suspendió temporalmente la medida](https://www.france24.com/es/programas/econom%C3%ADa/20260213-colombia-consejo-de-estado-suspende-provisionalmente-el-alza-del-23-2-en-el-salario-m%C3%ADnimo?ref=opendemocracy.net), pero Petro respondió con un decreto transitorio que mantenía el aumento al tiempo que abría una disputa jurídica y política más amplia.
El episodio funcionó políticamente. Petro convocó movilizaciones callejeras en defensa del aumento, y los sindicatos y las organizaciones sociales[ respondieron a la llamada](https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2026/02/18/estos-seran-los-puntos-de-concentracion-de-las-marchas-convocadas-para-el-19-de-febrero-por-el-gobierno-para-apoyar-el-salario-minimo-de-2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net). La disputa sobre el salario mínimo se convirtió en uno de los temas centrales de la campaña de 2026\. Para una parte significativa de la población trabajadora de Colombia, el conflicto no se interpretó como inestabilidad institucional, sino como un presidente que luchaba por sus salarios.
No es casualidad que las cuestiones laborales también estén volviendo al centro del debate político en Brasil, donde el presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva ha empleado el debate sobre la jornada laboral “6x1” como una forma de reconectar con los votantes de la clase trabajadora. (El 6x1es un régimen laboral de 44 horas repartidas en seis días consecutivos seguidos de un solo día de descanso. Una enmienda constitucional propuesta por Lula, y[ aprobada el mes pasado](https://www.riotimesonline.com/brazils-lower-house-approves-end-of-the-6x1-workweek/?ref=opendemocracy.net) por la Cámara de Diputados, establece una semana laboral de 40 horas repartidas en cinco días con dos días de descanso. El proyecto aún debe ser aprobado por el Senado).
Petro y Lula comparten raíces en la izquierda y la creencia en el trabajo como eje político central, pero llegan a destinos diferentes por caminos distintos. Lula es un conciliador; Petro es un político de permanente confrontación. El colombiano desafió deliberadamente al Congreso, a las elites económicas y al sistema político, y la apuesta funcionó. El brasileño prefiere la estabilidad política y la negociación para asegurar victorias. Se trata de estilos moldeados por historias e instituciones diferentes, pero tal vez Lula podría parecerse un poco más a Petro, y Petro un poco más a Lula.
También en México una política decidida de subas del salario mínimo – que [se duplicó entre 2018 y 2024 ](https://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/lessons-from-mexicos-wage-policy-that-lifted-millions-out-of-poverty/?ref=opendemocracy.net)– acompañó el apoyo electoral al partido gobernante Morena.
Más allá del resultado, las elecciones de Colombia ofrecen una lección importante sobre el poderoso potencial movilizador de las cuestiones económicas.
Mientras que las preocupaciones morales, identitarias y de seguridad alimentand a los candidatos de extrema derecha en toda la región, los debates sobre salarios, trabajo, protección social y distribución de la renta siguen pareciendo capaces de dinamizar al bando progresista.
*Pedro Rossi es vicepresidente y economista jefe del Fondo Global para una Nueva Economía (GFNE) y profesor asociado de Economía en la Universidad de Campinas (UNICAMP), Brasil*
### One in four of us is Disabled. It’s time the UK government heard us
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk-goverment-fail-disabled-people-kier-starmer-inequalities/
Last updated: 2026-07-07T09:10:39.000Z
Last month’s elections in England, Scotland and Wales confirmed that many voters are unconvinced by the Labour government’s record and uninspired by its promises. Disabled voters, who have suffered a decade of austerity and been ravaged by the pandemic and the cost-of-living crisis, have been dismayed by Kier Starmer’s failure to tackle the enormous inequalities we face.
His government’s actions have fallen far short of what we hoped for in terms of delivering a fairer society for Disabled people. Its framing has diminished our lives and contribution, and characterised us as a drain on income and services.
We continue to disproportionately live in poverty, regardless of whether we are in work or in receipt of social security, as energy and food bills and rental costs soar. Health care, social care, educational support and employment support fail to meet our needs or create a level playing field. We encounter barriers to our inclusion at every turn, including housing, transport, street and built environments and digital information.
But with a bit of soul-searching in the Labour Party and, as now seems likely, a change in prime minister, the government has a chance to create a more just and equitable society for all citizens, including Disabled citizens. Regardless of who takes over from Starmer, or even if he remains in the job, the next PM must use their massive majority in the House of Commons to pass policies to transform the lives of millions of Disabled people.
Disabled people’s organisations, that is organisations led and staffed by Disabled people, are very clear about the transformation we need from the UK government.
[Labour Reset 2026 - openDemocracyIn this ongoing series, experts weigh-in on how the government must reset after disastrous local election resultsopenDemocracyEmma Pickering](https://www.opendemocracy.net/tag/labour-reset-2026/)
Top of the list is a vision of society where Disabled people are valued and embraced as equal citizens, where the social security safety net enables us to lead dignified lives, where we invest in services such as social care and educational and employment support to enable equality, where barriers to our everyday inclusion are removed and where we have equal access to power.
Successive governments have demonised us as fakers and scroungers, taken away our agency by labelling us as “vulnerable” and talked about us being a “burden” on public budgets. We make up almost a quarter of the UK’s population; we are part of the “us”, the UK government must stop treating us as “them”.
We need to be in the room when decisions about our lives are made, and we need all political parties to increase representation from our ranks. The under-representation of Disabled voices in Westminster is an absolute disgrace.
We need the UK government to provide a social security system, support and services, and rights that enable opportunity, invest in our future and give us the support to lead equal and dignified lives. We need society to be designed in ways that include us, removing barriers that shut us out. Part of this is a stronger implementation of current equality laws, but we also need new legislation that drives accessibility across society.
A new direction for the Labour government, which respects and empowers its citizens, including Disabled citizens, is urgently needed. The direction for change set out above should be the baseline for all political parties across the UK.
### The precariat, the far right and the world’s coolest dictator
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-300526/
Last updated: 2026-06-19T13:03:04.000Z
The self-described “world’s coolest dictator”, El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele, has an approval rating of 94%, supports life sentences for 12-year-olds, and has imprisoned over 3,000 children since introducing a national ‘state of emergency’ to combat criminal gangs four years ago.
“How reliable is this polling?” I asked openDemocracy’s Americas editor, Diana Cariboni, as she was translating and editing this week’s cover story. Pretty reliable, it seems: The young, Trump-supporting, crypto-pushing Bukele is immensely popular across Latin America, consistently polling higher than any other global leader, including among voters on the left.
What is the progressive commentariat misdiagnosing about the popularity of authoritarians? Prof. Guy Standing, who coined the term the ‘precariat’ to refer to the new working class, has thoughts. “The precariat has been a class-in-the-making, not yet a class-for-itself,” Standing writes in a perceptive essay for this newsletter. “What this means, put crudely, is that those in it are more united about a politics of grievance, centred on chronic insecurity, than about a preferred politics of hope.”
On that note, we are launching a new series where we’ve asked those at the frontlines of the UK’s economic and political crisis to tell us what they think Labour needs to do to right the listing ship of government: This week we have Nina Radulović, an ex-NHS worker and currently at MedAct, on what the new health secretary must do for the NHS, and Evie Breese and Dora-Olivia Vicol from the Workers’ Rights Centre, on what Labour needs to do on immigration.
Also in this issue, Paul Rogers on how Trump’s $3.6trn ‘Golden Dome’ missile shield risks starting a Cold War-esque nuclear race, Sian Norris on Reform’s inherent sexism, and Nandini Archer interviews climate campaigner Jessica Riches on radical and edgy new experiments in getting climate messages to cut through.
Thank you for reading the Weekly; if you like this newsletter, share it with a friend. If you love it, consider making a donation.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
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[El Salvador’s president wants life sentences for 12 year oldsPregnant women, babies and children are being swept up in the mass arrests ordered under Bukele’s ‘state of emergency’openDemocracyEuan Wallace](https://www.opendemocracy.net/el-salvador-prison-babies-pregnant-women-children-arrested-gang-bukele/)
The populist playbook has a clear target: The independent media that hold them to account. At openDemocracy, we don’t have billionaire owners to protect us — we only have readers like you.As progressive media comes under increasing pressure from the authoritarian playbook, we need our readers more than ever.Help us survive the hostile environment ahead. Please become a regular supporter today so we can be here tomorrow.
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/account/plans)
[Dear Labour, stop letting Farage set immigration agendaAs Andy Burnham eyes No 10, he must not try to out-Reform Reform, but take action on Labour’s economic renewalopenDemocracyEvie Breese](https://www.opendemocracy.net/labour-immigration-copy-reform-uk-agenda-nigel-farage-kier-starmer-andy-burnham-shabana-mahmood/)
[What new health secretary James Murray must do for the NHSFrom evicting Palantir to tackling cause of spiralling waiting lists, here’s how Murray can shape future of the NHSopenDemocracyNina Radulović](https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-new-health-secretary-james-murray-must-do-for-the-nhs/)
[The precariat election: Ignoring class and insecurity imperils LabourA fractured ‘dangerous class’ has spoken. If Labour cannot offer them real security, the damage may be permanentopenDemocracyGuy Standing](https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-precariat-election-ignoring-class-and-insecurity-imperils-labour/)
[Trump’s $3.6trn ‘Golden Dome’ won’t make US saferReminiscent of Reagan’s ‘Star Wars’, Trump’s plan revives Cold War fantasies – and risks a new nuclear raceopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/trump-golden-dome-nuclear-missile-shield-wont-make-us-safer-china-reagan-sdi/)
[OnlyFans meets the climate crisis: can shock tactics cut through?Jessica Riches on porn parody, parasocial audiences and why climate campaigns need bigger risksopenDemocracyJessica Riches](https://www.opendemocracy.net/onlyfans-meets-the-climate-crisis-can-shock-tactics-cut-through/)
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## Weekly Poll
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## This week in history
Photograph showing Emily Davison’s suffragette protest at the Epsom Darby, June 1913 | The National Archive
**Emily Wilding Davison at the Epsom Derby — 4 June 1913**
On 4 June 1913, Emily Wilding Davison stepped onto the track at the Epsom Derby and was fatally struck by King George V's horse, Anmer. A fiercely dedicated militant of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), Davison had already endured multiple arrests and brutal force-feedings by the state. Her disruption of the Derby remains one of the most iconic and heavily debated moments of direct action in British history. The WSPU's uncompromising tactics including civil disobedience, hunger strikes and arson, were deeply controversial but undeniably forced the political establishment to reckon with women's enfranchisement.
[Don’t forget the working-class women who made suffragette historyA century after some UK women won the vote, most of the suffragette stories we hear still focus on the elite. But this was a diverse movement.openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/don-t-forget-working-class-women-who-made-suffragette-history/)
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## What we're reading
### [Going with the boys, Judith Mackrell](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781509882977?ref=opendemocracy.net)
I can’t remember when I first read Mackrell’s group biography of six women war reporters working from the 1930s and 40s. I do know I re-read it every time I travel to cover Russia's full-scale invasion in Ukraine. The title comes from Martha Gellhorn cheerfully announcing she was “going with the boys” to report on the Spanish Civil War, the conflict that transformed her from a pacifist to an anti-fascist. Gellhorn is joined in the book by surrealist artist turned war photographer Lee Miller, Virginia Cowles (her [memoir](https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/looking-for-trouble-one-of-the-truly-great-war-correspondents-magnificent-antony-beevor-virginia-cowles/2910749?ean=9780571367559&next=t&ref=opendemocracy.net) is worth a read), Claire Hollingworth, Sigrid Schultz and Helen Kirkpatrick. A fascinating history of journalism and war, what stands out is how women had to negotiate misogyny to get the story, and how as women they found stories their male peers could not reach. Mackrell is incisive on how war reporting impacted women like Gellhorn and Miller, and the trauma of witnessing the liberation of Dachau. I expect I’ll read it again next time I’m in Ukraine.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
# Thank you!
If you're reading this then you're amazing! Our work is only possible thanks to your ongoing support. Thank you for believing in what we do and for helping to make the world a better place
### Chatbots, redes y solidaridad para el aborto seguro
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/chatbots-redes-y-solidaridad-para-el-aborto-seguro/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:19.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Dos pasos adelante y dos para atrás: Nuevo libro revela cómo la disputa por el aborto en Brasil es una danza inmóvil
- Chatbots y herramientas digitales refuerzan las redes de apoyo al aborto en América Latina
- Las feministas de Gambia le ganaron a la mutilación genital femenina y tienen una lección para enseñarnos
Hola. Esta semana celebramos el 28 de mayo, **Día Internacional de Acción por la Salud de las Mujeres**, una fecha impulsada en 1987 por la histórica Red de Salud de las Mujeres Latinoamericanas y del Caribe.
Hay algo muy potente en la capacidad del activismo de esta región para marcar el camino al resto del mundo. También fueron las latinoamericanas las que inventaron el **Día Internacional por el Aborto Seguro**, el 28 de septiembre de 1990\.
Y [fueron latinoamericanas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/meet-the-latin-american-women-who-launched-the-global-day-for-safe-abortion-es/) – **brasileñas, más precisamente** – las primeras en probar un fármaco, desarrollado para problemas digestivos, que resultó efectivo y seguro para interrumpir embarazos. El **misoprostol**, hoy considerado medicamento esencial por la OMS, fue un regalo de autonomía y salud para millones de mujeres y niñas enfrentadas a la clandestinidad, la negación de atención, el riesgo de muerte y el estigma.
Con todo ese bagaje, las **redes feministas** llegan hoy a los rincones más impensados y están creando **nuevas formas de solidaridad**, echando mano a **chatbots y otras herramientas digitales** para acompañar a quienes necesitan información, anticonceptivos o abortos, nos cuenta esta semana **Angelina de los Santos.**
[Lee el artículo aquí](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/aborto-america-latina-chatbots-justicia-reproductiva-mujeres-salud-derechos/)
El mes que viene se publica el libro *Coreografia da escolha: A disputa pelo aborto no Brasil*, de las periodistas **Angela Boldrini** y **Carolina Moraes**. Fue una alegría poder traducir y publicar, en exclusiva, un fragmento de esta obra que indaga en en la historia política y social que sigue limitando la autonomía reproductiva en el país más poblado de América Latina. Como aluden las autoras en el título, la lucha por el derecho al aborto en Brasil se parece al *samba no pé*, mucho movimiento, pero siempre en la misma baldosa.
[Lee el artículo aquí](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-aborto-bolsonaro-derecho-decision-salud-sexual-violacion/)
Las luchadoras que lograron **frenar la legalización de la mutilación genital femenina** enun pequeño país de África Occidental, **Gambia**, tienen una lección: los avances legales no aseguran por sí mismos el progreso social, pueden ser incluso contraproducentes. Nadie lo cuenta mejor que la feminista **Isatou Touray.**
[Lee el artículo aquí](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gambia-mutilacion-genital-femenina-mujeres-ninas-feministas-luchas-movimientos/)
Una vez más, gracias por leernos. Si te gustó esta newsletter, compartila con tus amigos y amigas. Hasta la semana que viene.
**Diana Cariboni, Editora de América Latina**
[Herramientas digitales se suman a la lucha por la justicia reproductivaRedes feministas de América Latina responden al retroceso de derechos con solidaridad, información y tecnología, según informe de la organización IpasopenDemocracyAngelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/aborto-america-latina-chatbots-justicia-reproductiva-mujeres-salud-derechos/)
[Nuevo libro aborda disputa histórica por el aborto en BrasilExclusivo: Un libro de próxima aparición busca echar luz en las discusiones sobre el derecho al aborto en Brasil, ‘en un panorama político que parece querer enturbiarlas cada vez más’openDemocracyAngela Boldrini](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-aborto-bolsonaro-derecho-decision-salud-sexual-violacion/)
[Así fue la campaña para que Gambia no legalizara la mutilación genital femeninaCuando el parlamento de Gambia intentó volver a legalizar la mutilación genital femenina, las activistas convirtieron un retroceso peligroso en una victoria históricaopenDemocracyIsatou Touray](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gambia-mutilacion-genital-femenina-mujeres-ninas-feministas-luchas-movimientos/)
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### Chatbots, información y redes para el aborto seguro en América Latina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/aborto-america-latina-chatbots-justicia-reproductiva-mujeres-salud-derechos/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:23.000Z
A medida que las políticas contra la igualdad de derechos ganan terreno en América Latina a través del desfinanciamiento, la criminalización y el retroceso normativo, las feministas responden con más información, más herramientas digitales y más acompañamiento.
“Nosotras hablamos de derechos sexuales y reproductivos, pero los derechos están concatenados con otros que los hacen posibles”, dijo Mara Zaragoza, subdirectora de Fortalecimiento de Ipas América Latina y el Caribe (Ipas LAC), una organización internacional que defiende la libertad reproductiva.
“Para nosotras, el poder informar es una manera de incidir favorablemente en los derechos reproductivos”, agregó Zaragoza en entrevista con democraciaAbierta.
Durante 2025, más de 8,4 millones de personas de la región recibieron información sobre anticoncepción y aborto, y se fortalecieron 30 organizaciones de la sociedad civil y 12 redes de acompañamiento en aborto, según el [informe anual 2025 de Ipas LAC](https://ipaslac.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/Informe-2025%5FDIGITAL.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), Tejer para Transformar.
Ese reporte documentó 171.785 abortos realizados a través de distintas vías de acceso, de los cuales más de 150.000 se realizaron en servicios de salud que cuentan con apoyo de Ipas Lac, y casi 21.000 fueron acompañados por redes y grupos de base en Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicaragua y Panamá.
Una parte de este esfuerzo corresponde a la apuesta por un “ecosistema digital”, que Zaragoza explicó así: “Las herramientas no cumplen una misma función, son una variedad y responden a diferentes públicos”.
Por ejemplo, el [mapa de puntos de venta](https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer?mid=12JpwjtXSQ%5FVmqNjL-T%5FEm7kRUTqjGCc&femb=1&ll=23.945123148855696%2C-104.244980825&z=4&ref=opendemocracy.net) de los fármacos abortivos misoprostol y mifepristona en México – que incorporó referencias de 914 farmacias independientes en 10 de los 32 estados del país – responde a la necesidad concreta de saber dónde conseguir esos medicamentos, sin estigma y con [información confiable.](https://youtu.be/BF3C%5FCUGG-s?si=n2N2FApseeOXb7rU&ref=opendemocracy.net)
O el [chatbot de aborto seguro Sofía](https://preguntasdeaborto.ipasmexico.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net), que registró 14.604 visitas de 11.018 personas en tres países con marcos legales muy distintos, pero con una necesidad compartida de información confidencial y oportuna: Brasil, Perú y México. En Brasil el aborto está prohibido excepto en casos de violación, riesgo de muerte para la madre y anencefalia fetal. En Perú solamente se permite si hay riesgo para la salud de la persona gestante, mientras en 23 de los 32 estados mexicanos el aborto es legal en las primeras 12 semanas de gestación.
[Te acompaño](https://saludreproductivaparamigrantes.ipasmexico.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net#home), un chatbot de atención a la violencia sexual y acceso al aborto seguro dirigido a migrantes que atraviesan México, alcanzó a 1.871 personas. Según el informe, la mayor concentración de visitas provino de Chiapas, Tabasco, Ciudad de México, Yucatán y Quintana Roo, estados con alta presencia de población migrante.
"Una persona centroamericana que está migrando viene pensando en dónde va a dormir, si va a encontrar refugio, si su hijo viene enfermo en el camino. Sí tiene muy en mente el riesgo de ser violentada sexualmente, pero no hay una noción de cómo se va a atender si eso le pasa", explicó Zaragoza.
La metodología detrás de estas herramientas parte de un principio que ella resumió en una frase: “Diseñar con, no diseñar para”. Para construir Te Acompaño, Ipas LAC fue a refugios e hizo grupos focales con personas migrantes que opinaron sobre el mensaje, las palabras, el color y el momento en que sería más útil consultarlo.
El mismo enfoque guió el desarrollo de Aborto Acompañado en Centroamérica ([Aborto ACA)](https://www.abortoaca.net/?ref=opendemocracy.net), plataforma que vincula a mujeres y personas con necesidad de abortar en Centroamérica con redes de activismo mexicanas, en lo que el propio informe llama una “ruta indirecta” en territorios marcados por la criminalización y la restricción legal. El aborto está penalizado en forma absoluta en El Salvador, Honduras y Nicaragua, y permitido en circunstancias muy excepcionales en Belice, Guatemala, Costa Rica y Panamá.
Las activistas de Ipas LAC trabajan en un proyecto piloto de acompañamiento híbrido de aborto seguro que arroja luz sobre las diferentes necesidades de quienes deciden abortar.
La organización ofreció a 100 mujeres acompañadas por redes feministas la posibilidad de acceder además a orientación médica virtual antes, durante o después del procedimiento. La mitad aceptaron, aduciendo que se sentirían más seguras; la otra mitad dijeron que no lo necesitaban, porque el acompañamiento de su red les resultaba suficiente.
“Lo ideal es que las opciones estén ahí y que cada una tome lo que necesite en ese momento”, explicó Zaragoza. “No todas podemos y no todas queremos un aborto de la misma manera. A lo mejor un día tuve un aborto que sí preferí que fuera con un personal de salud, pero hoy no”.
Esa pluralidad de opciones responde a la política de Ipas LAC, en la que la tecnología es “una parte de la respuesta” a la necesidad de mejorar y ampliar el acceso de las personas a servicios de aborto, que requiere “respuestas múltiples” desde el ámbito local hasta el regional.
Aunque no hay cifras oficiales sobre cantidad de abortos en América Latina y el Caribe, un [estudio](https://www.guttmacher.org/fact-sheet/adding-it-up-2024-investing-sexual-and-reproductive-health-latin-america-and-caribbean?ref=opendemocracy.net) del Guttmacher Institute en 23 países de ingresos medios y bajos de la región estimó que cada año ocurren 10 millones de embarazos no planificados y 47% por ciento de ellos (4,7 millones) terminan en aborto. El estudio agrega que 3,6 millones de mujeres por año sufren abortos inseguros.
[Nuevo libro aborda disputa histórica por el aborto en BrasilExclusivo: Un libro de próxima aparición busca echar luz en las discusiones sobre el derecho al aborto en Brasil, ‘en un panorama político que parece querer enturbiarlas cada vez más’openDemocracyAngela Boldrini](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-aborto-bolsonaro-derecho-decision-salud-sexual-violacion/)
### **Autonomía reproductiva y salud democrática**
El actual contexto político constituye un nuevo frente de lucha para las feministas de la región, menos visible pero más dañino, dicen ellas: el debilitamiento democrático y la desfinanciación de las instituciones y los servicios de salud y derechos sexuales y reproductivos.
"Estos ataques son mucho más elaborados y pueden causar más daño. Pensábamos en Argentina, ¿van a quitar la ley de aborto? Y después dijimos ¡qué manera tan efectiva de debilitar un programa! No salieron a pelearse con las feministas, simplemente se recortó el presupuesto", explicó Zaragoza.
Desde que Javier Milei asumió la presidencia de Argentina en diciembre de 2023, su gobierno solo emplea una [retórica](https://www.weforum.org/stories/2025/01/davos-2025-special-address-javier-milei-president-argentina/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que desinforma sobre la ley de aborto legal vigente desde 2020\. También [suspendió](https://redaas.org.ar/noticias/redaas-en-los-medios/en-la-era-milei-el-financiamiento-destinado-a-garantizar-el-cumplimiento-de-la-ley-del-aborto-quedo-en-manos-de-las-provincias/?ref=opendemocracy.net) la compra y distribución de medicamentos esenciales para abortos seguro – el misoprostol y la mifepristona – y [recortó](https://redaas.org.ar/noticias/redaas-en-los-medios/cayo-un-64-la-distribucion-de-preservativos-y-anticonceptivos-durante-el-gobierno-de-javier-milei/?ref=opendemocracy.net) la distribución de anticonceptivos, entre ellos la anticoncepción de emergencia, y de tests de embarazo.
También [desfinanció](https://acij.org.ar/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Analisis-ACIJ-Presupuesto-y-derechos-Proyecto-2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) el plan nacional para prevenir el embarazo adolescente (conocido como Plan ENIA), que entre 2018 y 2021 [había reducido](https://redaas.org.ar/noticias/redaas-en-los-medios/embarazo-adolescente-al-deficit-cero-se-llega-ajustando-el-plan-enia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) la tasa de fertilidad adolescente casi a la mitad.
Para Escudero Martínez, El Salvador es un claro ejemplo de cómo el debilitamiento democrático impacta en la salud sexual y reproductiva de las mujeres.
El país mantiene desde 1998 una prohibición absoluta del aborto y, desde entonces, el movimiento feminista salvadoreño tejió redes de apoyo para garantizar ese derecho.
Pero desde marzo de 2022, El Salvador vive en un [régimen de excepción](https://www.opendemocracy.net/bukele-el-salvador-maras-democracia-derechos-humanos-exilio-persecucion-estado-de-excepcion/) que suspende garantías constitucionales básicas, y que ha supuesto [denuncias](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-bukele-represion-regimen-de-excepcion-derechos-humanos-persecucion-exilio-cristosal-ruth-lopez/) de encarcelaciones masivas, torturas, condenas sin debido proceso y desapariciones. También persecución, cárcel o exilio para las voces que se oponen o exigen rendición de cuentas.
La asfixia sobre la sociedad civil llegó en 2025 a una nueva frontera: un [impuesto](https://www.asamblea.gob.sv/sites/default/files/documents/decretos/B0636CC2-E88C-4D07-962A-03875A2D1F2F.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) del 30% a las donaciones u otros ingresos internacionales que reciben las organizaciones o los medios de comunicación independientes, una medida que Amnistía Internacional [calificó](https://www.amnesty.org/es/latest/news/2025/05/el-salvador-gobierno-profundiza-patron-autoritario-frente-al-descontento-social/?ref=opendemocracy.net) como herramienta para silenciar a quienes denuncian abusos.
“Esto se sumó a los recortes de la cooperación y del apoyo internacional [\[decididos por el gobierno de EEUU](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-congela-fondos-ayuda-internacional-exterior-america-latina-africa-ucrania-usaid/)\] limitando, obviamente, la posibilidad de realizar su trabajo”, explicó Escudero Martínez.
Todo esto, según la experta, determinó “una disolución de facto de la sociedad civil”, con impacto directo en los grupos y movimientos de defienden los derechos reproductivos.
Por ejemplo, la Agrupación Ciudadana por la Despenalización del Aborto, que durante dos décadas asistió a las mujeres encarceladas por abortos o emergencias obstétricas,[ anunció](https://x.com/LaMovimienta%5F/status/2025935644988489980?ref=opendemocracy.net) en marzo su disolución, por el “contexto adverso” dentro de El Salvador, y su reconversión en movimiento regional.
Las expertas de Ipas LAC también señalan a Ecuador como ejemplo del terreno ganado por la agenda conservadora.
En 2021 el país avanzó al despenalizar el aborto en casos de violación – desde 1938 estaba despenalizado en caso de riesgo para la vida o la salud de la madre. Pero en la campaña electoral de 2025 el clima político viró. Tanto el reelegido presidente Daniel Noboa como su rival firmaron [compromisos](https://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/politica/daniel-noboa-se-comprometio-a-no-incluir-ideologia-de-genero-en-textos-educativos-ni-cambios-de-sexo-en-menores-de-edad-nota/?ref=opendemocracy.net) para prohibir la “ideología de género” en textos e instituciones educativas, rechazar la atención de salud para adolescentes trans, y priorizar el derecho de los padres a educar a sus hijos según sus creencias religiosas.
“Todas estas tendencias son un claro ejemplo de la relación entre el debilitamiento democrático y el retroceso en la garantía de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en la región”, dijo Escudero Martínez.
A esto se responde con solidaridad, según la activista. "El movimiento feminista siempre se ha mostrado como un movimiento solidario que se articula a lo largo de la región, a nivel nacional y a nivel comunitario", concluyó.
### The precariat election: Ignoring class and insecurity imperils Labour
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-precariat-election-ignoring-class-and-insecurity-imperils-labour/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:27.000Z
The precariat has just spoken, and the commentariat did not notice. Rather, the political establishment views today’s mass ‘working class’ – defined by its insecure work, unstable incomes, and an increasingly fragile relationship with the state itself – as a ‘dangerous’ class; not because it is inherently extremist, but because it does not support traditional political norms. Failing to understand this class’s character is at the heart of the failure of all centre-left political parties to mobilise support from it.
Very briefly, consider the three dimensions that make the precariat a class. First, but not most importantly, those in the precariat have to endure unstable labour, including unpaid labour and work-for-labour off workplaces and outside of designated labour time. They also lack an occupational or organisational narrative to give to their lives, and are the first working class in history that, as a norm, has a level of schooling above what is really required for the type of job they can obtain.
Second, they have to rely almost solely on money wages, which are low, stagnant, volatile and uncertain. They typically lack non-wage benefits and entitlements, quite unlike the old proletariat. They are also systematically exploited by debt. Least appreciated, their living standards have been eroded by the loss of all forms of commons, including free libraries, free parks, allotments, free or subsidised legal institutions, and free or subsidised education.
Third, this is the first mass class that is systematically losing the rights of citizenship, or what the French call *les droits acquis*. This is the essence of *precarity*, which stems from the Latin to mean ‘to obtain by prayer’. This is the most important factor. The precariat feels like *supplicants*, relying on discretionary decisions from figures in positions of authority, be they landlords, employers, bureaucrats, parents or ‘colleagues’.
None of these three dimensions corresponds to the journalistic notion of ‘left behind’. But a crucial point is that the precariat has been a *class-in-the-making,* not yet a *class-for-itself*. What this means, put crudely, is that those in it are more united about a politics of grievance, centred on chronic insecurity, than about a preferred politics of hope. This is changing, partly because many more people are in or near being in the precariat, and more do not feel ashamed about that, recognising that there are structural causes of their shared insecurity.
However, the precariat still consists of three factions, which I call Atavists, Nostalgics and Progressives, each of which has traditionally voted for Labour, but all of which deserted the party at the English local elections and the Scottish and Welsh national elections on 7 May – although with different reasons and outcomes. It is how these three factions reacted that made it the First Precariat Election. They shaped its outcome.
The Atavists – basically, the relatively uneducated who have entered the precariat by falling out of old working-class households or communities – decisively voted for Reform, the populist right. By contrast, the Nostalgics – basically, migrants and racial minorities, who yearn for a home, for a present – voted Green, or for some independent candidate or just did not vote. And perhaps most revealingly, the Progressives – basically, the young, relatively educated – largely voted Green
In each case, there should be two questions. Why did they desert Labour? And why did they vote for a specific alternative? The answers to both questions are actually pretty clear. And they do not offer Labour much hope of recovery before the next General Election, given Labour’s history and the road of ‘change’ on which the current leadership is embarked. The suggestion should be that, contrary to former health secretary Wes Streeting’s claim in his resignation letter in the aftermath of the election, Keir Starmer and his chancellor, Rachel Reeves, have had a vision and a strategy, but both are such as to be unappealing to the British electorate, particularly to all factions of the precariat.
That was flagged very clearly in Reeves’ Mais Lecture of March 2024, entitled *‘Economic Growth in an Age of Insecurity’*, as she fought to become chancellor of the Exchequer. In spite of its signature word ‘securonomics’, drawing on the ill-fated ‘Bidenomics’, it was a lecture that any senior Treasury or Bank of England official would have liked to make. The vision and strategy were to entice US finance and direct investment to the UK to boost GDP growth, from which British living standards would, it was presumed, rise for everybody. Securonomics was ‘modern supply side economics’, and the same strategy was reiterated in Reeves’ Mais Lecture of March 2026, and underpins the well-advertised deregulatory moves made since 2024\.
Reeves used the word ‘security’ 17 times in that first Mais Lecture. But on every occasion, it was about guaranteeing security for capital, and particularly American capital. Not once did she mention the economic security of the British people, let alone the precariat. And herein lies the main answer to why droves of people in and around the precariat deserted Labour, or were not drawn to it, at the ballot boxes earlier this month.
The main reason the precariat has deserted Labour is that it has not been offered any reduction in chronic economic insecurity. In many of the resignation letters from MPs since the 7 May elections, Starmer was praised for ‘making the Labour Party electable again’. This is delusional. In 2024, the party received fewer votes than under Jeremy Corbyn in 2017 – Starmer won 34% of the total votes, compared with Corbyn’s 40%. Because of the low turnout, Starmer’s Labour only received the support of about 20% of the electorate, and achieved a ‘landslide’ victory only because the Conservatives were exhausted and fragmenting. The fact is, Labour has made no attempt to offer the precariat any relief from chronic insecurity.
Nothing in Labour’s manifesto or actions since coming to power has been aimed at alleviating the precariat’s multiple forms of economic insecurity. Indeed, in its eagerness to appeal to US financiers, not only has Reeves actively sought their approval before her budgets, but the government has made the insecurity of large parts of the precariat worse in order to limit tax increases on financial capital. Moreover, and one heard it again immediately after the local elections in May, there has been talk of “welfare reform”, code for cutting state benefits and making them harder to obtain and to maintain. Lord Jim O’Neill, former Goldman Sachs chief economist and Conservative minister, was at that again on Sky TV on 13 May.
The fact is that already spending on benefits is among the lowest in the OECD, as the National Institute of Economic and Social Research showed last year. And the Labour leadership shows no sign of wanting to alter the mean-spirited means-testing and behaviour-testing underlying the system. Does anybody in Labour expect this government to overhaul the odious, punitive Universal Credit system? Does anybody believe that the reform of disability benefits is about improving the economic and social security of the millions of people with disabilities, rather than just reducing costs?
The answer to the question of why those who deserted Labour voted as they did is more nuanced. In past elections, there were no clear options for the disaffected precariat, so many grudgingly voted Labour or stayed at home. But this election was the first in which there were parties making clear appeals to the new mass class.
The Atavistic part of the precariat voted for Reform, whose basic message is that their insecurities are due to migrants and certain racial and religious minorities, carefully diverting the blame from the plutocracy. Labour’s leadership could not respond effectively because its vision and strategy depended on appealing to the plutocracy to invest more in Britain.
Indeed, Starmer had contributed to it with his ‘island of strangers’ speech in May last year, which echoed Enoch Powell’s notorious ‘rivers of blood’ speech of 1968\. In trying to prevent the drift to Reform, somebody had to be blamed for the continuing insecurity among the precariat. So the government let loose Shabana Mahmood, the home secretary, ironically a devout Muslim, whose anti-migrant rhetoric and actions have compounded the distaste for Labour in the other two factions of the precariat.
Meanwhile, the Nostalgics – migrants and racial minorities – had cause enough to desert Labour due to their acute insecurities, which Mahmood intensified. They were also alienated by the Labour government’s complicity in Israel’s genocidal actions in Gaza and the occupied West Bank, which was undeniable. In 2023, Starmer’s immediate reaction to the Israeli denial of food, water and medicine to the Palestinians in Gaza was to say that the collective punishment was justified due to the Hamas attacks on 7 October. As the visible genocide unfolded, his government continued to allow the sale of 250 types of weapons to Israel and the use of British intelligence gathering. Its stance was made worse by proscribing the protest group Palestine Action as a ‘terrorist’ group, without giving any evidence that this was correct.
So, it was not difficult to explain why the Nostalgics deserted Labour. However, they were not drawn to Reform. Some no doubt turned to the Greens, the Liberal Democrats or the Scottish or Welsh nationalists. But equally no doubt many simply felt disenfranchised, and therefore did not vote at all. Either way, Labour has probably lost the Nostalgics for the foreseeable future, given that whoever takes over there will still be leading figures in the Cabinet who have been responsible for the decisions on Gaza, refugees and the persistence of existential insecurity among migrant precariat communities.
This leaves the Progressive faction, consisting of the rapidly growing number of young, relatively educated entrants into the precariat. Their predecessors tended to give Labour the benefit of the doubt, voting for it in order to rid the country of the Conservatives, and before that being drawn to Corbyn and his shadow chancellor, John McDonnell.
But they have deserted this Labour government in droves, because it has not offered any sense of a different, more secure future, because it has not shown any appreciation of the depth of crisis of the education system, because of Gaza, and because it has curbed the freedom to protest. Above all, this election was the first time there was a robust populist party offering an alternative vision, the Greens. Remarkably, on 7 May, more young, educated people voted for the Greens than for any other party.
Would a change of leadership restore Labour’s fortunes? In the coming months of dialogue within the party, an existential question should be hovering in the background. Is Labour rescuable? Changing the vision and strategy would take considerable time. The bond market would constrain any rapid change. At this moment, great hope is being placed on Manchester mayor Andy Burnham, who is attempting to win a parliamentary seat in Makerfield in the hopes of ousting Starmer and taking over as prime minister later this year. But even if he were to do so, he would not have a mandate to take transformative action to aid all three factions of the precariat.
All those who consider themselves progressive must remember that all great ‘forward marches’ are led by the interests, needs and aspirations of the emerging mass class. If Burnham does take over, his best tactic would be to announce immediately some form of electoral reform towards proportional representation, which he is known to support. That might give the bond markets the jitters, but possibly not, because electoral reform would reduce the likelihood of an extreme populist winning power.
Similarly, Burnham is known to support a universal basic income, which would reduce economic insecurity and appeal to many in the precariat. Proposing to move too fast would cause bond market jitters, but the spreading fear of job-destroying Artificial Intelligence could overcome those, especially as many of the plutocrats in Wall Street and Silicon Valley have come round to saying it will be essential to prevent destabilising political extremism.
Whoever becomes prime minister should set up a series of national – royal, if necessary – commissions. One should consider how economic growth could be recalibrated to escape the distortions of GDP. Another should consider how the blatantly dysfunctional education system could be rescued. Another should focus on ways of reducing the extreme financialisation of all parts of the British economy. Another should focus on ways of rescuing fiscal policy, including reducing the enormous range of regressive subsidies.
None of this should frighten the bond markets excessively. They would give Labour time to decide whether the party is over or whether it can be regenerated to appeal to the precariat.
---
*Guy Standing will be elaborating on this analysis in his speech at the Compass-Progressive Economic Forum Conference ‘Change Now: Mobilising the Progressive Majority’, at Rich Mix, London, on May 30\.*
### The $3.6trn illusion: Trump’s ‘Golden Dome’ missile shield won’t make US safer
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/trump-golden-dome-nuclear-missile-shield-wont-make-us-safer-china-reagan-sdi/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:29.000Z
One of Donald Trump’s less-examined projects since taking office last year is a vast new missile defence system to protect the United States from a strategic nuclear attack. For older anti-nuclear campaigners, it brought back memories of Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI) programme of the 1980s, famously dubbed ‘Star Wars’ almost from the day it was announced.
With his penchant for anything gold, Trump’s new version of SDI is the ‘Golden Dome for America’, which he intended to be operational before he leaves office in January 2029\. That timetable has since slipped significantly, and like the SDI, its predicted cost of $175bn is expected to also go through the roof. More importantly still, it won’t even work.
The Golden Dome would involve a multitiered system with ground-based and space-based components that can identify, intercept and then destroy incoming missiles. Congress has so far approved an initial $24bn budget for the project, although an analysis by the non-partisan US Congressional Budget Office has since [put the total cost at $1.2trn](https://apnews.com/article/trump-golden-dome-price-tag-cbo-4f18f4ae8f1ba232abc097277ad0367a?ref=opendemocracy.net) over 20 years.
Even that figure is likely an underestimate, according to non-government groups such as the US Physicians for Social Responsibility, which estimates the eventual cost to be three times that amount, at $3.6trn. Still, its report forecasts a defensive system that could not cope with a full-scale attack.
We’ve been here before. Despite absorbing billions of dollars and promising complete protection from attack, the SDI never amounted to much. A limited few interceptor missile systems survived that might have protected a couple of US cities while allowing the country itself, as well as the rest of the world, to experience massive destruction. This would then lead to a nuclear winter, as dense transnational clouds of debris, much of it radioactive, blotted out the sun for years.
Remember, though, that that was not the view of the powerful pro-nuclear lobby in the Reagan administration. Many of them actually believed a strategic nuclear war could be fought and won. Among them was Reagan’s deputy under secretary of defence, T K Jones, who put much faith in civil defence and famously said that Americans could survive by “digging a hole, covering it with a couple of doors and then throwing the dirt on top”. His view, as he told an interviewer in 1982, was that if there were “enough shovels to go around, everybody’s going to make it”.
In the event and fortunately for everyone, by the end of the decade, the Cold War was easing. Many of the SDI programmes, such as the Airborne Laser, were eventually ditched, and the 1990s even saw a modest cutback in military spending before the post-2001 war on terror and the renewed surge in budgets.
Now, we are in an era of a new global nuclear arms race involving the nine nuclear powers: US, Russia, UK, France, China, Israel, India, Pakistan and North Korea. All are working on new nuclear weapons and some, including China and the UK, are increasing the size of their arsenals.
The [global nuclear arsenal](https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/nuclear-weapons-who-has-what-glance?ref=opendemocracy.net) currently runs to over 12,400 nuclear warheads, about 9,700 in military service and the rest in reserve, with around 90% held by the US and Russia. Although stockpiles are a lot smaller than the Cold War peak of 40 years ago, there is still a massive degree of “overkill”. Even a small attack of ten nuclear weapons on any country’s largest cities would kill millions and set it back decades, if not a century.
Moreover, much of the Golden Dome hardware will be in the form of satellite-based weapons, which will inevitably trigger an arms race in anti-satellite systems with all the uncertainties that this would entail.
If any of this is even remotely the case, it raises the question: What is the Golden Dome for? Part of the answer may again take us back to the SDI, when one function was to force the Soviet Union to overspend trying to keep up with the United States. It worked to an extent. Recognition of that was one reason why Mikhail Gorbachev shifted Soviet foreign policy away from aggressive nuclear arms expansion when he came to power in 1985.
Now, though, we have to look to China rather than Russia. Until a decade or so ago, China was certainly working on new nuclear weapons, but this was not being reflected in the size of its overall arsenal, which stood at around 400 nuclear warheads for years. That has now changed. China has rapidly expanded its nuclear stockpile to 600 or even 620 warheads and, at the current rate of expansion, will take it to a thousand by 2030, according to [the Pentagon’s 2024 annual report](https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2025-01/news/pentagon-says-chinese-nuclear-arsenal-still-growing?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Some of Trump’s advisers know full well that China is overtaking the United States in terms of economic power, but the US is still well ahead as a nuclear weapons state and is now pumping billions into missile defence. From a Chinese perspective, it may well see a need to develop its own ‘Golden Dome’ at considerable cost and diverting resources from the rest of its economy.
All this comes at a time of a huge expansion of world military budgets at great cost to other human endeavours. In this context, it is always worth recalling the view of that former military man, President Dwight D Eisenhower, back in 1953:
> “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its labourers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. This is not a way of life at all in any true sense. Under the clouds of war, it is humanity hanging on a cross of iron.”
### Gambia: Lecciones de las feministas que frenaron el regreso de la mutilación genital femenina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gambia-mutilacion-genital-femenina-mujeres-ninas-feministas-luchas-movimientos/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:32.000Z
Gambia, un país de menos de tres millones de habitantes en África Occidental, prohibió la mutilación genital femenina (MGF) en 2015\. Pero en julio de 2024, estuvo a punto de legalizarla nuevamente. Y hubiera pasado, de no ser por el activismo feminista.
Tras meses de organización sostenida, movilización comunitaria y una campaña pública, las feministas lograron que la Asamblea Nacional (parlamento) rechazara, por 34 votos en contra y 19 a favor, un proyecto de ley que hubiera derogado la prohibición vigente desde 2015.
Fue una victoria importante, no solo para las mujeres y niñas gambianas, sino para los movimientos feministas de todo el continente.
Pero el solo hecho de que se hubiera llegado a esa votación debería alarmarnos. Apenas unos meses antes, en marzo de 2024, 42 legisladores del mismo parlamento habían votado para impulsar el proyecto de ley de derogación.
En unas circunstancias en que las fuerzas antiderechos están mejor financiadas y mejor organizadas, y se sienten más seguras de sí mismas, Gambia ofrece algo que el movimiento feminista necesita con desesperación: una victoria documentada y un modelo que merece ser estudiado. Es un caso excepcional de movimiento que convierte una crisis política en impulso.
Pero también es un recordatorio de que "ganar" en el ámbito legislativo no garantiza automáticamente el progreso.
En agosto de 2025, una bebé de un mes, Sarjo Conteh, fue llevada de urgencia a un hospital en Banjul. Le habían practicado una escisión. Cuando los médicos pudieron atenderla, [había muerto desangrada](https://malagen.org/media-monitoring/explainer-why-the-court-acquitted-women-in-the-fatal-fgm-trial/?ref=opendemocracy.net). Las autoridades confirmaron que sus heridas eran consecuencia de MGF.
Su muerte no fue un hecho aislado. Activistas de base llevan años denunciando que la criminalización de la MGF en 2015 provocó dos cambios, que la practica se mudara a la clandestinidad y en edades cada vez más tempranas.
Así, las familias ahora practican la escisión a bebés de apenas unos días de vida, creyendo que se recuperarán más rápido y que las evidencias serán más fáciles de ocultar. La prohibición no acabó con la MGF. Cambió su momento y agravó el secretismo.
Según la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), la MGF es “[una práctica tradicional dañina](https://www.who.int/health-topics/female-genital-mutilation?ref=opendemocracy.net#tab=tab%5F1) que implica la extirpación parcial o total de los genitales femeninos externos u otra lesión de los órganos genitales femeninos por motivos no médicos”. Se estima que más de 230 millones de mujeres y niñas en todo el mundo la han padecido. A veces se presenta como un rito de iniciación a la feminidad, pero no tiene beneficios para la salud; más bien, constituye una violación de los derechos humanos que genera [impactos físicos y emocionales](https://equalitynow.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/FGM-Journalist-Toolkit-Feb-2022.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) inmediatos y duraderos.
Recientemente, la activista Leyla Hussein escribió sobre esta tragedia con la claridad y la furia que merece. Le puso nombre a lo que tantas instituciones aún se niegan a nombrar: la MGF es violencia sexual y es abuso infantil. Y la reticencia del mundo a aceptar esto con claridad es inseparable del hecho de que las niñas que sufren este daño son, abrumadoramente, negras y mestizas. Si esta violencia ocurriera contra niñas blancas, preguntó Hussein, ¿habría alguna duda en calificarla agresión sexual? No la habría.
Hussein también se refirió a la particular crueldad de la normalización: la manera en que se enseña a las sobrevivientes a cuestionar la legitimidad de su propio dolor, ya minimizado por el mundo. Ese es el ambiente en el que murió la bebé Sarjo Conteh. Ese es el ambiente en el que tres mujeres [fueron absueltas](https://malagen.org/media-monitoring/explainer-why-the-court-acquitted-women-in-the-fatal-fgm-trial/?ref=opendemocracy.net) recientemente por la responsabilidad en su muerte.
Y por eso la lucha legislativa en Gambia, muy duramente ganada, no puede ser el final de la historia. Incluso ahora, quienes intentaron revertir este derecho están presentando una petición ante el Tribunal Supremo, alegando que la prohibición vulnera su derecho a la libertad religiosa y cultural, aunque no existe ningún requisito de MGF en la ley islámica.
Esta es una historia sobre una victoria. Pero también es una historia sobre la fragilidad de esa victoria, y sobre lo que realmente se necesita para conseguir la aplicación de la ley: un cambio cultural profundo y una organización feminista sostenida.
## **Cómo llegamos hasta aquí**
La prohibición de 2015 fue introducida en la presidencia de Yahya Jammeh \[que gobernó entre 1994 y 2017\]. Fue una legislación imperfecta, carente de estrategia para su aplicación, y que para muchos ciudadanos estaba más asociada a un dictador que a los derechos que la norma protegía. Durante años, se sguió practicando la MGF sin problemas.
Entonces, en agosto de 2023, la justicia condenó a tres mujeres por practicar la MGF a ocho bebés, una de ellas de apenas cuatro meses de vida.
Esas condenas provocaron un giro. Un imán influyente pagó las multas impuestas a las mujeres condenadas, y algunos legisladores comenzaron a hablar abiertamente de derogar la prohibición de la MGF. En febrero de 2024, un diputado presentó un proyecto de ley con ese fin.
> **Asociar la MGF con el islam no es teología. Es política. Y su propósito político es colocar esta práctica más allá de toda crítica**
Los defensores del proyecto argumentaban que la MGF era islámica, que la prohibición era una imposición occidental y que la ciudadanía de Gambia debía ser libre de practicar su fe como considerase oportuno. Estos argumentos no son nuevos, pero se volvieron más articulados y más arraigados en el discurso político.
Quiero ser directa sobre este encuadre, porque se usa para silenciarnos, y no debemos permitirlo. El Corán no menciona la mutilación genital femenina. No existe ningún hadiz auténtico \[los dichos atribuidos al profeta Mahoma\] que la promueva. La MGF es anterior al islam, practicada por comunidades de múltiples credos y rechazada por eruditos musulmanes de todo el mundo.
Asociar la MGF con el islam no es teología. Es política. Y su propósito político es colocar esta práctica más allá de toda crítica.
## **El activismo que cambió el rumbo**
Cuando se presentó el proyecto de ley, el gobierno de Gambia dijo muy poco, y los principales partidos de la oposición dijeron aún menos. La sociedad civil no esperó a ninguno de los dos.
El Comité de Gambia sobre Prácticas Tradicionales que Afectan la Salud de las Mujeres y las Niñas ([GAMCOTRAP](https://gamcotrap.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)), que lleva tres décadas recorriendo comunidad por comunidad en este país, se movilizó de inmediato. Se nos unieron organizaciones de toda la Red contra la Violencia de Género, que se convirtió en el eje coordinador de la campaña.
Juntas, las activistas organizamos actos en todo el país. Pusimos en marcha programas de radio, colocamos vallas publicitarias y llamamos directamente a los legisladores. Llevamos a sobrevivientes de MGF a testificar ante la Asamblea Nacional, recogimos datos sobre tasas de mortalidad y consecuencias para la salud, y los pusimos ante quien estuviera dispuesto a escucharlos.
También nos tomamos en serio el argumento religioso, en lugar de descartarlo. Activistas y abogados organizaron una misión de investigación a la Universidad de Al-Azhar en Egipto, una de las instituciones más respetadas de la erudición islámica. Los resultados fueron claros: la MGF no es una exigencia del islam. Esa evidencia se presentó ante los legisladores y tuvo peso.
A nivel internacional, llevé esta lucha al Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Me reuní con la Relatora Especial de la ONU sobre Violencia contra la Mujer y las Niñas, con el Fondo de Población de las Naciones Unidas (UNFPA), la OMS y delegaciones de varios gobiernos, e insté a todos a poner en práctica sus mandatos. También les advertí de algo que la conversación global tiende a ignorar: si Gambia cedía, niñas de países vecinos donde la MGF estaba prohibida podían ser trasladadas a través de la frontera para ser mutiladas.
Nada de esto fue gratuito. Las activistas sufrieron acoso, especialmente en línea. Pronunciarse contra la derogación convirtió a las personas en objetivo de ataques. Algunas sobrevivientes que estaban dispuestas a testificar optaron por el silencio porque el ambiente se había vuelto demasiado amenazante. Quiero que quede constancia de ello. La victoria fue real, y también lo fue el precio que pagamos para lograrla.
## **Lo que el movimiento necesita ahora**
Las organizaciones que sostuvieron la lucha en Gambia necesitan recursos sostenidos; no financiación por proyectos atada a resultados y ciclos de informes para donantes. Necesitan financiación estructural que permita a los movimientos responder a una crisis política en tiempo real, coordinarse en red y mantener el compromiso comunitario durante los años que se necesitan para que el verdadero cambio de normas ocurra.
La lucha contra la MGF no es responsabilidad de las mujeres en solitario. Nunca lo fue. Requiere de hombres, líderes religiosos, ancianos, jóvenes y legisladores dispuestos a estar del lado correcto de la historia, incluso cuando resulta incómodo. En Gambia hemos visto lo que ocurre cuando ellos se suman a la tarea. También hemos visto lo que ocurre cuando se quedan al margen.
He dedicado décadas a esto. Le dedicaré las que me queden. Pero dos años después de julio de 2024, quiero ser clara sobre lo que ese momento significó y lo que no significó.
Significó que un retroceso específico y coordinado fue derrotado. Significó que las activistas que arriesgaron mucho demostraron que era posible convertir una crisis política en impulso.
No significó que el trabajo esté hecho, ni que las protecciones sean seguras, ni que no habrá un próximo intento. Estuvimos del lado correcto de la historia. Ahora tenemos que asegurarnos de permanecer en él.
*La doctora Isatou Touray es Directora Ejecutiva del Comité de Gambia sobre Prácticas Tradicionales que Afectan la Salud de las Mujeres y las Niñas (GAMCOTRAP) y exvicepresidenta de Gambia. Sobreviviente de MGF, ha liderado la defensa comunitaria contra esta práctica durante más de tres décadas, llegando a más de 1.000 comunidades en todo el país.*
### What our readers are saying about Gaza, abortion and political accountability
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-our-readers-are-saying-about-gaza-abortion-and-political-accountability/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:37.000Z
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves. Each week, we share some of the most thought-provoking comments from our readers.
Send us your thoughts for next week’s round-up by replying directly to any of our emails or commenting on our articles or [Instagram posts](https://www.instagram.com/open%5Fdemocracy/?hl=en&ref=opendemocracy.net).
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and are not a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
## **Re:** [**The Gaza convoy trapped in Libya’s desert refusing to turn back** ](https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-gaza-convoy-trapped-in-libyas-desert-refusing-to-turn-back/)
This is the kind of solidarity one wants to see. It’s not the superficial kind one encounters on social media or reads about in corporate corporate social investment blurbs. No, this is on a level few of us will encounter in our busy lives. I know the South Africans on this mission. What Jessica, Fatima and Mohammed are doing here is to help break the siege. They are single-minded about the objective. They intend to work with the rest of the group to make sure the aid – especially the ambulances, mobile homes and other reconstruction materials – reaches Gaza. We should be calling our government representatives to urge the Libyans and Egyptians to allow free passage so the aid can make it to Gaza. ***–Sunny Morgan***
## **Re:** [**Beyond Westminster’s chaos, a new grassroots left is taking shape**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmer-labour-leadership-challenge-jeremy-corbyn-your-party-grassroots-community-organising/)
Who do politicians really serve – apart from themselves and their masters? Here, they serve King Charles, who says openly that they are his ministers. But who does he serve behind the scenes? It is never truly in the interests of the people, is it? It is always in the interests of those who hide behind the curtain ***–Ernie***
In George Orwell’s essays, you will find a reference to ‘the unalterable laws’. I believe these are the laws that govern the universe – laws practised by Indigenous peoples on this planet for thousands of years, enabling them to live and flourish until they were invaded and massacred by Europeans. This knowledge has been suppressed from ordinary people by secret societies, big business and Big Pharma, while those same systems have been used to gain money and power. We do not have much time left to clean up our act. ***–June Ryan***
## **Re:** [**Abortion is becoming a new front in Reform UK’s culture war**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/aabortion-reform-uk-politics-birth-decriminalization-farage/)
FFS let's not fall for Nigel Farage’s divisiveness and racist clap-trap. Do we really want to become like the USA with masked government thugs on the streets and corruption running rife? ***–Protopia***
What is it with old white men deciding they can proscribe what women do with their bodies? Maybe the non-far-right people can suggest that all men have to account for every ejaculation and if any of them lead to an unwanted pregnancy they should immediately have a vasectomy. ***–Redshoogi***
## **Re:** [**‘No records’ from meetings between top officials and Mandelson’s lobbying firm**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/no-records-from-meetings-between-top-officials-and-mandelsons-lobbying-firm/)
When will the people of this nation begin to demand accountability of elected officials by means other than elections? Laws and courts exist, why are the population so hellbent on not utilising them against corrupt officials? ***–Contextuliser***
### Dear Labour, stop letting Nigel Farage set the agenda on immigration
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/labour-immigration-copy-reform-uk-agenda-nigel-farage-kier-starmer-andy-burnham-shabana-mahmood/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:38.000Z
Labour’s landslide victory in July 2024 was not won with an agenda of aggressive immigration restrictions and divisive rhetoric, but with a promise to improve working and living conditions for all. That’s what resonated with voters.
Yet less than two years into power, Keir Starmer’s government has allowed its ambitious policy programme to be hijacked, buried under Reform UK’s immigration-obsessed rhetoric. Nigel Farage sits in the interviewer’s chair, dictating the parameters of British political debate, while the Labour leadership scrambles to respond with a copycat version of his exclusionary vision.
Right-wing politicians and influencers build moral panics around immigration because their careers thrive off division. The number of migrant people coming to the UK is far smaller, and their contribution to our society far greater, than they would have us believe.
The latest figures published by the Office for National Statistics show that while net migration has fallen to the lowest level since 2021 (excluding the border closures of the Covid-19 pandemic), half the public believes net migration has increased – and expects it to go up again next year. As think tank British Future laid bare in a new report, when it comes to migration, there is a [staggering chasm](https://www.britishfuture.org/britain-thinks-net-migration-is-rising-when-it-has-actually-fallen-by-more-than-three-quarters/?ref=opendemocracy.net) between public perception and reality.
The number of Skilled Worker visas issued to foreign nationals coming to work in the UK is at its lowest level since 2021, according to analysis conducted by our charity, the Work Rights Centre, earlier this year. That’s [significantly fewer](https://www.workrightscentre.org/publications/2026/skilled-worker-visas-in-ninth-consecutive-decline-as-fewer-nurses-therapists-and-scientists-come-to-the-uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) care workers, nurses, therapists, scientists, education professionals, and skilled tradespeople – and an impending ‘car crash’ for the hospitals, care homes, and dentists’ surgeries that depend on them.
Starmer’s government’s hyper-focus on immigration has not only ignored these realities, but has also led to a frenzied suite of policies that actively, and needlessly, hurt migrant communities, families, and the businesses and services that depend on them.
In a direct imitation of Reform’s anti-migrant rhetoric, home secretary Shabana Mahmood is trying to push through the most radical changes to settlement and refugee rights in decades. Her ‘Earned Settlement’ proposals would double the waiting period before which most migrants can apply for permanent settlement in the UK from five to ten years, and extend it to up to 30 years for some groups. These changes would be applied retrospectively to people already in the UK.
Countless experts have warned against these proposals. Our team at the Work Rights Centre warned that tying migrants to employers for decades is a recipe for labour exploitation. Dr Madeline Sumption, the director of the Oxford Migration Observatory, pointed to the increased risk of poverty for children with migrant parents, unpaid carers, and those with disabilities.
Beyond the human cost, there is an evident risk to businesses and public services. Matthew Percival, a director at the Confederation of Business Industry, warned that skilled workers already in the UK, whose plans to achieve settled status would suddenly be delayed by years, may emigrate and leave behind hard-to-fill vacancies. Conversely, if bona fide businesses face higher costs to manage the remaining migrant workforce, the consequence may be reduced investment.
There has been a revolt against these ‘Earned Settlement’ plans from within Starmer’s own party. A cross-party coalition of over 70 MPs and lords joined forces with Unison and charities to send an [open letter](https://www.workrightscentre.org/publications/2026/over-70-parliamentarians-join-our-call-to-axe-retrospective-settlement-plans/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to the home secretary, urging her government to keep its promises to migrant workers. This was followed by 100 MPs signing an additional private letter in [condemnation](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cy514kv2vzro?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the retrospective changes. These plans are incredibly unpopular.
The bitter irony is that while ministers spend their energy defending cruel and unnecessary immigration policies, the cracks in Labour’s flagship achievements are widening.
Consider the Employment Rights Act 2025\. On paper, it introduces [life-changing protections for workers](https://www.workrightscentre.org/work-rights/employment-rights-act-2025-your-new-rights/?ref=opendemocracy.net): day-one access to statutory sick pay, paternity leave and unpaid parental leave; greater protection from harassment at work; and new whistleblowing protections, to name just a few. But without introducing a [single worker status](https://www.workrightscentre.org/publications/2026/labour-s-hesitation-on-single-worker-status-is-an-open-goal-for-exploitative-bosses/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – which would offer the same rights for all people doing work for an employer, whether or not they are classed as an ‘employee’ – the act leaves an open goal for businesses to dodge these new entitlements by simply misclassifying their workers as self-employed.
Similarly, our crumbling Employment Tribunal system is woefully unprepared to cope with the predicted 18% increase in cases the new legislation is predicted to create. Our latest research found that a [record-high backlog](https://www.workrightscentre.org/publications/2026/employment-tribunals-in-crisis-the-blind-spot-in-the-new-deal-for-working-people/?ref=opendemocracy.net) has left workers waiting up to four years to have their case heard. Rights on paper are merely a token gesture if the state lacks the structural capacity to enforce them.
As a charity, we have no political favourites. We engage with the policies and political projects that affect our clients. It’s incredibly disappointing, therefore, to see Greater Manchester mayor and PM-hopeful Andy Burnham suggest he would continue to follow Reform’s playbook, by backing Mahmood’s punishing immigration agenda. It would be bitterly disheartening to see this become a feature of his and any other leadership candidates’ programmes.
Labour does not need to out-Reform Reform on immigration. It cannot win that race, and trying to do so only harms migrant communities while making life harder for British businesses trying to stay afloat in an uncertain economic climate.
We need Labour to take back control of the conversation, quit the race to the bottom on immigration, and fill in the cracks that could undo its good work on workers’ rights. If Labour wants to secure its legacy, the formula is simple: on immigration, do less. On enforcing workers' rights, do significantly more.
### El Salvador: The ‘world’s coolest dictator’ is pushing life sentences on 12 year olds
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/el-salvador-prison-babies-pregnant-women-children-arrested-gang-bukele/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:40.000Z
Rosalina González’s granddaughter is nine months old. Every day of her short life has been spent in Izalco penitentiary in Sonsonate, the maximum-security prison in western El Salvador notorious for its [documented history](https://dplf.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/GIPES-El-Salvador-en-la-encrucijada-crimenes-de-lesa-humanidad-bajo-la-politica-de-seguridad-publica-Informe-2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) of torture and abuse.
The child was born in the prison after her already pregnant mother was detained on 19 February 2025, alongside her father and uncle, González’s sons. That night, González remembers being awoken at her home in Chilamates, in rural north-west El Salvador, by police who accused her family of unlawful association with gang members and took them away.
The charge is often used to imprison people under the [state of emergency](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-journalists-human-rights-defenders-persecution-exile/) introduced in March 2022 by Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele, who once described himself as the “world’s coolest dictator”.
The state of emergency has suspended key constitutional rights in a purported effort to dismantle the criminal networks that wielded substantial power in El Salvador at the time. Human rights organisations say it has fuelled a startling democratic backslide, as well as arbitrary detentions and deaths in custody. Yet Bukele has an [approval rating of 94%](https://elsalvadorinfo.net/nayib-bukele-approval-rate/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which he attributes to the country’s falling homicide rate, which has gone from [one of the highest](https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/insight-crime-homicide-round-up-2015-latin-america-caribbean/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Latin America to the [lowest in the region](https://www.statista.com/statistics/947781/homicide-rates-latin-america-caribbean-country/?ref=opendemocracy.net) amid draconian policies and pacts his government has quietly made with gang leaders.
After more than a year in detention, González’s sons and daughter-in-law have still not been convicted of any crime. Yet like many of the more than 90,000 people who have been imprisoned under the state of emergency, they have been denied all contact with the outside world.
Today, González fiercely defends her family’s innocence. “My sons were working men,” the 59-year-old told openDemocracy. “My kids are honest… I could leave money here on this table and they would not touch it.”
Although she has reported their detention to the Public Prosecutor for Human Rights, no progress has been made on their case.
“I ask myself: what did the baby do?” says Sylvia Portillo, the mother-in-law of Gonzalez’s youngest son, the uncle of the child born in prison. “The babies have nothing to do with anything.”
Rosalina González, 59, whose 9-month-old granddaughter was born in Izalco prison and remains in custody to this day. Her two sons and daughter-in-law (the baby’s mother) are also in prison | Euan Wallace/openDemocracy
### **Children with life sentences**
It is not just those born behind bars who are growing up in El Salvador’s prisons.
More than 3,000 under-18s were detained between March 2022 and July 2024, according to a [Human Rights Watch report](https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/07/16/your-child-does-not-exist-here/human-rights-abuses-against-children-under-el?ref=opendemocracy.net). Some of those children have [described](https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/07/16/your-child-does-not-exist-here/human-rights-abuses-against-children-under-el?ref=opendemocracy.net) being tortured and abused whilst in custody.
Last month, [new reforms](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/15/el-salvador-publishes-law-allowing-life-sentences-for-minors-as-young-as-12?ref=opendemocracy.net) came into effect that give judges the power to hand out life sentences to children as young as 12 who are convicted of crimes including homicide, femicide, rape and gang membership. Gang association sentences were previously capped at ten years for children aged 15 and under, and 20 years for adolescents aged 16 to 18\.
The reforms have sparked “[deep concern](https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/joint-statement-committee-rights-child-and-united-nations-childrens-fund-life?ref=opendemocracy.net)” from UNICEF and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, which, in a joint statement, accused El Salvador of “a contradiction of the standards enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child”.
[Journalists and human rights defenders persecuted in Bukele’s El SalvadorWe speak to journalists and defenders of human and environmental rights about how their lives have come under threatopenDemocracyAndrés Dimas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-journalists-human-rights-defenders-persecution-exile/)
Defence lawyer Lucrecia Landaverde believes many of the children being arrested were never involved with gangs. “It is very likely that innocent children will end up with life sentences,” she said, explaining that El Salvador’s judicial system is heavily stacked against defendants.
Many people are found guilty based only on the testimony of a police officer or “co-operating witness” – a convicted gang member offered a reduced sentence for testifying for the prosecution. “The reward consists of reducing their sentence or even pardoning their crimes in exchange for helping to testify and point the finger at everyone, regardless of whether they are making it all up,” Landaverde said. “The criminal protects himself and his own family, and starts accusing people he doesn't even know.”
This testimony is rarely scrutinised adequately, she added, saying a judge once called for her arrest in open court for cross-examining a prosecution witness.
Landaverde vividly remembers the early days of the state of emergency, when “mass arrests were carried out without any oversight”, she said. “\[Our office\] looked like a health clinic, packed around the clock with people crying in the waiting room because their young children had been arrested.”
She told openDemocracy how a 13-year-old boy was detained after refusing to share his fried chicken with police officers. “They arrested him, took the chicken, put him in prison and charged him with unlawful association,” she said, “then they ate the chicken.”
Some in El Salvador view the reforms that hand life sentences to children as part of Bukele’s continued crackdown on freedom of expression. “This is a message to young people that no one can oppose the regime, that no one can speak out here,” Samuel Ramírez, the founder of Salvadoran human rights organisation MOVIR, told openDemocracy.
Meanwhile, it is not known how many infants and young children are living in prisons after being born there.
“We have cases of children who have been born in prison, whose mothers were arrested while pregnant. There are other children who have died from a lack of medical care in prison,” Ramírez said. “No matter how much the family or the grandmother asked for them to be returned, they were never returned.”
At least four babies who were born in prisons in the country were [confirmed to have died](https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/02/un-womens-rights-committee-publishes-findings-argentina-czechia-el-salvador?ref=opendemocracy.net) due to [poor conditions and limited medical care](https://www.elsalvadornow.org/2024/06/21/state-of-exception-robbed-everything-from-baby-genesis-el-regimen-de-excepcion-le-arrebato-todo-a-genesis/?ref=opendemocracy.net) last year, with causes of death including pneumonia and liver failure. There are also “reports of additional deaths of pregnant women and newborns, including stillbirths resulting from the denial of care”, according to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.
In February, the committee [expressed grave concern](https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/02/un-womens-rights-committee-publishes-findings-argentina-czechia-el-salvador?ref=opendemocracy.net) over the conditions for pregnant women in El Salvador’s prison system, highlighting a lack of adequate prenatal and postnatal care, as well as an environment unfit for detained children.
openDemocracy asked the Salvadoran presidency about abuses of rights under the state of emergency, criticism of the detention of babies and children, and the imposition of life imprisonment on children as young as 12\. The government did not respond.
### **‘We’re dying inside’**
Today, Rosalina González lives in the shell of the home that her sons were building for the family when they were arrested. With no one to continue construction, the front room is still without a roof.
Standing in the bedroom of her youngest son, she carefully removes a few of his belongings from a plastic bag and lines them up on the bed. His photograph is pinned on one wall, alongside a collection of children’s toys and drawings made by his six-year-old daughter, who lives with her other grandma, Sylvia Portillo, and has never met her baby cousin.
Rosalina’s 6-year-old granddaughter runs through her grandmother’s house. Her two sons were still building the house when they were arrested | Euan Wallace/openDemocracy
“Every time I’d put my hat on, he would take it off me again,” says the child, laughing as she remembers her father. “It was like a game.”
She skids across the dirt floor of the roofless main room, skipping giddily between stripes of shade and sunlight. A pink folding fan flashes in one hand. Dancing tip-toe across the dust, she uses it to conceal her face from an imagined audience.
Inside, her grandmother repacks her father’s belongings and places them out of sight. González spends much of her time alone these days, denied contact with her detained sons and daughter-in-law. “You feel like you’re dying inside,” she says. “They destroyed my life. They destroyed my children’s lives.”
*Euan Wallace is a freelance journalist and photographer. His work focuses on human rights and the climate crisis across Latin America. He is currently based in Bogotá, Colombia.*
*Martina Mariano is a freelance journalist and aspiring anthropologist, based in Bogotá, Colombia. Her work focuses on human rights and migration.*
### Coreografía de una decisión: La disputa por el aborto en Brasil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-aborto-bolsonaro-derecho-decision-salud-sexual-violacion/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:43.000Z
*Coreografia da escolha: A disputa pelo aborto no Brasil (que podría traducirse como Coreografía de una decisión: La disputa por el aborto en Brasil) es una valiosa indagación periodística en la historia política y social que sigue limitando la autonomía reproductiva en el país más poblado de América Latina. democraciaAbierta publica un fragmento de la introducción del libro editado por Fósforo Editora, que ya se puede* [*adquirir en venta anticipada*](https://www.fosforoeditora.com.br/produto/coreografia-da-escolha-a-disputa-pelo-aborto-no-brasil-70525?ref=opendemocracy.net) *en portugués. Se trata de una traducción libre y ligeramente editada para la mejor comprensión del público en español.*
Este libro surgió en junio de 2022, en el segundo piso de un pequeño edificio antiguo frente al Aterro do Flamengo, en Río de Janeiro, en la oficina de Jacqueline Pitanguy. La conversación con la histórica feminista y expresidenta del Consejo Nacional de los Derechos de la Mujer (CNDM) no versaba sobre el aborto. La entrevista para el podcast Sufrágio, del diario Folha de S.Paulo, abordaba la participación de las brasileñas en la política, desde la conquista del voto hasta las elecciones presidenciales que se avecinaban – la socióloga había desempeñado un papel central en esa trayectoria al liderar el cabildeo feminista en la Asamblea Constituyente de 1987\.
Las paredes estaban cubiertas de carteles de campañas promovidas por el CNDM que ella dirigió. Uno de ellos, colgado sobre la puerta del balcón, mostraba la imagen de una mujer desnuda, con los pechos al descubierto, tumbada boca arriba y con una de las manos sobre el vientre. En letras mayúsculas, se leía: "Tener o no tener hijos. Una decisión". El cartel formaba parte de la campaña “Salud de la mujer: un derecho por conquistar", difundida por el CNDM y el Ministerio de Justicia en 1989, año de la primera elección presidencial directa, luego de décadas de dictadura.
Poco antes, todavía bajo el régimen militar, el movimiento feminista había comenzado a trabajar para enmarcar el aborto como una cuestión de salud pública. Por primera vez dentro del Estado, gracias a la redemocratización, activistas como Pitanguy ayudaban a institucionalizar el debate que habitaba en los márgenes de la izquierda – un tema considerado de nicho, a pesar de comprender a más de la mitad de la población – y a crear el primer servicio de aborto legal del país. El camino recorrido hasta aquella campaña había sido tortuoso y complejo, pero la imagen parecía una demostración audaz de que Brasil estaba listo para mantener un debate maduro y sensible sobre el aborto.
Sin embargo, 33 años después, aquel anuncio con una defensa abierta del derecho al aborto, patrocinado por un organismo del gobierno federal, parecía surrealista. Vivíamos bajo la presidencia de Jair Messias Bolsonaro, el exdiputado federal defensor de los militares, que tomó la lucha contra el aborto como uno de los principales puntos de su “agenda de valores”. Bajo su mandato, la frágil estructura administrativa que protegía la interrupción del embarazo en los pocos casos en que está permitida en Brasil – violación, riesgo de vida para la persona embarazada o anencefalia fetal – se vio rápidamente erosionada.
El Ministerio de Salud publicó normas técnicas y decretos que dificultaron el acceso a los escasos servicios de referencia del país. Una de ellas obligaba a los médicos a informar a la policía sobre abortos motivados por violencia sexual, con el pretexto de ayudar a investigar los delitos, creando así una barrera más para las mujeres que no quieren – o no pueden – denunciar a sus agresores. Otra establecía un límite de edad gestacional para la interrupción en casos de violación. Damares Alves, entonces ministra de la Mujer, la Familia y los Derechos Humanos, intervino personalmente para intentar impedir que una niña de 10 años, violada por su propio tío, pudiera ejercer su derecho al aborto.
El gobierno también había ayudado a fundar el [Consenso de Ginebra](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/no-santa-alianza-cruzada-mundial-contra-justicia-reproductiva/), un grupo compuesto por países ultraconservadores como Hungría, Arabia Saudí y Uganda, cuyo objetivo era impulsar en los foros internacionales la agenda contra el aborto y "profamilia", que se limitaría, por supuesto, a aquella formada por un hombre y una mujer.
Además de este panorama, una semana antes de la entrevista con Pitanguy, se había hecho pública otra noticia sombría que situó el aborto en el centro de la actualidad. En Santa Catarina \[estado del sur de Brasil\], se le impedía una niña de 11 años acceder a la interrupción del embarazo a la que tenía derecho. El reportaje, publicado por los sitios web [The Intercept Brasil](https://www.intercept.com.br/2022/06/20/video-juiza-sc-menina-11-anos-estupro-aborto/?ref=opendemocracy.net) y [Portal Catarinas](https://catarinas.info/video-em-audiencia-juiza-de-sc-induz-menina-de-11-anos-gravida-apos-estupro-a-desistir-de-aborto/?ref=opendemocracy.net), contaba que una jueza había retirado a la niña de la custodia de la familia y había intentado convencerla de que desistiera del aborto. "¿Podrías aguantar un poquito más? ", le preguntó a la niña.
El gobierno de Bolsonaro defendió la actuación de la jueza Joana Ribeiro Zimmer, quien, años después, fue sancionada por el Consejo Nacional de Justicia. La ministra Damares afirmó que "la magistrada señaló la existencia de otra alternativa \[al aborto\], lo que todo magistrado sensato hace ante un caso como este". Tras una intensa presión mediática y la ayuda del movimiento feminista, la niña logró interrumpir el embarazo.
El calvario de la niña de Santa Catarina acabó apareciendo, casi por casualidad, en un episodio del podcast Sufrágio. Esto ocurrió porque, para explicar cómo funciona el grupo de diputadas de la Cámara de Diputados, acudimos a la Comisión de Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer una tarde de julio de 2022\. En esa sesión, las diputadas bolsonaristas intentaron aprobar una moción de aplauso, una especie de condecoración o agradecimiento, para la jueza Zimmer. La acalorada discusión que se produjo en el pleno, especialmente entre las diputadas federales Chris Tonietto (del Partido Liberal, derecha) y Sâmia Bomfim (del Partido Socialismo y Libertad, izquierda), no dejaba lugar a dudas de que el aborto era un tema fundamental para las mujeres de aquella legislatura. El número de diputadas de centro se había reducido, y la mayor parte de las parlamentarias elegidas en 2018 (77, un récord hasta entonces) se agrupaban en polos ideológicos opuestos, para los cuales las cuestiones de derechos humanos constituían una parte central de la agenda política.
El caso de la niña de Santa Catarina repetía un patrón de casos individuales elevados a la condición de historias nacionales.
La inquietud sobre cómo habíamos pasado del eslogan "Tener o no tener hijos. Una decisión” a la pregunta "¿Podrías aguantar un poquito más?" desembocó en la creación de un nuevo podcast. Decidimos investigar cómo el aborto se había convertido en un tema recurrente en los pasillos de Brasilia, y por qué la decisión de interrumpir o no un embarazo moviliza tanto el ánimo político de la nación. Nuestra investigación nos llevó a Campo Grande, capital de Mato Grosso do Sul \[sudeste de Brasil\], donde, en 2007, un reportaje con cámaras ocultas de la Red Globo en una clínica clandestina desencadenó una operación policial. La incautación de miles de historias clínicas de pacientes dio inicio al mayor proceso penal contra mujeres por aborto en la historia de Brasil. El podcast ‘[Caso das 10 Mil](https://open.spotify.com/show/5udt7SYVJBWfvvSeZoVwdt?ref=opendemocracy.net)’ fue publicado por Folha en agosto de 2023\. Cuenta la historia del auge y la caída de la Clínica de Planificación Familiar de Campo Grande y de cómo la investigación contra casi 10.000 mujeres supuso un punto de inflexión en la disputa sobre el aborto en el país.
Cuando ‘Caso das 10 Mil’ llegó a oídos del público, el clima nacional era otro. Desde nuestro encuentro con Pitanguy en la zona sur de Río de Janeiro, Bolsonaro había sido derrotado en las urnas y había comenzado el tercer mandato de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. La orden del Ministerio de Salud que obligaba a los médicos a informar de los abortos legales a la policía fue revocada en los primeros días de enero de 2023\. En el Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) se avecinaba un voto histórico: la magistrada Rosa Weber, ponente de una demanda constitucional que solicitaba despenalizar el aborto hasta la semana 12 de gestación, iba a jubilarse. Se rumoreaba entre bastidores del movimiento feminista que la magistrada tenía la intención de presentar su voto antes de abandonar el tribunal.
Y así lo hizo, el 22 de septiembre de 2023\. Weber disertó sobre el derecho de las mujeres a una vida digna y afirmó que las brasileñas son "titulares de derechos". Determinó que la Constitución brasileña abarca el derecho a la autodeterminación reproductiva y, por lo tanto, al aborto.
Sería fácil deducir que todo apuntaba a una inexorable ampliación del derecho al aborto. Pero la realidad resultó ser mucho más compleja. Tras el voto de Weber, [se paralizó el análisis de la demanda](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-lucha-aborto-despenalizar-corte-suprema-lula-justicia-weber-barroso/), conocida como ADPF 442\. Tres años después, mientras escribimos esta introducción, solo otro magistrado ha presentado su voto.
[Aborto en Brasil: Ataque de la ultraderecha a la Corte Suprema para bloquear la despenalizaciónMorirán más mujeres por el ataque de la ultraderecha a la Corte Suprema para impedir la despenalización, dicen activistasopenDemocracyAndrea Dip](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-lucha-aborto-despenalizar-corte-suprema-lula-justicia-weber-barroso/)
El poder legislativo reaccionó de manera virulenta ante los pequeños indicios de avance feminista y [estuvo a punto](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-proyecto-ley-aborto-homicidio-ninas-violacion-victimas-prision-abusadores/) de aprobar una nueva ley que tipificaría como delito atroz el aborto después de la semana 22 de gestación, imponiendo en los hechos a las mujeres violadas una pena mayor que la impuesta al violador.
El Ejecutivo, de nuevo gobernado por el Partido de los Trabajadores (PT, centroizquierda), ya no dedica su tiempo a promulgar medidas que dificulten el acceso a los servicios públicos de salud reproductiva, pero ha hecho poco para garantizar el cumplimiento de ese derecho – y menos aún por su ampliación.
> **‘La disputa por el aborto en Brasil es una coreografía con los mismos actores’**
En los tres años de nuestra investigación, nos hemos dado cuenta de que las piezas de este tablero han cambiado poco a lo largo de las décadas. Algunas han surgido, otras han desaparecido momentáneamente del foco de atención, pero, con pocas excepciones, las personas y los grupos que actúan a favor y en contra del derecho al aborto en Brasil son los mismos desde el regreso de la democracia, en 1985.
La correlación de fuerzas, sin embargo, está en constante cambio. En diciembre de 2025, volvimos a hablar con Pitanguy para aclarar el debate sobre el aborto en la Constituyente de 1987\. En su respuesta, sin querer, la veterana feminista nos dio la palabra que nos faltaba para describir lo que veníamos observando en nuestra investigación: "La disputa por el aborto en Brasil es una coreografía con los mismos actores", dijo. En ese baile, estamos inmovilizadas, con dos pasos adelante y dos pasos atrás. *Coreografia da escolha* surge de la convicción de que es necesario comprender esta disputa como un hilo continuo, en el que el movimiento de sus participantes genera impactos que se sentirán décadas después.
[Personas violadas que aborten en Brasil podrían pasar más tiempo en la cárcel que sus violadoresUn proyecto de ley podría limitar aún más el acceso al aborto para 75% de las víctimas de violación que son menores de edadopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-proyecto-ley-aborto-homicidio-ninas-violacion-victimas-prision-abusadores/)
Elegimos como marco temporal del libro el inicio del primer gobierno de Lula, en 2003\. Fue entonces, en el cambio de milenio, cuando comenzaron los movimientos tectónicos que desembocaron en la actual configuración de fuerzas de este enfrentamiento. La euforia provocada por la llegada del PT al poder, con la incorporación de representantes de movimientos sociales, sindicales y laborales a las altas esferas de la administración pública, generó grandes expectativas de avances en los derechos reproductivos.
Al igual que en 2023, el cambio progresista no se materializó, y la represalia conservadora iniciada en respuesta a la movilización feminista se convirtió en una gran fuerza política extendida por todo Brasil.
Cuando es necesario, damos algunos pasos aún más atrás. El resurgimiento del movimiento feminista brasileño, al final de la dictadura militar, por ejemplo, es fundamental para comprender quiénes eran las mujeres con poder de decisión en la era de Lula. Del mismo modo, volvemos a los años 1980 y 1990 para explicar cómo las brasileñas descubrieron, de boca en boca, un [medicamento que revolucionaría el aborto en todo el mundo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/meet-the-latin-american-women-who-launched-the-global-day-for-safe-abortion-es/).
[Estas son las latinoamericanas que lanzaron el día internacional por el aborto seguroTres décadas atrás, activistas por los derechos de la mujer se reunieron en Argentina para lanzar nuevas campañas –y compartir conocimiento sobre abortos farmacológicosopenDemocracyMariana Carbajal](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/meet-the-latin-american-women-who-launched-the-global-day-for-safe-abortion-es/)
Pero podríamos hablar de la interrupción del embarazo desde los albores de la historia de la humanidad: desde que el mundo es mundo, las mujeres toman decisiones para regular su capacidad reproductiva. El aborto es tan antiguo que hay registros que datan del siglo V antes de Cristo, en la Antigua Grecia. Los métodos de las griegas no difieren tanto de los utilizados por la generación de nuestras abuelas: fármacos a base de hierbas, ejercicios intensos e instrumentos mecánicos, acompañados de cantos mágicos.
Las encargadas de los abortos eran las mismas mujeres que trabajaban como parteras. Durante miles de años, la reproducción fue un asunto exclusivamente femenino, de principio a fin. Solo la embarazada podía confirmar la existencia de "su estado", reconocida oficialmente a partir del movimiento del feto. El retraso menstrual se consideraba a menudo un problema en sí mismo – y, en lugar de abortar, se tomaban infusiones para "regularizar el flujo" o "hacer correr la sangre". Este vocabulario, tan alejado de los términos radicalizados que la política usa hoy para abordar el tema, ha acompañado a las mujeres a lo largo de la historia. Se encuentran registros de esta terminología en la antigüedad, en los Estados Unidos del siglo XIX y en el Brasil de los años 1990.
La historiografía señala que hasta el siglo XVIII el aborto fue ampliamente ignorado por las autoridades públicas masculinas. Lo cual no significa que hubiera uniformidad de opiniones: había ambigüedad y controversia. Aunque los griegos no castigaban el aborto, Hipócrates incluyó en su famoso [juramento médico](http://www.scielo.br/j/bioet/a/hs97HyDW3bhdrfjS8vD73tK/?format=pdf&lang=pt&ref=opendemocracy.net): "Tampoco daré a la mujer un pesario abortivo". En algunos casos, el procedimiento se castigaba por vulnerar el derecho masculino a la propiedad de los hijos. Abortar representaba quitar "la esperanza del padre, el recuerdo de un nombre \[…\], el heredero de una familia", como escribió Cicerón en el año 66 a. C. Los asirios, que autorizaban el abandono de los niños nacidos y no deseados, castigaban el aborto con la empalamiento, porque solo al padre le correspondía el derecho de decidir sobre la "deseabilidad" de sus herederos.
Con la difusión del cristianismo, se introdujo el feto como sujeto en la ecuación. La nueva religión declaró que el aborto atentaba contra la creación divina y, por lo tanto, contra la moralidad. Aun así, no se llegó a un consenso. En el siglo XIII, Santo Tomás de Aquino distinguía entre el aborto hasta los 40 días de gestación (para los fetos masculinos) y los 80 días (para los femeninos) y el que se realizara a posteriori: solo el segundo equivalía a un homicidio. Solo en 1869 el papa Pío IX [estipuló](http://www.scielo.br/j/cpa/a/73SMtDzqPPXMYXqThvFFmjc/?format=pdf&lang=pt&ref=opendemocracy.net) que el embrión tiene alma desde la concepción, consolidando la visión cristiana actual sobre el aborto.
Al igual que el aspecto moral y religioso, los cambios científicos, políticos y económicos influyeron en el trato que los hombres públicos dispensaban al procedimiento. El avance de la medicina destronó a las parteras, instituyendo al médico como único depositario del conocimiento obstétrico. La sabiduría milenaria femenina quedó relegada al ámbito de las supersticiones y la brujería, y el mayor conocimiento sobre el embarazo restó relevancia a la palabra de la mujer en el proceso reproductivo. Las autopsias de mujeres embarazadas aportaron a los manuales médicos imágenes y descripciones de fetos en diferentes etapas de desarrollo. Más de una vez, ya fuera en la Revolución Industrial inglesa o en la Unión Soviética de la posguerra, la necesidad de producir trabajadores para la economía guió la criminalización del aborto.
En Brasil, el Estado y la Iglesia existieron como una sola entidad durante todo el período colonial, y la prohibición del aborto en las tierras sudamericanas siguió la evolución de la interpretación católica sobre el procedimiento, desde los 40 días hasta la vida desde la concepción. A esto se sumó la cuestión del poblamiento de la colonia, que preocupaba a la metrópoli, y el aborto se entendió como una forma de control demográfico no deseado. Aquí, al igual que en Europa, [se mezclaban](http://www.revistabioetica.cfm.org.br/revista%5Fbioetica/article/view/442/325?ref=opendemocracy.net) las motivaciones religiosas y políticas para criminalizar el control de la mujer sobre su propia capacidad reproductiva.
> **Mientras los hombres discutían sobre la legalidad del aborto, las mujeres lo practicaban. A lo largo de todos los períodos históricos, independientemente de las penas impuestas, el aborto ha sido un hecho *común* en la vida de las mujeres**
El primer Código Penal brasileño tras la Independencia, promulgado en 1830, prohibía explícitamente el aborto practicado a otra persona. Pero fue este, curiosamente, el período más permisivo de nuestras leyes, ya que eximía a las gestantes de la pena. Estas serían incluidas como delincuentes durante el período de la República, en el conjunto de leyes penales de 1890 que estuvo en vigor hasta 1940, cuando se aprobó el Código Penal bajo el cual vivimos aún hoy. El principal cambio de la ley instituida durante el Estado Novo (la dictadura que rigió Brasil entre 1937 y 1945) fueron dos excepciones al castigo por el aborto provocado: la violación y "si no hay otro medio de salvar la vida de la embarazada". En 2012, se sumó a las excepciones la anencefalia del feto, por [decisión del STF](http://www.stf.jus.br/arquivo/cms/noticiaNoticiaStf/anexo/ADPF54.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Mientras los hombres discutían sobre la legalidad del aborto, las mujeres lo practicaban. A lo largo de todos los períodos históricos, independientemente de las penas impuestas, el aborto ha sido un hecho *común* en la vida de las mujeres. Su presencia en Brasil se describe en una de las cartas del padre José de Anchieta, en 1560\. El jesuita dice que las "mujeres brasileñas", "enfadadas con sus maridos", por miedo u otras razones, interrumpían los embarazos bebiendo pociones de hierbas o apretándose el vientre. Los ejemplos son infinitos, desde Brasil hasta la China imperial, desde la antigüedad hasta el siglo XXI. En 2025, alrededor de 765 millones de mujeres en edad reproductiva vivían bajo leyes que restringen el aborto – a pesar de ello, se estima que se practican 73 millones de abortos al año, y el 45% se consideran inseguros.
También ha habido siempre muchas muertes por abortos realizados en pésimas condiciones sanitarias o con métodos rudimentarios. Esta precariedad se agrava en situaciones de criminalización, porque las pacientes suelen posponer la búsqueda de atención médica en caso de complicaciones. En Estados Unidos, un poderoso símbolo del aborto clandestino es la imagen de la percha de ropa – utilizada por mujeres desesperadas y sin alternativa para perforar el cuello uterino e inducir la pérdida gestacional. Se estima que, en la década de 1960, antes de la despenalización nacional instituida por la Corte Suprema, una de cada seis muertes de gestantes estaba relacionada con interrupciones mal realizadas.
Aun así, las mujeres persistieron, por necesidad y rebeldía. Crearon redes clandestinas para ayudar a otras a acceder al procedimiento. Algunas fueron (o son) organizaciones complejas y extensas, como Socorristas en Red, de Argentina, o el [Colectivo Jane](https://www-heyjane-com.translate.goog/articles/jane-collective-abortion-history?%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fsl=en&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Ftl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fhl=es&%5Fx%5Ftr%5Fpto=tc&ref=opendemocracy.net), de Estados Unidos – este último con activistas que aprendieron a realizar abortos quirúrgicos para no depender de la buena voluntad de los médicos.
Otras redes son grupos de amigas que se pasan en secreto los contactos de clínicas de confianza o se acompañan unas a otras en habitaciones de hotel. Las mujeres no son meras observadoras de la batalla política que se libra en las instancias del poder institucional. Ya sea en la organización pública de grupos feministas, como el *lobby* liderado por Pitanguy, o en la acción privada de ayudar a una compañera con una píldora abortiva, las mujeres retratadas en este libro no son damiselas indefensas. Lo cual no significa que no hayan sido víctimas de violencia – del Estado, de los servicios de salud, de sus parejas o de sus familias.
Los siete capítulos de *Coreografia da escolha* se han estructurado en torno a momentos emblemáticos de la historia reciente del aborto en Brasil. Hay decenas, quizá cientos de otras historias que llegaron a los periódicos y causaron revuelo en los últimos 25 años. Las que elegimos para guiar el recorrido de este libro tuvieron repercusiones políticas, sociales y médicas duraderas, que ayudaron a moldear el debate sobre el derecho al aborto en ese período.
\[...\]
*Coreografia da escolha* no es, ni pretende ser, la única historia sobre el aborto en Brasil, algo que sería imposible. Cada año hay alrededor de medio millón de nuevos casos. Algunos son relatos de violencia y superación; otros, de autonomía y alivio. Las historias que han llegado a las páginas de este libro pretenden responder a la pregunta que nos suscitó el cartel en la oficina de Jacqueline Pitanguy: ¿cómo hemos llegado hasta aquí? Nuestra investigación es un intento de hacer menos opacas las discusiones sobre el derecho al aborto en Brasil, en un panorama político que parece querer enturbiarlas cada vez más.
*Angela Boldrini es reportera del diario brasileño Folha de S.Paulo desde 2014, tiene un máster en estudios de género por la London School of Economics y es co-autora del podcast ‘Caso das 10 Mil’.*
*Carolina Moraes es periodista de Rádio Novelo. Fue reportera del diario brasileño Folha de S.Paulo en São Paulo y Brasilia, y es co-autora del podcast ‘Caso das 10 Mil’.*
### What new health secretary James Murray must do for the NHS
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/what-new-health-secretary-james-murray-must-do-for-the-nhs/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:46.000Z
The UK is onto its eighth health secretary in the past five years. So far, all have promised reforms while asking an overstretched NHS to do more with less: fewer staff, tighter budgets, fragmented services, and growing demand.
The question now is not simply who is James Murray, who has taken over from Wes Streeting as the latest in post, but what kind of politics should shape the future of healthcare in England?
One thing is certain: Murray cannot continue the same cycle of crisis management, outsourcing, and superficial reform of his predecessors.
Instead, he needs to take a health justice approach: one that treats healthcare as a political right, values workers as the foundation of public care, and rebuilds democratic accountability and public trust in the NHS.
## **The politics of health justice**
The NHS was launched by the first health minister, Aneurin Bevan, in 1948 on three simple but radical principles:
1. It should be comprehensive, meeting the needs of everyone
2. It should be universal, with GP consultations and hospital treatments free to all at the point of delivery
3. It should be based on clinical need, not ability to pay.
Bevan’s political vision understood health not as a privilege for those who could afford it, but as a collective social good. Decades later, despite mounting pressures, the NHS remains one of the most valued public institutions in the UK and is often regarded as one of the best health systems in the world.
The health secretary plays a far more powerful role than public debate often acknowledges. Beyond media appearances and crisis announcements, the position shapes the strategic direction of the NHS itself.
The health secretary oversees funding settlements, workforce planning, public health priorities, and relations with NHS England, which is set to be abolished and its functions moved to the Department of Health and Social Care. They influence pay negotiations, social care coordination, procurement decisions, and the extent to which private companies are allowed to profit from public healthcare infrastructure.
These choices are political. They determine whether healthcare operates primarily as a public service or increasingly as a for-profit ‘industrial-complex’.
A health justice understanding begins from the idea that health is shaped by far more than hospitals alone. Housing insecurity, poverty, racism, disability access, pollution, and labour conditions all profoundly affect who becomes ill and who receives care. NHS policy cannot be separated from wider social policy.
A good health secretary should therefore be judged not only on waiting times or hospital targets in isolation, but on whether healthcare becomes more equitable, democratic, and humane.
## **End corporate capture and build public digital infrastructure**
Murray must confront the growing role of private corporations within NHS infrastructure, particularly in digital healthcare and data systems. Here, there is no greater foe than Palantir.
That the US data analytics and spytech firm has a contract to run NHS England’s Federated Data Platform symbolises a dangerous direction of travel: one in which sensitive public health systems become increasingly dependent on private firms with little democratic accountability, particularly one that has both feet in the Gaza genocide.
Defenders of this contract often frame it as modernisation, while ignoring ethics and the [fabrication of success](https://www.bmj.com/content/393/bmj.s680?ref=opendemocracy.net). In reality, they risk deepening corporate influence over public healthcare. Outsourcing critical infrastructure creates long-term vendor lock-in, fragments accountability, and shifts public resources into corporate profit rather than patient care.
Murray should prioritise terminating Palantir’s contract by the end of the year, following in the footsteps of London mayor Sadiq Khan, whose office has just prevented the Metropolitan Police from extending its contract with the company. He has an opportunity to show strong leadership as Palantir’s presence in the public sector continues to be scrutinised by constituents.
The health secretary must also commission a review of the procurement failures that enabled Palantir to secure the contract in the first place – this is not simply a problem with one company, but with a procurement culture that has repeatedly privileged expensive and incapable private contracts over sustainable public investment.
At the same time, Murray should invest in building a strong in-house technological capacity within the NHS. That means working directly with NHS tech workers, digital teams, trade unions, and researchers to develop secure, open-source, transparent, and publicly accountable data systems designed to be patient-centred, rather than catering to corporate interests.
Rebuilding democratic control over NHS technology infrastructure would help ensure that no future government can so easily hand core public systems to private firms again and that no private company can abuse our data.
## **Treat health as a wider social justice issue**
Healthcare policy alone cannot solve the health crisis facing England. The NHS is continually forced to absorb the consequences of political choices made elsewhere: austerity, weakened social care, low wages, precarious work, polluted environments, and inaccessible housing.
If Murray is serious about relieving pressure on the health system and reducing the waiting times, he must look at why so many people are sick in the first place. Public health cannot be reduced to hospital management while government policy deepens the poverty that contributes to chronic illness. The health secretary must work across government departments to support people to live and work in healthy conditions.
Take housing, for example. Housing insecurity and homelessness have been intensified across England by the growing shortage of affordable housing. More people are being forced to move frequently, live in overcrowded conditions, or face constant anxiety about eviction and rising rents. By last summer, over 132,000 households in England were living in temporary accommodation.
Behind these figures lies a profound public health crisis. Poor-quality, unaffordable, and insecure housing is linked to worse mental and physical health outcomes, including chronic stress, respiratory illness, and higher levels of inflammation in the body. Housing insecurity actively produces illness.
A health justice approach, therefore, requires Murray to work with his equivalent in housing, Steve Reed, to deliver major investment in social housing and rent controls. Similar interventions should be made in welfare, employment, and the environment.
## **The NHS is built and fought for from below**
Changing ministers alone will not save the NHS. Structural transformation will require sustained political pressure from health workers, trade unions, patient advocacy groups, tenants’ organisations, and the wider public.
The NHS itself was created through collective struggle and political demand; its future will depend on similar forms of democratic pressure. Without organised resistance, governments will continue to pursue short-term crisis management, outsourcing, and policies that treat health primarily as a personal problem rather than a political right.
Murray faces a clear choice. He can continue with privatisation and reactive policymaking, or he can begin rebuilding the NHS around equitable access and democratic control.
Although how the NHS is managed will remain an important political issue in all upcoming elections, its future will not be decided solely in Westminster, but through the collective pressure of the workers and communities who rely on it every day.
---
*Nina Radulović is an ex-NHS health worker and communications lead at Medact, a health justice campaigning organisation.*
### Don’t be shocked by Makerfield candidate’s sexism. This is Reform
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/dont-be-shocked-by-makerfield-candidates-sexism-this-is-reform/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:37:50.000Z
“Abortion is the cowardly act of murdering a defenceless baby,” reads one post on the now-deleted X account of Robert Kenyon, Reform UK’s candidate for the Makerfield by-election.
“Don’t dole out the ‘what if someone is raped by their brother’ arguement \[sic\],” the post, dated June 2022, continues. “Life begins at conception. \[...\] They don’t want babies? Use contreception! \[sic\]”
The revelations about Kenyon’s alleged anti-abortion social media activity, published in the [Observer](https://observer.co.uk/news/national/article/reform-candidate-for-makerfield-by-election-calls-abortion-cowardly-murder?ref=opendemocracy.net), come after openDemocracy and the Fuller Project [revealed](https://www.opendemocracy.net/aabortion-reform-uk-politics-birth-decriminalization-farage/) Reform’s growing antagonism towards abortion rights.
We found a 40% increase in abortion mentions by nearly 80 Reform politicians, supporters, hard-right news websites and far-right influencers over the past two years, as well as an uptick in pro-Reform accounts sharing anti-abortion disinformation and emotive language.
In one such instance, Reform’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, took to X to describe Labour’s vote to decriminalise abortion as “abortion carnage”. His colleague, the mayor of Lincolnshire Andrea Jenkyns, called it a “tragedy for unborn babies”. Former Conservative home secretary and now Reform MP Suella Braverman committed the party to reversing decriminalisation, which she called “repulsive”.
In total, the posts we analysed were shared around 153,000 times and received more than 800,000 likes. Much of the rhetoric, such as referring to “abortion up to birth” to describe the law change that decriminalises abortion, originates in US anti-abortion campaigns.
Since the 2024 election, Reform has attracted leading anti-abortion politicians into its ranks, including former and current Conservative MPs Nadine Dorries, Maria Caulfield, Danny Kruger and Braverman. Dorries called Labour the “[party of death](https://x.com/NadineDorries/status/1935939597676040394?s=20&ref=opendemocracy.net)” for decriminalising abortion, while Caulfield reposted an opposition to the amendment by far-right X account Basil The Great.
The party’s leader, Nigel Farage, has also appointed anti-abortion academic James Orr as his head of policy, and the party fielded anti-abortion candidates in recent local elections.
Our investigation, combined with the content of posts on Kenyon’s social media accounts, exposes the misogyny running through Reform UK – and shows how, like all far-right movements, this is a political party that seeks to undermine women’s rights and entrench male supremacy. It offers a glimpse into the ways in which women’s rights would suffer if the party came to power.
**Protecting women?**
Like much of the [far right](https://hopenothate.org.uk/2024/09/24/reform-uk-are-far-right-heres-why/?ref=opendemocracy.net), Reform has attempted to cloak its misogyny via a narrative that the party defends and protects women.
It uses [shoddy data](https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/aug/05/disputed-or-debunked-claims-about-migration-and-crime-uk?ref=opendemocracy.net) to falsely claim that migrant men are disproportionately responsible for sexual violence, justifying its anti-migration policies as a way to protect British women from this outside threat. In doing so, Reform has positioned itself as the only party that ‘cares’ about women’s safety.
This disinformation, which is often amplified by anti-migrant and pro-Reform think tanks, caused 100 women’s rights organisations to [write](https://rapecrisis.org.uk/news/prevent-hijacking-conversation-vawg-letter/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to the UK government last year, urging it to “stop the weaponisation of violence against women and girls by far-right groups and politicians to promote racist, anti-migrant agendas.”
On the same lines, Reform has [weaponised](https://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/nigel-farage-live-reform-uk-leader-grooming-gangs-inquiry-b1255070.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) the “grooming gangs” scandal – where majority white working-class girls were groomed and sexually abused by primarily British-Pakistani gangs in a range of towns throughout the 2000s and 2010s – to suggest that left-wing parties such as Labour do not care about white rape victims. In fact, in his previous role as director of public prosecutions, Labour prime minister Keir Starmer brought in multiple [reforms](https://www.theguardian.com/law/2013/jun/11/child-sex-abuse-victims-justice?ref=opendemocracy.net) to prevent a repeat of the scandal.
But it’s noticeable that Reform has nothing to say about men’s violence against women outside the arguments against migration and trans-inclusion. Nor does it have anything to say about the drivers of male violence: namely, patriarchy and male sexual entitlement.
[Abortion is becoming a new front in Reform UK’s culture warFollowing abortion decriminalisation, analysis from openDemocracy and the Fuller Project reveals the UK far right is pushing anti-abortion talking points into mainstream political debate.openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/aabortion-reform-uk-politics-birth-decriminalization-farage/)
Indeed, Farage has praised misogynistic influencer Andrew Tate, saying he is an “important voice” for men. Since December 2022, Tate has faced [charges in Romania](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/dec/30/andrew-tate-detained-in-romania-on-organised-and-charges?ref=opendemocracy.net) of human trafficking, rape, and forming a criminal gang to sexually exploit women, all of which he denies. In a video about how to respond to a woman who accuses a man of cheating, Tate said: “It’s bang out the machete, boom in her face and grip her by the neck. Shut up bitch.”
And while purporting to be defenders of women, Reform councillors have faced multiple allegations of sexism. This includes Peter York, a councillor in West Northamptonshire, who [said](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/clyz5ykg5e9o?ref=opendemocracy.net): “Some women should have never left the kitchen.” Stuart Prior, elected earlier this month and already forced to resign, [allegedly](https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2026/may/11/newly-elected-reform-councillor-resigns-stuart-prior-social-media?ref=opendemocracy.net) celebrated men raping a Sikh woman in the Midlands on his social media accounts.
Farage himself has a [history of sexist comments](https://hopenothate.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/HOPE-not-hate-reform-uk-what-you-need-to-know-2024.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), defending Donald Trump’s notorious “grab them by the pussy” remarks as “banter” and “alpha-male boasting”. He said breastfeeding mothers should “sit in the corner” in order not to be “openly ostentatious” and claimed that, in banking, women were “worth far less” than men if they chose to have a family.
Now, his colleagues in Reform are having to defend their Makerfield by-election candidate for allegedly posting grossly sexualised comments about TV personality Carol Vorderman. Reform MP Danny Kruger told the BBC’s Today show that they were the [“private” comments of “an ordinary man”](https://www.lbc.co.uk/article/reform-mp-defends-misogynistic-posts-makerfield-candidate-carol-vorderman-5HjdZch%5F2/?ref=opendemocracy.net). So much for defending women.
**Women and the far right**
Reform’s anti-women policies go beyond debates over tightening abortion access and reversing decriminalisation. The party has created an [enemy of equalities legislation](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dnjg896zno?ref=opendemocracy.net), which protects women and minority groups from discrimination. It wants to [cut funding](https://ifs.org.uk/articles/reform-uk-manifesto-reaction?ref=opendemocracy.net) to public services, which women tend to use more than men. And it wants to [cut benefits](https://ifs.org.uk/articles/reform-uk-manifesto-reaction?ref=opendemocracy.net), which again women are more likely to claim than men, and instigate pro-natalist policies that would only provide [child support, such as tax credits, to British families](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c5yrgp0pjlvo?ref=opendemocracy.net).
None of this is a surprise. [Far-right](https://hopenothate.org.uk/2024/09/24/reform-uk-are-far-right-heres-why/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and authoritarian political movements are built on male supremacy – they target women’s rights, intending to control their bodies and reproduction – and are fearful of white “replacement”, expressed by the focus on “foreign-born” men raping British women, which they perceive as an existential or “[genocidal](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/far-right-elon-musk-grooming-gangs-britain-keir-starmer-tommy-robinson-great-replacement/)” attack.
Even the language of protecting and defending women is one rooted in male supremacy. It positions women as the property of a patriarchal authority – the husband or father – that he needs to keep safe from outside threats and influences. At the same time, far-right political parties and leaders, from Vox in Spain to Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin and Trump in the White House, remove protections for women from gender-based violence. They do this precisely because they view women as needing to be under male control, with no state intervention.
What’s more, the modern far right is motivated by an ideology that sees abortion, combined with immigration, as destroying the West. It is anti-feminist, precisely because feminism liberates women from patriarchal control. And it only cares about sexual violence as an attack on Britishness, not because of the harm it causes to women.
We shouldn’t be surprised, then, that Reform is increasingly anti-abortion. But if the party comes to power, the misogyny won’t be confined to deleted X accounts. It will reverse abortion decriminalisation, reduce the abortion upper time limit, scrap protections for women and minorities, and undermine women’s economic and social security. This is not a party that wants to protect women. Just look at what Farage’s friend in the White House has done.
### Farage aims at Abortion, “No Records” of Mandelson lobbying Govt
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/farage-aims-at-abortion-no-records-of-mandelson-lobbying-govt/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:20:52.000Z
## In this week's issue
- Far-right groups and Reform UK politicians are adopting US-style tactics to turn reproductive rights into a dangerous new culture war
- The UK government failed to keep records of multiple meetings between top officials and lobbyists from Peter Mandelson's former firm
- Trapped in the Libyan desert by armed militias, hundreds of volunteers in a Gaza-bound aid convoy are rationing water and refusing to abandon their mission
- The UK's advertising watchdog has ruled that anti-rape start-up Enough misled the public
- How a Kremlin-linked disinformation campaign exposed a dangerous vulnerability in cash-strapped newsrooms willing to publish unverified fake news
- Paul Rogers: The foundation of Vladimir Putin's war machine is finally beginning to crack
- How the British establishment made Nigel Farage's far-right politics respectable
- **Plus: This week in history and what we’re reading**
I was at the “Unite the Kingdom” rally organised by far-right provocateur Tommy Robinson, aka Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, last Saturday. How was your weekend?
There were men costumed as the Knights Templar; there was a fleet of the wheelchair-bound elderly. There were young mothers pushing prams, kids whizzing along pavements on pushbikes, dads popping open tupperware boxes and unpacking sandwiches. “It is quite a family atmosphere. Nothing to feel afraid of,” said the woman selling ‘Keir Starmer’s a W⚓’ T-shirts. “T-shirt? It’s only 10 quid.”
The crowd reminded me of an irate comment from an openDemocracy reader: “What is wrong with you people? At every opportunity you label ordinary people and people who want what is right for this country as far right. I think you need to take a good look at yourselves before you judge the rest of the country.”
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Cuando el abusador es la IA y un convoy a Gaza varado en el desierto
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/cuando-el-abusador-es-la-ia-y-un-convoy-a-gaza-varado-en-el-desierto/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:20:55.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Inteligencia artificial: Ya no se necesitan agresores humanos para el abuso infantil
- Un convoy humanitario para Gaza está varado en el desierto de Libia
- Investigación: La ultraderecha británica abre un frente contra el aborto legal
- 80 años después, sin justicia para mineros asesinados en Nigeria
- **Extra:** El impacto de nuestro periodismo
Hola. En un artículo repleto de datos, nuestra corresponsal en América del Sur, **Angelina de los Santos**, explica cómo la **inteligencia artificial no necesita al ser humano** para perpetrar abuso sexual contra la infancia.
Mientras escribo esto, mientras lo leas, una caravana con cientos de voluntarios intenta **cruzar el desierto de Libia para llegar a Gaza** con suministros humanitarios y alimentos. Menos conocido que los barcos de la Flotilla Global Sumud, este convoy forma parte del mismo esfuerzo. Una crónica urgente de **Nandini Naira Archer**, con testimonios desde el lugar, da cuenta del peligro y de la esperanza de esta misión.
Una brillante investigación de **Sian Norris** revela cómo la extrema derecha del Reino Unido está haciendo del **aborto legal** – que apoyan 90% de los británicos – un nuevo asunto de guerra cultural.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Un convoy humanitario hacia Gaza atrapado en el desierto se niega a dar la vuelta
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/un-convoy-humanitario-hacia-gaza-atrapado-en-el-desierto-se-niega-a-dar-la-vuelta/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:06.000Z
"Llevamos aquí cuatro días", dice la escritora y académica sudafricana Jessica Breakey en una nota de voz enviada desde el desierto libio, donde ella y cientos de voluntarios quedaron varados en su intento de entregar ayuda humanitaria a Gaza. De fondo se escuchan personas conversando, organizándose y cantando canciones por Palestina.
"No hay baños. Pero esta es una noticia realmente importante sobre algo que está pasando en el extremo norte de África. Y de la que nadie está hablando”.
Breakey forma parte de una caravana de varios centenares de personas que intentan llegar a Gaza por tierra para entregar ambulancias, suministros médicos, sustituto de la leche materna, alimentos y materiales de construcción.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Algoritmos de IA: las nuevas fronteras del abuso sexual infantil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ia-abuso-sexual-infantil-grok-violencia-algoritmo-misoginia/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:13.000Z
Chatbots que ofrecen personajes o juegos de rol con [categorías](https://www.aol.com/articles/ai-chatbots-creating-kinds-abuse-174320510.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) como “violación”, “violencia doméstica”, “loli” o “incesto”, que [simulan](https://www.yahoo.com/news/meta-openai-spawned-wave-ai-140000660.html?guccounter=1&ref=opendemocracy.net) burdeles con niñas menores de 15 años, o que envían mensajes sexuales no solicitados y ejercen conductas coercitivas o de captación.
Acompañantes de inteligencia artificial (IA) que [ofrecen](https://www.transparencycoalition.ai/s/HEAT%5FREPORT%5FCharacterAI%5FDO%5F28%5F09%5F25.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) drogas, alientan a los menores a ocultar a los padres sus interacciones – a veces con amenazas de violencia –, y se [presentan](https://www.transparencycoalition.ai/news/devastating-report-finds-ai-chatbots-grooming-kids-offering-drugs-lying-to-parents?ref=opendemocracy.net) como personas reales, generando dinámicas de apego emocional con niños, niñas y adolescentes, y [manipulándolos](https://www.thomsonreuters.com/en-us/posts/human-rights-crimes/digital-playgrounds-child-safety/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
No es una distopía, es el presente.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Russia tried to discredit Milei in Argentina, but ended up damaging its media instead
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/russia-tried-to-discredit-milei-in-argentina-but-ended-up-damaging-its-media-instead/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:18.000Z
In early April, openDemocracy[ revealed](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-propaganda-medios-periodismo-milei-ucrania-putin-trump-prigozhin/) how a network linked to the Kremlin placed hundreds of articles in Argentina’s media to discredit far-right president Javier Milei’s government due to its alignment with the United States and support for Ukraine.
Later that same day, Argentina’s State Intelligence Secretariat, which had not answered our questions throughout our investigation, issued a statement claiming it had already reported the network behind the disinformation attacks to[ the country’s courts and the public prosecutor’s office](https://x.com/SIDE%5FArgentina/status/2039893446681337966/photo/1?ref=opendemocracy.net) in October 2025\.
There is [no trace](https://www.eldiarioar.com/politica/side-toma-impulso-visita-peter-thiel-nuevo-protagonismo-comisario-politico-santiago-caputo%5F1%5F13171486.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) of any such report ever having been made.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Is Russia’s war economy starting to crack?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/is-russias-war-economy-starting-to-crack/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:26.000Z
The war in Ukraine is increasingly becoming a war about Russia itself.
After more than three years of attritional fighting, the central question is no longer simply whether Moscow can continue gaining territory in eastern Ukraine, but whether Putin can continue sustaining the economic, political and social pressures created by a war that was supposed to last days, not years.
Last week’s mass [Ukrainian drone assault across Russia](https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-war-moscow-attack-drone-a3be2f260ff6d436409281246e2bb0e4?utm%5Fsource=firefox-newtab-en-gb), including Moscow, offered a glimpse of that pressure becoming harder to contain. More than a thousand drones were launched across 14 Russian regions, the annexed Crimean Peninsula and the Black Sea in one of the largest attacks of the war.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### The Gaza convoy trapped in Libya’s desert refusing to turn back
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/the-gaza-convoy-trapped-in-libyas-desert-refusing-to-turn-back/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:34.000Z
“We have been here for four days,” says South African writer and academic Jessica Breakey in a voice note sent from the Libyan desert where she and hundreds of volunteers are stuck as they attempt to deliver aid to Gaza. In the background is the sound of people chatting, organising, and singing songs for Palestine.
“There are no toilets. But this is a really interesting, significant story about something that’s happening at the top of Africa. And that no one is really talking about.”
Breakey is part of the hundreds-strong caravan attempting to reach Gaza by road to deliver ambulances, medical supplies, baby formula, food and reconstruction materials. She sends voice notes whenever the signal holds, taking advantage of the brief moments when communications are not jammed. Those fragments, sent from one of the most dangerous regions in the world, tell a story of courage, solidarity and determined resistance.
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### Derecho al aborto, el nuevo frente de la extrema derecha británica
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/reino-unido-aborto-derecho-extrema-derecha-farage-reform-autonomia/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:41.000Z
Partidos políticos e *influencers* de extrema derecha de Gran Bretaña, entre ellos[ Reform UK](https://hopenothate.org.uk/2024/09/24/reform-uk-are-far-right-heres-why/?ref=opendemocracy.net), se están inspirando en Estados Unidos para hacer del derecho al aborto un nuevo frente de sus guerras culturales, revelan datos analizados por openDemocracy y The Fuller Project.
Mientras Reform UK festeja [grandes avances en las elecciones locales](https://theconversation.com/elections-2026-experts-react-to-the-reform-surge-and-labour-losses-282502?ref=opendemocracy.net) de inicios de mayo, nuestro análisis de casi 80 cuentas de X del partido de Nigel Farage, sus simpatizantes y otros seguidores de la extrema derecha revela que, entre abril de 2024 y abril de 2026, las menciones al aborto aumentaron un 40% en comparación con los dos años anteriores.
Esto ocurre mientras [una ley](https://www.emjreviews.com/reproductive-health/news/women-can-no-longer-be-prosecuted-for-abortion-in-england-and-wales/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que entró en vigor a finales de abril prohíbe abrir procesos penales a personas que aborten en Inglaterra y Gales, y a pesar del elevado apoyo público al derecho al aborto en todo el Reino Unido.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### openDemocracy readers on the chaos in Westminster
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/opendemocracy-readers-on-the-chaos-in-westminster/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:21:56.000Z
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves. Each week, we share some of the most thought-provoking comments from our readers.
Send us your thoughts for next week’s round-up by replying directly to any of our emails or commenting on our articles or [Instagram posts](https://www.instagram.com/open%5Fdemocracy/?hl=en&ref=opendemocracy.net).
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and aren’t necessarily a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### ‘No records’ from meetings between top officials and Mandelson’s lobbying firm
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/no-records-from-meetings-between-top-officials-and-mandelsons-lobbying-firm/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:22:08.000Z
The government has no official records of meetings that top civil servants held with senior figures and clients from Peter Mandelson’s lobbying firm last year, including an undeclared meeting with oil giants and private equity firms, openDemocracy can reveal.
Global Counsel went into administration earlier this year after details of Mandelson’s close relationship with Jeffrey Epstein were revealed in the Epstein Files, including emails showing how he sought the billionaire paedophile’s advice on establishing the firm.
But before its collapse, Global Counsel’s business was booming as it and its founder established close ties to Keir Starmer’s Labour Party.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Abortion is becoming a new front in Reform UK’s culture war
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/aabortion-reform-uk-politics-birth-decriminalization-farage/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:22:15.000Z
Data analysed by The Fuller Project and openDemocracy reveal that British far-right political parties and influencers – including [Reform UK](https://hopenothate.org.uk/2024/09/24/reform-uk-are-far-right-heres-why/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – are taking inspiration from the United States and seeking to turn abortion into a new front in the culture wars.
At a time when Nigel Farage’s party has made [sweeping gains in the local elections](https://theconversation.com/elections-2026-experts-react-to-the-reform-surge-and-labour-losses-282502?ref=opendemocracy.net), our analysis of almost 80 Reform, Reform-supporting, and far-right X accounts found that between April 2024 and April 2026, mentions of abortion increased by 40% compared to the previous two years. This is despite [a new law](https://www.emjreviews.com/reproductive-health/news/women-can-no-longer-be-prosecuted-for-abortion-in-england-and-wales/?ref=opendemocracy.net) coming into force at the end of April 2026 which prevents women in England and Wales from facing a criminal investigation for having an abortion, and despite high public support for abortion across the UK.
Between April 2024 and April 2026, nearly half of the selected accounts increased their abortion activity, with overall impressions of posts mentioning abortion almost quadrupling compared with the previous two years. These posts were shared around 153,000 times and received more than 800,000 likes.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Anti-rape start-up misled public over self-swab kit claims, watchdog says
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/advertising-regulator-anti-rape-campaign-misleading-ban/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:22:28.000Z
The UK’s advertising watchdog has [ruled](https://www.asa.org.uk/rulings/this-is-enough-ltd-a25-1319054-this-is-enough-ltd.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) anti-rape start-up [Enough](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/enough-bristol-diy-rape-kits-bristol-university-start-up-katie-white-tom-allchurch/) [misled](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/enough-anti-rape-self-test-dna-kit-fails-rape-victims-misleads-public-start-up-mps/) the public by claiming its self-swab DNA kits can be admissible as evidence in court.
[Enough](https://myenough.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), which dubs itself the “breathalyser of rape” launched in Bristol in September 2024, offering students at the city’s two universities free self-swab rape kits to “deter” sexual assault on campus and [encouraging concerned parents](https://myenough.com/dads?ref=opendemocracy.net) to purchase the kits for £20\.
The company says it is a “third option” for victims who do not want to report to the police or attend a sexual assault referral centre. Its founders have always said the kits “can be” admissible in court if the survivor can prove the DNA sample was correctly collected and free from contamination.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Reino Unido ignora orden de indemnizar a familias de 21 mineros asesinados en Nigeria
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/nigeria-reino-unido-asesinados-mineros-huelga-regimen-colonial-keir-starmer-justicia/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:22:34.000Z
A finales de 1949, mineros del carbón de Enugu, la ciudad del sudeste nigeriano que por entonces era la capital administrativa de la Región Oriental Británica, iniciaron una protesta de ‘trabajo a reglamento’. Reclamaban por malas condiciones laborales, escasos beneficios sociales y atraso en el pago de salarios.
No era la primera vez que protestaban. Cuatro años antes, los mineros habían participado en una huelga general nacional contra el elevado costo de vida junto con los trabajadores de otros sectores. En aquel entonces, las autoridades coloniales habían bloqueado el acceso de los mineros a las minas, por temor a que tomaran el control de la lucrativa producción de carbón.
Esta vez, en 1949, los mineros ocuparon su lugar de trabajo y montaron piquetes. Insistían en que las autoridades coloniales los escucharan. No iban armados.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### A new PM won't save us from the far-right
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-160526/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:39:06.000Z
## In this week's issue
- A new PM won’t save the UK from a far-right government, but building a grassroots societal coalition might
- Paul Rogers: Could Corbyn’s grassroots-led movement have the last laugh over Starmer?
- Why NHS data workers are demanding the healthcare system drop Palantir’s Federated Data Platform
- How the British establishment made Nigel Farage's far-right politics respectable
- Modern slavery victims urge UK government to guarantee their rights to support
- UK’s proposed Brit Card won’t curb immigration, but will subject ordinary citizens to mass surveillance and terrifying bureaucratic disenfranchisement
- UK government misses court-ordered deadline to compensate the families of 21 Nigerian coal miners murdered by British colonial police
- **Plus: This week in history and what we’re reading**
Of the hundreds of readers who responded to our poll last week, only **24% said they would vote Labour if Keir Starmer stepped down.** But that is the bet that Labour must take, and hopefully its polling is far more representative than ours.
It is worth remembering that last week’s elections weren’t just about **Labour losing thousands of seats,** they were also about **Reform UK winning thousands of seats.** Just how has Nigel Farage’s latest political vehicle gone so mainstream so fast? I asked that question of **Daniel Trilling**, openDemocracy’s former commissioning editor and author of the new book, *If We Tolerate This: How the British Establishment Made the Far Right Respectable.* Read the interview, or listen to it as a podcast while you do the weekend laundry.
Retail politics takes up so much of our attention that we often mistake the symptoms (who will succeed Starmer?) for the malaise (what ails our politics?). This is something that I’ve tried to think through in my piece this week, where I argue that **the next three years are an opportunity for us, as a society**, to assert our democratic will.
We are proud to platform one such instance of a group of people raising their voices on behalf of the wider social good: **Data analysts at NHS England are organising against Palantir**, the secretive defence contractor embedding itself across the health service and much of the UK’s data infrastructure. Read their letter to understand why they are pushing back. (If you interact with Palantir systems at your workplace, **get in touch with our tech reporter Jade-Ruyu Yan** on Signal at jaderuyu.08).
Also this week: A High Court in Nigeria has **ordered the British government** **to compensate the families of 21 coal miners killed by colonial police officers** in 1949; the UK government is yet to respond. **Paul Rogers** turns his attention from the Persian Gulf to the state of UK politics, and victims of modern slavery are urging MPs to protect their access to mental health and housing support.
Thank you as always for reading us and supporting our journalism.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[This is bigger than Starmer vs. Streeting vs. BurnhamA new prime minister won’t save us from a far-right government – but there are other ways to fight itopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/this-moment-is-bigger-than-starmer-vs-streeting-vs-burnham/)
The populist playbook has a clear target: The independent media that hold them to account. At openDemocracy, we don’t have billionaire owners to protect us—we only have readers like you.As progressive media comes under increasing pressure from the authoritarian playbook, we need our readers more than ever.Help us survive the hostile environment ahead. Please become a regular supporter today so we can be here tomorrow.
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/account/plans)
[Jeremy Corbyn’s grassroots politics could outlast Keir Starmer’s LabourAs Keir Starmer fights for survival, Jeremy Corbyn’s decade-long grassroots strategy may yet have the last wordopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmer-labour-leadership-challenge-jeremy-corbyn-your-party-grassroots-community-organising/)
[Modern slavery victims denied mental health supportWith Starmer under fire, survivors say Labour must deliver long-overdue access to support on mental health and housingopenDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/modern-slavery-labour-conservative-epstein-mandelson/)
[India’s Aadhar shows dangers of ‘Brit Card’ digital IDI spent years reporting on digital IDs like the Brit Card. This is what I foundopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/digital-id-brit-card-uk-dangerous-india-aadhar-surveillance-corruption-data-breach-keir-starmer/)
[We’re NHS analysts organising together against Palantir. Here’s whyAs NHS data workers, we see Federated Data Platform’s flaws up close. That’s why we’ve launched an open letter to fight itopenDemocracyNHS Analysts Together](https://www.opendemocracy.net/nhs-england-palantir-federated-data-platform-open-letter-analysts-together/)
[In 1949, Britain killed 21 miners in Nigeria. Their families are still seeking justiceKeir Starmer’s UK government missed a court-ordered deadline to compensate the families of the killed coal miners.openDemocracySaint Ekpali](https://www.opendemocracy.net/in-1949-britain-killed-21-miners-in-nigeria-their-families-are-still-seeking-justice/)
[How has Reform UK gone so mainstream so fast?Journalist Daniel Trilling on Farage, right-wing populism, and how ‘the establishment’ normalised ReformopenDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/daniel-trilling-nigel-farage-how-has-reform-uk-gone-so-mainstream-so-fast/)
[How the UK Establishment Normalised ReformIs Reform fascist, far-right or merely right wing? And do we really need to get into this?openDemocracyAman Sethi](https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-the-uk-establishment-normalised-reform/)
---
## Weekly Poll
---
## This week in history
Palestinian men, women and children driven from their homes by Israeli forces, 1948\. (Photo by: Pictures from History/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)
**The Nakba — 15 May 1948** On 15 May 1948, the day after Israel declared independence, Arab armies entered the new state. What followed for Palestinians was the Nakba — "catastrophe" — during which around 700,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their homes. Villages were destroyed. The refugee crisis has never been resolved. This week marks a foundational injustice whose consequences continue to define the Middle East.
[Solidarity: trails, perils, choicesThe idea of solidarity retains its moral force. Yet it is vulnerable to the same manipulations as any category of modern politics. Fred Halliday examines the paths of solidarity under colonialism, communism, and post-1989 democracy; its deformed applications to the Arab-Israeli conflict; two voiceopenDemocracyFred Halliday](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/solidarity-trails-perils-choices/)
---
## What we're reading
### [I Who Have Never Known Men, Jacqueline Harpman](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781784879037?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Yes, this book is popular on TikTok. But if this helps your snobbery, I actually discovered it in a little bookshop in King’s Cross. Probably because it is popular on TikTok. I saw it sitting there on the shelf and found the title appealing.
The concept behind this book is anything but appealing. There are 39 women and one girl locked in a cage, watched day and night by silent patrolling male guards. They don’t know why and how they got there, and many have stopped asking why. Aside from one person.
Once you get past this grim premise, you’re immersed in a strange type of hope. You get a glimpse of what could happen when everything–apart from enduring curiosity–is lost.
*Jade-Ruyu Yan, tech investigations reporter*
---
# Thank you!
If you're reading this then you're amazing! Our work is only possible thanks to your ongoing support. Thank you for believing in what we do and for helping to make the world a better place
### How has Reform UK gone so mainstream so fast?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/daniel-trilling-nigel-farage-how-has-reform-uk-gone-so-mainstream-so-fast/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:04:16.000Z
Last week’s local elections were about the Labour Party’s loss of faith in its leader, prime minister Keir Starmer, but they were also about the right-wing insurgent Reform UK winning a shade over 1,400 seats across the country.
Reform feels like the de facto opposition party for much of the United Kingdom outside of the confines of Westminster, which is an incredible feat of smoke, mirrors and mind-capture when you consider the party still has only 8 MPs compared to the 116 seats held by the Conservatives.
To understand just how Reform UK, and its leader Nigel Farage, have effectively driven the political conversation in the UK for the past two years, I caught up with Daniel Trilling, a journalist who has covered the far-right for years and author of the new book, *If We Tolerate This: How the British Establishment Made the Far Right Respectable.*
This interview is an excerpt from openDemocracy’s *In Solidarity* podcast. [Click to listen to the whole interview from our website](https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-the-uk-establishment-normalised-reform/), or find *In Solidarity* wherever you get your podcasts.
**Aman Sethi: We just had local elections where Reform had a really strong showing. How are you reading the local election results?**
**Daniel Trilling:** So this year's local election results, I think the overarching story is actually one of political fragmentation. It's not that long ago that Britain had a very, very stable two-party political system, where the Labour Party and the Conservative Party dominated the landscape. That's broken down in recent years, but it's really accelerated and, and these local elections are a sign of that more than anything else.
I think, you know, we now have five or six party politics, depending on which bit of the country you're in. Both Labour and the Conservatives are really suffering from this. The Conservatives haven't really recovered from their huge defeat in 2024 and Labour are feeling pressure from both left and right because lots of people are just very unhappy about the fact that things in Britain are getting more expensive. There hasn't been this turnaround in the economy or in public services that Labour promised it would deliver when it took power two years ago. And voters have gone to lots of different places now.
Within that, Reform has emerged as the largest party in terms of vote share and they're a right-wing populist party. Like similar parties in other bits of the world, they've built up support by appealing to a mix of traditional conservative voters and traditional Labour voters. They present themselves as a way to punish traditional political elites, which at the moment means Labour, most of all. You know, they're now the largest such party we've ever seen in British politics.
The other thing that’s significant about these elections is that Reform is no longer the only self-described anti-establishment challenger in English politics.
The Green Party, under its current leader Zac Polanski, has taken a sharp left-wing turn and is pursuing a version of what Polanski calls eco-populism. So again, challenging the established political class and trying to mobilise people's discontent over things like the economy as much as it is over environmental policies.
**India went through a period where the dominant Indian National Congress started crumbling. We entered an era of coalition politics and that era was actually seen as a democratising moment. How are you reading the fracturing of the two-party kind of consensus in the UK?**
The answer is quite complicated. You can see this as a moment of democratisation. There is a sense that more is at stake here than there has been for quite a long time. Local elections in England, in particular, are not usually considered glamorous or exciting or even that controversial.
And I would say that these local elections, I don't think I've ever seen people so engaged politically about them. So at least fleetingly, it has kind of reinvigorated democracy. The two big problems you have with that, though, are, first of all that in England, these are elections for administrations without much political power.
And then the other problem that complicates this and stops it from being simply a process of democratisation is that we have got, in most parts of the country, a First Past the Post voting system. So the results of elections don't accurately reflect the proportion of the votes that have gone to the different parties. The argument in the past was that in a two-party system, first past the post provides stable government, particularly at the national level, because it is a ‘winner takes all way’ of voting. If that was true in the past, it certainly isn't anymore.
**I want to go from here to your new book: *If We Tolerate This: How the British Establishment Made the Far Right Respectable***. **As someone who is not from the UK, I'm fascinated by the idea of the British establishment. Are you part of the Establishment? Am I part of the Establishment? Who's in, who's out?**
It's one of those classic concepts that people always apply to others and would never include themselves in. But it's a useful concept because it refers, first of all, to the established class of politicians that we have running the country.
Britain, like most other wealthy countries over the past 50 years or so, has seen this shift towards a professionalised class of politicians and technocrats. That goes for both the Conservative and the Labour parties.
It refers to the people who run the institutions that surround formal politics as well. So the media being a huge one there, but also kind of the major cultural institutions of the country \[and\] anywhere where there's this kind of administrative class running public institutions or private businesses.
The reason to think of that as an establishment is not just because that describes a group of people who all have a fair amount of power in the country, but because there is an older tradition in Britain of those people being drawn from a fairly narrow social background. So, you know, the kind of classic establishment life trajectory would've been to go to one of the English private schools, perhaps even a boarding school. If people are familiar with John le Carre spy novels, he is a keen observer of that traditional British establishment. These were the people who were trained from a young age to administer the country, administer the British Empire in the days of the British Empire and so on. So the senior levels of the civil service running government departments, but also the BBC, major art galleries, all of these things.
In recent years, particularly from the nineties onwards, there was a sense that Britain should be more of a meritocracy and that we should still have an elite, but that it should draw from a wider range of the population. That's happened a bit, but if you look at, for example, t[he reports done by the Sutton Trust](https://www.suttontrust.com/our-research/elitist-britain-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net), the British elite are still drawn heavily from the same kinds of narrow backgrounds as in the past.
So the media is overwhelmingly staffed by wealthy white people, many of whom share that kind of traditional establishment background. The reason why this all matters politically – apart from more general questions about opportunity and social mobility – is that cultures that come from fairly narrowly drawn backgrounds will tend to develop certain habits and attitudes and ways of behaving over time.
I think what we have seen in Britain, and what I've tried to show in my book, is how these ways of behaving have contributed to the political problems that have allowed far-right politics in various forms to first gain a foothold and then become quite a significant influence on British political life.
**One of the things I sensed when I moved to the UK four years ago was that the UK, like India, has a punitive state. A state whose connection with its citizens and the people that it administers is, in some sense, still feudal.**
You are absolutely right to pick up on that, and oddly, I think it's something that's got much more pronounced in the last few decades as well.
So there's this idea of English people having sort of inherent rights, you know, this idea of the Freeborn Englishmen and that people should have their liberty, and the state shouldn't be overbearing and so on.
And parallel to that has been an acceptance, almost kind of unremarked on, that the state has got this right to interfere in your business and fine you and threaten you with punishments for things. I do find it interesting how we in the UK have almost got used to holding them both in our heads at once, even though they're quite contradictory.
The mentality I think in Britain is it's always about somebody else, not you. You know? Well, we should have strict rules for say, well, I mean, this is the biggest of them all at the moment, immigrants who don't follow. There should be punishments for people like that, but also for working-class citizens who don't behave well. Antisocial behaviour, as it's called in policy terms, is a thing that needs to be cracked down on with punitive, restrictive measures.
So this kind of mix of the state should stay out of our lives, but also people should follow the rules and it is terrible if they don't and they should be punished for it is, I think it's very present in British culture.
**It's really interesting that you juxtapose these two ideas because it almost feels like, while reading your book, that this is the friction on which you see a kind of populist far-right upsurge. I'm really interested in your reading of Nigel Farage because he's this guy who doesn't follow the rules, but of course, at the same time, is constantly talking about how, you know, immigrants need to follow the rules.**
**From my perspective, he seems like one of the most consequential politicians of his generation, and I've also been really surprised to realise how much he's accomplished by being in opposition. As I understand, this is someone who has never actually been in government.**
You are right that Farage is one of the most influential politicians of his generation. He has done that through pioneering methods of working outside the mainstream. He has also had a big helping hand from the mainstream, which is kind of going back to this idea of the establishment, in that his ideas and his style and his rhetoric have been heavily favoured by media outlets.
He works very well as a form of entertainment, but also the political themes that he really pushes on are the perennial themes of Britain's right-wing press as well. And. I think he absolutely embodies what we've just been talking about. This kind of dual mentality that he's very good at tapping into.
A huge part of Farage's appeal over the years has been exactly the fact that he's not a mainstream politician. Farage is from an elite background, he was privately educated at Dulwich College, which is one of the leading London private schools, he was then a city trader, you know, made a decent amount of money for a city trader. His father was a stockbroker. So he comes from a section of the affluent upper-middle class.
**The Establishment…**
Yeah, in some ways the establishment, but at the same time, both in his persona and his political stances, he has cast himself as antagonistic to the establishment figures that we see at the top of politics. Some of that, I think, is his ability to tap into these ideas of Englishness.
Something that I think came out very strongly, from a recent biography of Farage written by the political journalist, Michael Crick, was that Farage got his start in politics in the 1990s, campaigning against British membership of the European Union, when that was a really unpopular cause. Basically, at that point, it was fringe right-wingers and nobody else. It meant he had to spend years going up and down the country, talking to people in person at public meetings, small town hall meetings, which at the time the emerging professionalised political class was moving away from.
The other politicians of his generation, and particularly the ones that are a bit younger, didn't cut their political teeth doing that. They probably had a start in student politics at their university. Then they went to work for an MP or a think tank. Then they got a seat in Parliament, and so their whole kind of political life has been through these professionalised organisations, whereas Farage did a much older school version of politics, which is to go out and talk to people and kind of argue with them.
So he's got this very good sort of sense for the parts of the public that he wants to connect with, and one part of that is his kind of libertarian postures. You know, he's kind of this boozy, fun-loving, libertarian. That is the kind of persona that he encourages, and that kind of plays into some of these ideas about English liberty.
It's a kind of, ‘We are sick of the nanny state telling us to stop smoking and eat our five a day fruit and vegetables’ and all of these kinds of things while at the same time being happy to propose extremely authoritarian measures for certain groups of people in society. So he's, he's tapped into that very well.
I think the other part of it is that he also understands the English attitudes to racism, national identity, and right-wing politics very well.
There is a settled understanding in Britain that, you know, ‘Racism is a thing of the past. There was maybe some unpleasantness in the past, but we don't want to dwell on that. But we can all agree now that that's bad, that being racist is bad.’
So no one would ever want to be thought of as racist. In fact, being accused of being racist is almost worse than a racist act itself.
That's the everyday understanding of it. And so if you are trying to form a project that is coming from the right wing margins of politics (which when I use the term far right, I'm trying to refer to all of the different things that you would see on the right that sit outside the traditional mainstream) you have to be very careful to tread that line and stick within the kind of common understanding of racism and common attitudes towards it.
One thing that Farage has done from quite early on in his political career was make it very clear that he himself, and the movements he was part of, had nothing to do with the fascist tradition in British politics. So the tradition of parties that were directly inspired by the ideas of Hitler and Mussolini and sought to revive a version of that in, in their own time. There is that tradition in Britain and at one point it was the more prominent part of the far right.
So when I started off as a journalist in the late 2000s, my earliest reporting was on a party called the British National Party, who come from that fascist tradition but adopted a version of right-wing populism. They softened their public message and started campaigning for elections, but they never dropped their underlying beliefs.
Farage by contrast, doesn't believe in any of that stuff. You know, he's got this commitment to democracy, at least as a kind of idea, and to working within the electoral system.
But at the same time, he stands for something that I would argue is racist and divisive. I think he's got a narrow idea of what English identity is and should be. He is happy to stress the fact that he doesn't mind what your background is or what skin colour you are and so on — so that's kind of anti-racist in one sense — but I would argue quite a superficial sense.
And at the same time, he is quite happy to indulge in ways of behaving politically that single out and vilify particular groups of people on the basis of their backgrounds in a way that ultimately casts them as inherently different from the rest of us.
The kind of anti-immigration politics that Reform has pursued is not racist in that crude sense but it is doing all of these other things that I think are actually inherent to racism and racist politics.
But Farage knows very well how to tread that line of mainstream respectability while at the same time I think pushing things further to the right. That's the process that we've seen as his political movement has grown. And as other things outside of parliamentary politics have grown, the whole discourse around immigration, race, identity, perhaps even gender, more recently, have been moving kind of further and further, right.
**I want to stay with this because I think you're touching on something very interesting. On the one hand there is the idea that the way to fight the far right is to fix the country. If we fix it, there will be no space for the far right.**
**On the other hand, as you kind of talked through Farage's career, one can't keep escaping this question of immigration. There is a simplistic way of reading this question of immigration, which maybe I have also been guilty of, which is to say, this is just race.**
**Is this just racism? As I read your book, there seems to be something slippery here that I'll be honest, I just can't quite put my finger on.**
It's tricky. This book is the result of my thinking about this and writing about this for a long time and trying to figure it out myself. I think the thing that oddly gets kind of left out of conversations about far-right politics and right-wing populist politics is the fact that they're all very heavily nationalist.
Before it is about anything else, this is about nationalism, which is always about collective identity. It's a way of talking about who we are.
Right-wing nationalism and particularly what comes from the far right, which is a more radical spin on ideas of national identity, is on the one hand, seeking to redraw the boundaries of who belongs and who doesn't more narrowly, but also has this very heavy dose of an idea that the idea that there is a threat to the nation and that it's somehow existential.
When you look at this new wave of far-right populism around the world, immigration is not always the central point of their campaigning. It wasn't in Brazil for Bolsonaro, I don't think it has been with the Hindu nationalists in India.
But what is always there is this idea that the nation is under threat and there needs to be some kind of radical action taken to exclude the threat or to silence some kind of internal enemy, some kind of anti-national.
So immigration in the UK stands in for all of these other issues as well.
There has \[also\] been a decline in the ability of politicians and of our cultural institutions, like media institutions, to talk about people collectively in a way that actually makes sense to most people living in the country.
There was one point in Britain's not so distant history when there was a very powerful alternative way of thinking about ourselves collectively — or at least for a large proportion of the population — which was through the Labour movement and the Labour Party.
The Labour party wasn't just a form of retail politics that sought to appeal to voters based on what the opinion polls told them and what focus groups said they wanted and so on. But the Labour party was a thing that emerged from mass trade union membership and people from lots of different kinds of backgrounds, and in lots of different parts of the country, thinking of themselves as part of a single working class that had common interest. There's been a huge decline in that.
Other factors, like the fact that Church of England attendance has fallen hugely in the last 50 years. And there was a time when in the parts of the country where the Conservative party was very strong, so-called Middle England, where being a member of your local conservative association and going to church every Sunday was just, you know, a routine part of life for many, many people. These forms of collective life have declined.
The situation we're in now is that as we are faced with much more serious economic and social pressures, the ability to form political movements that give people a collective voice seems to be very much weakened.
Attitudes to immigration in Scotland are very similar to attitudes to immigration in England. So the idea that Scotland is this kind of progressive paradise where everybody uncomplicatedly welcomes immigrants is not true. If you look at polling long term, and as you've seen in the recent elections, people there were prepared to vote for Reform in fairly large numbers this time around.
Yet Scottish nationalism has not had a strong anti-immigration component to it in the way that British and English nationalism has done. That's because people have made it into a political project where they have found a way to connect with people, and get at least a decent chunk of Scottish people to think about themselves collectively in a way that says, ‘Our collective identity is that we are more progressive than the Westminster political elite. And we are more welcoming to immigration, to immigrants than the UK national political culture is.’
But that just shows you, it's kind of there to be made rather than an automatic process.
**Towards the end of the book, you talk about ways in which one can push back. Something that I think is animating a lot of thinking on the progressive side is: If these are long historical processes, then is the answer that one waits out a long historical process? You suggest there are ways to hasten this kind of reckoning and perhaps move forward.**
I am not somebody who sees history as a kind of long, unfolding, inevitable process. And so I absolutely think if we wait for it to change, it won't change. It will get worse.
But you have to recognise the longer-term processes in order to think about where you intervene to push things back.
The kind of long-term answer is we need to be talking about ways in which we can make ourselves feel more empowered but also preserve the principle that we can be collective, but also diverse. Coming together and working as a collective does not mean excluding people who don't fit.
The way that you actually achieve that politically is through reconnecting politics with things that are material concerns in people's lives — not because they are real and identity isn't, but because you don't really have any authority to talk about identity and talk about collective belonging unless people are convinced that you actually are part of their lives already.
The kind of key political thing here in the UK at the moment is that by this autumn, food prices are going to be 50% higher than they were when Russia invaded Ukraine at the start of 2022\. We're all aware that that's happening.
But the right-wing populists like Nigel Farage are very quick to pick up on these things. And because they've already got that authority to speak for the people, at least with a certain section of the population, they can move quickly on this.
A counter to this has to be rooted in those same concerns that people have. Well, how are we going to make sure that things cost less and intervene in ways that will do this without dividing people in the UK further? The established political class are stuck in this loop that they've been stuck in for several decades, where any kind of meaningful intervention in the economy is regarded as either extremist or just something they wouldn't even conceive of.
Where I see signs of hope emerging are political movements, you know, actually within parts of the Labour Party, but also outside Labour with the Greens; the nationalists in Scotland and Wales who take a more progressive stance.
Then finally – this something that takes a while – you know, building new political projects.
In terms of responding to the growth of Reform or the growth of far-right politics outside of Parliament, these political projects themselves are weak and contradictory. They succeed when people are too scared to confront them, and there is a value in just standing up and saying, ‘We reject this way of doing things politically’, and people have done that repeatedly, and it has had effects.
So after the 2024 riots in response to the Southport murders, you had a huge outpouring of opposition to the rioting and those attempts to attack asylum seekers and attack mosques and so on, and it really did change the tone of things within a few days.
Another way where Reform has a big potential weakness at the moment is that they've won all of these seats in local government, they've won control of several dozen councils around the UK. Now they have to make decisions about where resources are gonna go and they're promising people completely contradictory things. Holding them to account for their decisions is something that all of us can do by informing ourselves about what's going on, where we live, and you know, complaining or campaigning about it.
So I think there is plenty to do in both, like the short and the longer term.
### Cadena perpetua para niños, trabajadores de datos contra Palantir y OnlyFans se mete con la crisis climática
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/cadena-perpetua-para-ninos-trabajadores-de-datos-contra-palantir-y-onlyfans-se-mete-con-la-crisis-climatica/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T08:53:18.000Z
### En la edición de esta semana:
- Bebés en prisión: El costo infantil del régimen de excepción en El Salvador
- Los profesionales de datos del Sistema Nacional de Salud de Inglaterra en pie de guerra contra Palantir
- OnlyFans: Una campaña apela al humor y a la parodia del porno para hablar del clima
- La escritora y bloguera africana Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah reflexiona sobre la memoria, el peligro y la lucha social
- ¿Está acabado el bipartidismo de laboristas y conservadores en el Reino Unido?
Hola. La edición de hoy viene con todo, en contenido y en un diseño nuevo y más ágil, así que te invito a *scrollear* y a seguir leyendo.
Nadie debería nacer en una cárcel, y menos criarse en ella. En nuestro [artículo de portada](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-infancia-prision-perpetua-derechos-humanos-bukele/), **Euan Wallace** y **Martina Mariano** nos cuentan de una beba de nueve meses que vio la luz en una prisión de máxima seguridad de El Salvador, donde sigue recluida junto a su madre. Sin visitas, sin cargos.
Quizás oíste en estos días hablar de Palantir, la compañía de la vigilancia, la persecución de inmigrantes y los ataques a civiles, porque su fundador Peter Thiel hizo un viaje de intenciones opacas a Argentina.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Niñez encarcelada por el régimen de excepción de El Salvador
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-infancia-prision-perpetua-derechos-humanos-bukele/
Last updated: 2026-06-25T09:04:04.000Z
La noche del 19 de febrero de 2025, la policía despertó a Rosalina González, de 59 años y madre de tres hijos, en su casa de Chilamates, una zona rural del noroeste de El Salvador. Ella vio cómo se llevaban a sus dos hijos adultos y a su nuera embarazada. "Apenas ella tenía como dos meses de embarazo", dice.
Los tres fueron acusados de estar vinculados a las pandillas. "Mis hijos eran de trabajo", dice González, quien hasta el día de hoy defiende con firmeza su inocencia. "Mis hijos son honrados, así se lo digo, no porque sean mis hijos. Acá podría dejar hasta un billete en esta mesa y ellos no lo tocaban".
La nieta de González nació unos meses después en la penitenciaría de Izalco, una prisión de máxima seguridad en Sonsonate, en el oeste de El Salvador, con un[ historial documentado](https://dplf.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/GIPES-El-Salvador-en-la-encrucijada-crimenes-de-lesa-humanidad-bajo-la-politica-de-seguridad-publica-Informe-2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de torturas y abusos. La bebé, que ahora tiene nueve meses, sigue recluida allí con su madre, su padre y su tío.
Acusados de agrupación ilícita – un cargo habitual utilizado bajo el régimen de excepción que rige en El Salvador para encarcelar a personas por supuestas conexiones con pandillas –, los hijos y la nuera de González no han sido condenados por ningún delito.
Sin embargo, al igual que a miles de personas detenidas por el régimen de excepción, se les niega el derecho a comunicarse con alguien fuera de la prisión.
Aunque González denunció la detención de sus familiares ante la Procuraduría para la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos, no ha habido avances en el caso.
“¿Qué hizo el bebé? Eso es lo que se pregunta uno”, dice Sylvia Portillo, suegra del hijo menor de Rosalina González. "Los bebés no tienen nada que ver".
El[ ](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-journalists-human-rights-defenders-persecution-exile/)[régimen de excepción](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-bukele-represion-regimen-de-excepcion-derechos-humanos-persecucion-exilio-cristosal-ruth-lopez/), que el gobierno de El Salvador impuso el 27 de marzo de 2022, permitió detener y encarcelar a más de 90.000 personas, entre ellas los hijos y la nuera de González.
La medida, que sigue vigente, suspendió derechos constitucionales fundamentales con el declarado objetivo de desmantelar redes criminales que ejercían un poder considerable en el país centroamericano.
Rosalina González, cuya nieta de nueve meses nació en la cárcel de Izalco y sigue detenida. Sus dos hijos y su nuera (madre de la niña) también están en esa prisión | Euan Wallace/democraciaAbierta
El régimen permitió operar cambios sin precedentes en El Salvador. El presidente Nayib Bukele, que se autodenominó "el dictador más *cool* del mundo" en su perfil de X, presume ahora de un supuesto[ índice de aprobación del 94%](https://elsalvadorinfo.net/nayib-bukele-approval-rate/?ref=opendemocracy.net), mientras que la tasa de homicidios del país pasó de ser[ una de las más altas](https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/insight-crime-homicide-round-up-2015-latin-america-caribbean/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de América Latina a la [más baja de la región](https://www.statista.com/statistics/947781/homicide-rates-latin-america-caribbean-country/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Pero Bukele es blanco de críticas generalizadas de organizaciones de derechos humanos, que afirman que el régimen de excepción propició un alarmante retroceso democrático y una explosión de detenciones arbitrarias y muertes bajo custodia.
[El precio de resistir a Bukele en El Salvador: Cárcel, asedio y exilioPeriodistas, defensoras de la tierra y de los derechos humanos enfrentan en El Salvador la disyuntiva de exiliarse para seguir hablando o quedarse y arriesgarlo todoopenDemocracyAndrés Dimas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-bukele-represion-regimen-de-excepcion-derechos-humanos-persecucion-exilio-cristosal-ruth-lopez/)
Entre las personas arrastradas por la ola de detenciones se encuentran miles de niños y mujeres embarazadas.
"Tenemos el caso de los niños que han nacido en la cárcel, que sus madres fueron capturadas embarazadas; hay otros niños que han muerto por falta de atención médica en la cárcel", dice a democraciaAbierta el activista Samuel Ramírez, fundador del Movimiento de Víctimas del Régimen de Excepción ([MOVIR](https://movirsv.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net)). “Por más que la familia, la abuela pedía que se lo devolvieran, no se lo devolvieron".
En febrero, el Comité de las Naciones Unidas para la Eliminación de la Discriminación contra la Mujer (CEDAW)[ expresó su profunda preocupación](https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/02/un-womens-rights-committee-publishes-findings-argentina-czechia-el-salvador?ref=opendemocracy.net) por las condiciones de las mujeres embarazadas en el sistema penitenciario salvadoreño, y subrayó la falta de atención pre y posnatal adecuada, así como un entorno inadecuado para niñas y niños detenidos.
Al menos [cuatro bebés murieron](https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/02/un-womens-rights-committee-publishes-findings-argentina-czechia-el-salvador?ref=opendemocracy.net) debido a las[ malas condiciones y a la escasa atención médica](https://www.elsalvadornow.org/2024/06/21/state-of-exception-robbed-everything-from-baby-genesis-el-regimen-de-excepcion-le-arrebato-todo-a-genesis/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en las cárceles, con causas que incluyen neumonía e insuficiencia hepática.
No se sabe cuántos bebés están creciendo en el sistema penitenciario salvadoreño, pero más de 3.000 niñas y niños han sido detenidos bajo el régimen de excepción, según un[ informe de Human Rights Watch](https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2026/country-chapters/el-salvador?ref=opendemocracy.net). Algunos, que fueron liberados, han[ relatado](https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/07/16/your-child-does-not-exist-here/human-rights-abuses-against-children-under-el?ref=opendemocracy.net) que sufrieron torturas y malos tratos mientras estaban bajo custodia.
La abogada defensora Lucrecia Landaverde recuerda vívidamente los primeros días del régimen de excepción.
"Cuando empezó, allá en marzo de 2022, se hicieron capturas masivas sin ningún control", dice Landaverde a democraciaAbierta. "\[En nuestro despacho\] parecíamos una clínica de salud, donde 24 horas llenísimo de gente llorando en la sala de espera porque les habían capturado a niños pequeños".
Landaverde cree que muchos de los niños detenidos nunca tuvieron nada que ver con las pandillas. Describe el caso de un adolescente de 13 años que fue detenido por negarse a compartir su pollo frito con unos agentes de policía.
“Capturaron al niño, le quitaron el pollo y lo llevaron preso y lo acusaron de agrupaciones ilícitas; y se comieron el pollo", dice.
En marzo de este año, un grupo internacional de expertos[ acusó al gobierno de Bukele](https://elpais.com/america/2026-03-10/asesinatos-tortura-y-desapariciones-un-grupo-de-expertos-acusa-al-gobierno-de-bukele-por-crimenes-de-lesa-humanidad-ante-la-onu.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) de crímenes contra la humanidad, incluido el encarcelamiento de menores.
Pero el régimen no parece que esté dando marcha atrás.
El 26 de abril entró en vigor[ una reforma](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/4/15/el-salvador-publishes-law-allowing-life-sentences-for-minors-as-young-as-12?ref=opendemocracy.net) que introdujo la cadena perpetua para menores de tan solo 12 años por delitos como homicidio, feminicidio, violación y pertenencia a una banda criminal. Antes de esta reforma, los adolescentes de entre 12 y 15 años podían recibir una pena máxima de 10 años por pertenencia a pandillas, y de hasta 20 años si tenían entre 16 y 18 años. Esos límites ya no existen.
La medida generó "[profunda preocupación](https://www.unicef.org/es/comunicados-prensa/declaracion-conjunta-comite-derechos-ninos-unicef-prision-perpetua-adolescentes-salvador?ref=opendemocracy.net)" de UNICEF y del Comité de los Derechos del Niño de la ONU que, en una declaración conjunta, advirtieron que "contraviene los principios consagrados en la Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño".
En El Salvador, hay quienes ven este endurecimiento como parte de la continua represión de Bukele contra la libertad de expresión. "Este es un mensaje para la juventud, que nadie tiene que llevarle la contraria al régimen, nadie tiene que expresarse aquí", dice Samuel Ramírez.
Lucrecia Landaverde teme que el cambio sea especialmente peligroso en un sistema judicial que, según ella, ya está muy sesgado contra los acusados. Muchos salvadoreños, asegura, han sido condenados exclusivamente en base al testimonio de un agente de policía o de un ‘testigo colaborador’, un miembro de una banda condenado al que se le ofrece reducción de la pena a cambio de testificar a favor de la fiscalía.
“El premio consiste en que le disminuimos la sentencia o hasta perdonamos sus delitos a cambio de que nos ayude a testificar y a señalar a todos, sin importar que se esté inventando todo", afirma Landaverde. "El delincuente se protege él y protege a los suyos, a los de su familia, y empieza a señalar a gente que ni conoce".
Este tipo de testimonios, argumenta Landaverde, rara vez se examinan adecuadamente. La abogada asegura que un juez llegó a solicitar su detención durante una audiencia pública porque ella interrogó a un testigo de la acusación.
"Es muy probable que niños inocentes van a terminar con cadena perpetua", dice.
La nieta de seis años de Rosalina corre por la casa sin terminar de su abuela. Los dos hijos de Rosalina la estaban construyendo cuando los detuvieron | Euan Wallace/democraciaAbierta
Rosalina González pasa gran parte de su tiempo sola, sin poder visitar ni hablar con sus familiares detenidos. "Lo que siente uno que se está muriendo por dentro", dice. "Me destruyeron la vida. Me destruyeron mis hijos".
González vive en el esqueleto de la casa que sus hijos estaban levantando cuando los arrestaron. Sin nadie que continúe la obra, la sala principal sigue sin techo.
Ella está en lo que una vez fue el dormitorio de su hijo menor. Con cuidado, saca algunas de sus pertenencias de una bolsa de plástico y las coloca en fila sobre la cama. Contra una pared cuelga una fotografía del joven, junto a una colección de juguetes infantiles y dibujos de su hija de 6 años.
La niña, ahora al cuidado de su otra abuela Sylvia Portillo, está de visita en la casa de González.
"Mi papá siempre me quitaba el sombrero cuando me lo ponía, para jugar”, recuerda la niña. Ella no conoce a su prima, la bebé de nueve meses.
Se desliza por el piso de tierra de la sala sin techo, saltando alegremente entre las franjas de sol y sombras que forman las vigas. De una mano le asoma un abanico rosado. Bailando de puntillas sobre el polvo, lo usa para taparse la cara ante un público imaginario.
Adentro, la abuela vuelve a guardar las pertenencias de su padre.
democraciaAbierta envió preguntas a la presidencia de El Salvador sobre los abusos del régimen de excepción y las críticas a la detención de bebés y niños y a la prisión perpetua para niños desde 12 años, pero no obtuvo respuestas.
---
*Euan Wallace es periodista y fotógrafo independiente. Su trabajo se centra en los derechos humanos y la crisis climática en América Latina. Actualmente reside en Bogotá, Colombia.*
*Martina Mariano es periodista independiente y aspirante a antropóloga, y reside en Bogotá, Colombia. Su cobertura es sobre derechos humanos y migración.*
### Beyond Westminster’s chaos, a new grassroots left is taking shape
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/keir-starmer-labour-leadership-challenge-jeremy-corbyn-your-party-grassroots-community-organising/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:56:42.000Z
A week after the Scottish and Welsh national elections and the English local council votes, the political state of the UK, as seen from Westminster, is one of near chaos, and a leadership challenge against Keir Starmer is now well-nigh certain.
In England, at least, it’s clear the party-political system has moved markedly to the right. While this is largely due to Reform’s success in recent years, it is also down to Labour vacating the left with the consequent lack, at least for now, of a socialist alternative.
Within the Labour Party, serious critiques of our current neoliberal economic model, and the era of runaway wealth it has created, are mostly lacking, bar a few notable exceptions from some of the 30 or so left-wing Labour MPs who have survived the expulsions and candidate selections of the past few years. Clive Lewis, for example, wrote [a striking analysis](https://x.com/labourlewis/status/2053538238384787606?s=66&ref=opendemocracy.net) of some of the problems facing the UK on X this week.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### In 1949, Britain killed 21 miners in Nigeria. Their families are still seeking justice
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/in-1949-britain-killed-21-miners-in-nigeria-their-families-are-still-seeking-justice/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:57:07.000Z
In late 1949, a group of coal miners in Enugu, the Nigerian city that was then the administrative capital of the British Eastern Region, launched a ‘go-slow’ protest, significantly reducing their productivity. Their grievances: poor working conditions, a poor welfare package, and unpaid salaries.
It was not their first rodeo. The miners had taken part in a country-wide general strike over the cost of living four years earlier, protesting in solidarity with workers from other industries. Back then, the colonial authorities had responded by locking the miners out of the mines, fearing they would seize control of the highly lucrative coal production.
This time, in 1949, the miners occupied and picketed their workplace. They were insistent that the colonial authorities listen. They were unarmed.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### In Sudan war, the best emergency response is driven by local community
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/in-sudan-war-the-best-emergency-response-is-driven-by-local-community/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:57:53.000Z
In April 2023, Nala’s life was turned upside down when the war broke out in Sudan, leaving the 45-year-old struggling to get enough food for her three children. By winter 2025, the conflict had escalated, and the family’s situation was worsening. Nala had been hit by shrapnel, causing injuries that left her unable to seek help for her youngest son, who was quickly losing weight.
The kindergartner was facing the most life-threatening form of hunger – severe acute malnutrition – a condition that now impacts more than 700,000 children under the age of five in Sudan, where the war entered its third year last month.
Nala eventually managed to get her son enrolled on one of the 114 UN World Food Programme-funded therapeutic feeding programs for children facing acute malnutrition. With this and medical follow-ups, he reached a healthy weight. For now, Nala’s family is no longer facing the most acute stages of famine.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### How the UK Establishment Normalised Reform
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/how-the-uk-establishment-normalised-reform/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:48:14.000Z
| [ Listen on Spotify ](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) | [ Listen on Apple Podcasts ](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net) |
| ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
Is Reform fascist, far-right or merely right wing? And do we really need to get into this?
Our guest on this episode, thinks we should: Daniel Trilling is a journalist, a long-time openDemocracy contributor, and the author of a new Book: [If We Tolerate This: How the British Establishment Made the Far Right Respectable.](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781037411571?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Daniel has spent decades covering the wild west of right-wing politics in England— from the fascists to the conservatives.
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### Parodiar el porno para hablar de la crisis climática en OnlyFans
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cambio-climatico-onlyfans-entretenimiento-activismo-porno-jessica-riches/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:58:23.000Z
Una mujer en ropa interior se pinta los labios frente al espejo, aparentemente ajena a que la están mirando. Cuando vislumbra a alguien merodeando atrás de una puerta, suspira con picardía. "Pasa, no seas tímido. ¿Qué te parece un poco de charla picante?", le dice provocativa. "¿Y de qué nivel de picante estamos hablando, exactamente? Porque puedo ser tan asquerosamente sucia como para usar palabras prohibidas por el Gobierno de EEUU”.
Corte a la siguiente escena: la mujer está de rodillas, amordazada. "Cambio climático", murmura. "Descarbonización. ¡Energía limpia!".
Quizás ya adivinaste que no es la típica película porno, y que Jessica Riches no es la típica modelo de OnlyFans. Estas son algunas de las palabras que la administración de Donald Trump ha eliminado de los sitios web del gobierno estadounidense, explica Riches a continuación. Otras, dice otra vez amordazada, son "sostenible", "verde" y "emisiones".
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Inglaterra: Informáticos del Sistema Nacional de Salud contra Palantir
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/palantir-peter-thiel-sistema-nacional-salud-inglaterra-trabajadores-datos-vigilancia-derechos-humanos-privacidad/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:22:49.000Z
Como trabajadores de datos del Sistema Nacional de Salud (NHS, en inglés), vemos de cerca las fallas de la Plataforma de Datos Federada. Por eso hemos lanzado una carta abierta para luchar contra ella
La Plataforma Federada de Datos (FDP, en inglés) del NHS de Inglaterra, creada y gestionada por Palantir Technologies, supone un riesgo para la confianza de los pacientes, el bienestar del personal, la calidad de los datos, la soberanía nacional y la integridad a largo plazo de la infraestructura de datos del Sistema Nacional de Salud.
Nosotros lo sabemos bien porque somos quienes trabajamos en ella.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### We’re NHS analysts organising together against Palantir. Here’s why
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/nhs-england-palantir-federated-data-platform-open-letter-analysts-together/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:23:00.000Z
NHS England’s Federated Data Platform, built and run by Palantir Technologies, poses risks to patient trust, staff wellbeing, data quality, national sovereignty and the long-term integrity of NHS data infrastructure.
We should know, we’re the people working on it.
That’s why NHS Analysts Together has [launched an open letter](https://airtable.com/app2EkMuWiTwY5u3g/pagipjlFRxcXonQM7/form?ref=opendemocracy.net) on the FDP and Palantir Technologies, open to all data and digital workers in NHS organisations to sign with their name or anonymously. We believe we must collectively express our serious professional, ethical and practical concerns over the software – before it is too late.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Qué pueden aprender los movimientos sociales de su propia historia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/nana-darkoa-sekyiamah-africa-activismo-luchas-sociales-historia-aprendizaje/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:23:12.000Z
En medio de una ola mundial de reacción violenta contra los derechos y la autonomía corporal, los movimientos sociales están abocados a una adaptación urgente, casi siempre sin margen para pensar sobre lo que realmente funciona.
Gran parte de los medios que cubren las luchas sociales siguen reduciendo el activismo a historias individuales o “victorias” bien definidas, incluso cuando las propias activistas rechazan esos marcos interpretativos.
Esta entrevista forma parte de un esfuerzo de openDemocracy por intentar algo diferente: tratar a los movimientos no solo como objetos de reporteo, sino como fuentes de conocimiento, y sacar a la luz el pensamiento práctico de las luchadoras sociales para gestionar los riesgos, construir poder y entender diferentes contextos en tiempo real.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### This moment is bigger than Starmer vs. Streeting vs. Burnham
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/this-moment-is-bigger-than-starmer-vs-streeting-vs-burnham/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:23:18.000Z
British society has three years to fend off a far-right election victory. It is important to be clear about what such a victory could entail: a gutting of social welfare, a rollback of abortion and LGBTQ rights, a militarisation of the police, masked paramilitaries bundling citizens into unmarked vans and spiriting them away to incarceration centres beyond the reach of the law, and security forces firing at, and occasionally killing, those who have the temerity to protest.
Each of these actions, it is important to acknowledge, will be conducted with the tacit, and sometimes explicit, approval of a significant section of the electorate. That is, at least until some of them, as individuals, find themselves caught in the unnervingly violent enactment of policies that sounded quite anodyne on paper: reducing crime, cutting wasteful spending, empowering the police, controlling immigration, restoring national pride, making Great Britain great again.
These are not paranoid fantasies. They are the actions of governments run by the democratically elected Republican Party in the United States and India’s Bharatiya Janata Party, which was once democratically elected and has since disembowelled most institutions of democracy. Will Reform be any different in power? It is not worth taking the risk to find out.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Guarantee our right to support, modern slavery victims urge MPs
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/modern-slavery-labour-conservative-epstein-mandelson/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:23:25.000Z
As an embattled Labour government faces growing pressure to deliver on its promises in the wake of last week’s elections, victims and survivors of modern slavery are urging MPs to act on a long-standing injustice: the barriers that prevent trafficking survivors from rebuilding their lives.
MPs are being asked to sign a [pledge](https://afterexploitation.com/sign-the-pledge-hear-survivors-support-survivors-mps-organisations-businesses-campaigners/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to introduce law changes to protect survivors’ rights to mental health, legal, housing and other forms of support, as part of a campaign backed by anti-slavery and migrant rights organisations, including After Exploitation, Anti-Slavery International, and International Justice Mission.
The campaign comes in the same week the Home Office made it harder for survivors to access support by updating government guidance in a manner that could penalise those who do not disclose their exploitation quickly enough.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### OnlyFans meets the climate crisis: can shock tactics cut through?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/onlyfans-meets-the-climate-crisis-can-shock-tactics-cut-through/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:23:31.000Z
A woman applies lipstick in the mirror in her underwear, seemingly unaware she’s being watched. Catching a glimpse of somebody loitering outside the door, she sighs, smirking. “Come on in, don’t be shy. How do we feel about a little dirty talk?” she teases in a sultry voice. “And how dirty are we talking, exactly? Because I can be so frickin’ filthy, I’ll even say words that are banned by the US government.”
Cut to the next scene, the woman is on her knees, gagged. “Climate change,” she murmurs. “Decarbonisation. Clean energy!”
You may have guessed this isn’t your typical porn film, and Jessica Riches isn’t your typical OnlyFans model. These are (a few of) the words that Donald Trump’s administration has removed from US government websites, Riches goes on to explain. Others, she says, gag back on, include “sustainable”, “green” and “emissions”.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Reino Unido: Elecciones locales marcan el inicio de una crisis para el Estado
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/reino-unido-elecciones-locales-marcan-el-inicio-de-una-crisis-para-el-estado/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:23:39.000Z
Aún no lo sabemos todo sobre las elecciones locales parciales del 7 de mayo en el Reino Unido. Pero está claro que Escocia y Gales eligieron gobiernos independentistas, liderados respectivamente por el Partido Nacionalista Escocés (SNP) y Plaid Cymru, mientras que en Inglaterra, Reform fue el gran ganador. En todo el Reino Unido, los Verdes lograron resultados sorprendentes, incluyendo al menos dos alcaldías de distrito en Londres, sus primeros escaños en el Parlamento galés y sus primeras circunscripciones en Escocia.
Los conservadores y los laboristas, los dos principales partidos del Estado británico en los últimos 100 años, se enfrentan ahora a crisis existenciales. Ambos han perdido cientos de concejales – y, con ellos, arraigo local y activistas en las comunidades – en toda Inglaterra, así como parlamentarios en Escocia y Gales. La mayor parte de estas derrotas fue frente a políticos de partidos ajenos al bipartidismo tradicional.
Los conservadores, alguna vez un partido con profundas raíces en todo el Reino Unido, han sido reemplazados como la principal fuerza de la derecha por Reform.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### ¿Sobreviviremos a la desinformación?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/sobreviviremos-a-la-desinformacion-2/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:40:31.000Z
Hace algunas semanas, publiqué una investigación que me llevó meses. La historia de una campaña de propaganda rusa para inocular contenidos en medios argentinos.
El escándalo que siguió da algunas pistas sobre el estado del periodismo y de los medios de comunicación.
Resulta elocuente que el primer impacto fuera la tergiversación de lo que publicamos.
Como en un juego de espejos, los mismos medios que aceptaron y publicaron sin el mínimo control editorial artículos de autores ficticios suministrados por terceros, se lanzaron ahora a publicar versiones distorsionadas, e incluso falsas, en un intento de defenderse.
[Seguir leyendo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-desinformacion-medios-vulnerabilidad-wagner-propaganda-influencia-politica-periodismo-milei/)
Nadie quiso hablar de la facilidad con que cualquier actor malintencionado puede colocar contenidos en los medios, sin que sus responsables se den cuenta siquiera, porque han abandonado los principios del periodismo mientras recortan salarios, reducen el personal y prescinden de correctores, editores y verificadores.
¿Será así como se defiende el periodismo?
¿Será así como se lo defiende ante un gobierno como el de Javier Milei que, aprovechando el momento, lanzó ataques, insultos y amenazas a los periodistas?
¿O será minimizando el daño causado por la desinformación porque, al fin y al cabo, la campaña rusa fue torpe y pasó sin pena ni gloria?
En el análisis que publicamos esta semana, cerramos esta investigación – que partió de una filtración masiva de documentos – sobre operaciones de interferencia política lanzadas por una red de operadores rusos en [Bolivia](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/bolivia-rusia-luis-arce-evo-morales-vladimir-putin-propaganda-injerencia-wagner-prigozhin/) y [Argentina](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-propaganda-medios-periodismo-milei-ucrania-putin-trump-prigozhin/). También agregamos datos nuevos y explicamos por qué es necesario, bajo las reglas del buen periodismo, resguardar los documentos filtrados.
Mil gracias al consorcio de medios que formamos con The Continent, Forbidden Stories, All Eyes On Wagner, Dossier Center, iStories y varios periodistas independientes de habla rusa porque sin colaboración, este trabajo no hubiera sido posible.
[Seguir leyendo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-desinformacion-medios-vulnerabilidad-wagner-propaganda-influencia-politica-periodismo-milei/)
Casi exactamente un año atrás, cubrí el **juicio internacional contra Perú** por las [**esterilizaciones forzadas**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/) que el régimen de Alberto Fujimori cometió contra decenas de miles de mujeres en la década de 1990\. Fue revelador presenciar cómo los representantes de un país democrático intentaron defender aquellas políticas criminales.
[Seguir leyendo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/)
El juicio concluyó, y hace unas semanas, la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos [condenó](https://www.corteidh.or.cr/docs/comunicados/cp%5F17%5F2026.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) a Perú por el padecimiento y la muerte que le causaron a una de esas mujeres, Celia Ramos Durand. También ordenó reparar a sus hijas, que eran niñas cuando quedaron huérfanas por la muerte de su madre. Miles de casos siguen pendientes. La crónica de aquella audiencia es también la crónica de una década terrible en Perú. Te invito a leerla.
Y, como siempre, gracias por leernos.
Diana Cariboni, editora para America Latina
[Argentina: Desinformación rusa expuso la fragilidad estructural de los mediosLa desinformación nunca es inofensiva. La que inocularon operadores rusos en decenas de medios argentinos reveló un flanco que sigue abiertoopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-desinformacion-medios-vulnerabilidad-wagner-propaganda-influencia-politica-periodismo-milei/)
[Perú: 30 años después, primer juicio internacional por esterilizaciones forzadasMiles de mujeres fueron esterilizadas bajo coacción, presiones o engaños, alegan las demandantes en el primer juicio internacional que enfrenta Perú por uno de estos crímenesopenDemocracyDiana Cariboni](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-esterilizaciones-forzadas-celia-ramos-durand-fujimori-derechos-sexuales-reproductivos-juicio-corte-interamericana/)
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
[ ¡Queremos conocer tu opinión y tus ideas! Escribinos ](mailto:info.demoabierta@opendemocracy.net)
*democraciaAbierta es un medio de noticias independiente y sin fines de lucro, que se especializa en un periodismo de investigación de alta calidad que cuestiona al poder, inspira cambios y fomenta la visibilidad y el liderazgo de grupos subrepresentados en los medios. Con sede en Londres, tenemos equipos de trabajo en tres continentes.*
### Reform rises, Starmer setback, plus a terrifying use of ChatGPT
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-090526/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:40:40.000Z
## In this week's issue
- Land grabs linked to East African Crude Oil Pipeline result in violent evictions
- How digital tools and AI are reshaping sexual violence against children
- Paul Rogers: Netanyahu’s regional conflicts risk spiralling beyond control
- Adam Ramsay: Election results mark the end of Westminster’s political system
- As the war against Iran puts oil at the centre of global concerns, a new intergovernmental coalition is seeking to accelerate the energy transition outside the COP system
Our publishing schedule means the results of the elections in England, Scotland and Wales are still trickling in as I type, but it is clear that Keir Starmer’s government remains deeply unpopular. The prime minister has insisted that he is not going away, but that hasn’t stopped MPs from his own party calling for his resignation. We’ll have more detailed analyses for you in the coming days, but personally, I’ve been thinking a lot about the difference between vision and plans, between leadership and management.
It is hard to escape the feeling that Labour has an abundance of managers with plans and an absence of visionary leadership. Pundits are reading the successes of Reform and the Greens as a sign of the death of the two-party system but, having lived through the political churn of Indian politics, I would only say that party systems and loyalties are far more robust than political observers assume. Maybe Starmer should step down, but whoever comes next had better have a compelling vision for an increasingly sceptical electorate.
For openDemocracy alumnus Adam Ramsay, though, the results – including the pro-independence wins in Scotland and Wales – reveal not just a headache for Starmer, but a constitutional omnicrisis for the UK. He’s written for us this week about why he believes Westminster’s political system is finished.
Meanwhile, as Starmer has learnt, the world doesn’t just stop when you need a break.
As the US-Iran war continues to drive up fossil fuel prices, our cover story this week reveals how the hunger for new sources of oil has resulted in a brutal land-grab in Uganda. Our months-long investigation, which uncovered a network of private developers working in cahoots with politicians and military elites to violently evict villagers from their ancestral lands, was so sensitive that we are withholding the name of the reporter for safety reasons.
Meanwhile, representatives of 57 countries, who account for almost half of global GDP, met last week in the Colombian coastal city of Santa Marta for the First Conference on the Just Transition Away from Fossil Fuels. To little surprise, the US, China, India and Russia were not at the conference. But as the representative from Panama, Juan Carlos Monterrey Gómez, told openDemocracy, “When you make a plan, you first call your closest friends, and then you send the invitation to the rest.”
Still on the subject of Iran, oil and war, openDemocracy’s defence columnist Paul Rogers notes that Israel’s continued attacks on Palestinians and neighbouring countries have created an “insecurity trap” for itself. While the world fixes its attention on Iran, Israel continues to kill and maim Palestinians from Gaza to the West Bank.
Finally, take a moment to read openDemocracy journalist Angelina de los Santos’s explosive report on how sexual predators are using ChatGPT to groom and manipulate children online. Angelina spoke to police investigators, public prosecutors and experts to dig into the disturbing case study of a supermarket security guard who used the AI chatbot to prepare scripts to win the confidence of hundreds of teenage boys across Latin America.
Thank you, as ever, for reading openDemocracy. In a world of hot takes and speculative theories, there are vanishingly few publications that still invest in original reporting and rigorous expert analysis as we do. So if you like our reporting, do consider making a contribution.
**Aman Sethi, Editor-in-Chief**
---
[‘We were left with nothing’: Inside Uganda’s brutal oil rushWomen tell of being violently evicted from burning homes amid land grabs linked to new East African Crude Oil PipelineopenDemocracyAnonymous author](https://www.opendemocracy.net/east-african-crude-oil-pipeline-uganda-brutality-evictions-hoima-land-grabs/)
The populist playbook has a clear target: The independent media that hold them to account. At openDemocracy, we don’t have billionaire owners to protect us—we only have readers like you.As progressive media comes under increasing pressure from the authoritarian playbook, we need our readers more than ever.Help us survive the hostile environment ahead. Please become a regular supporter today so we can be here tomorrow.
[Become a regular supporter ](#/portal/account/plans)
[How digital tools and AI are reshaping sexual violence against childrenA criminal case in Uruguay exposes how online games and AI chatbots are reshaping global online sexual exploitationopenDemocracyAngelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/online-games-chatgpt-sexual-abuse-children-uruguay-luis-carvajal-free-fire/)
[Iran and Gaza: How Netanyahu created Israel’s insecurity trapAs the US president searches for a diplomatic win, Netanyahu’s regional conflicts risk spiralling beyond controlopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/trump-iran-israel-security-trap-netanyahu-ceasefire-lebanon-hezbollah-gaza-palestine/)
[This election signals a crisis for the British stateAs the Greens, Reform and nationalists in Scotland and Wales make gains, Westminster’s two-party system is finishedopenDemocracyAdam Ramsay](https://www.opendemocracy.net/election-crisis-westminster-reform-greens-labour-conservative-scotland-wales-two-party-system-finished/)
[A new international coalition aims to speed up the phase-out of oilNearly 60 countries launch coalition to accelerate the energy transition against the backdrop of the blockade of the Strait of HormuzopenDemocracyJulian Reingold](https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-oil-fossil-fuels-netherlands-energy-transition-strait-of-hormuz-petro-climate-change/)
---
## Weekly Poll
---
## This week in history
NHS 1948 Informational Leaflet | NHS Archive
**The founding of the NHS — 5 July 1948** *Placed in May as a health and social rights week.* Aneurin Bevan launched the National Health Service on 5 July 1948 — the most significant act of social solidarity in British history. Founded on the principle that illness should not be a financial catastrophe, it was bitterly opposed by the British Medical Association but has since become the institution Britons value most. This week remembers the political will and working-class movement that made it possible.
[Where next for weakened British left after a year of strikes?After a year of strikes and unrest, we are at a crossroads: society is shifting leftwards, but the left is in disarrayopenDemocracyMichael Chessum](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/what-next-for-british-left-labour-strikes-unions-keir-starmer-jeremy-corbyn/)
---
## What we're reading
[**The lack of light, Nino Haratischwili, trans by Charlotte Collins and Ruth Martin**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780063253612?ref=opendemocracy.net)
I read a lot of novels and this was hands down the best novel I read in 2025\. It tells the story of 1980s and 1990s Georgia (in Europe, not the US) through the friendships of four young women, and the photographs of one of the four. It’s a novel about the collapse of the Soviet Union, about war, gangs, poverty and how a country rebuilds. It is also a story about being a girl, a young woman, about female friendship, male violence and patriarchy. I don’t think I have stopped thinking about it since I read it in November and constantly want to read it again. Her previous novel, The Eighth Life, is also worth your attention: a wonderful story about 20th century Georgia, told through the lives of eight generations of women. Best read while eating honey cake and sipping Georgian wine!
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
# Thank you!
If you're reading this then you're amazing! Our work is only possible thanks to your ongoing support. Thank you for believing in what we do and for helping to make the world a better place
### Argentina: Desinformación rusa expuso la fragilidad estructural de los medios
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-desinformacion-medios-vulnerabilidad-wagner-propaganda-influencia-politica-periodismo-milei/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:24:08.000Z
A inicios de abril, openDemocracy [reveló](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-propaganda-medios-periodismo-milei-ucrania-putin-trump-prigozhin/) que una red de influencia política vinculada al Kremlin había actuado en Argentina durante 2024 colocando cientos de artículos en medios de comunicación con el fin de desacreditar al gobierno del ultraderechista Javier Milei.
Lo que siguió se parece mucho a las ficciones que los rusos filtraron en 26 digitales argentinos entre junio y octubre de 2024.
En el ecosistema mediático se impuso una versión reducida y tergiversada de los hechos, que el gobierno aprovechó para [atacar](https://noticias.perfil.com/noticias/politica/el-meme-anti-periodistas-que-compartio-milei-en-sus-redes.phtml?ref=opendemocracy.net) una vez más a los periodistas, [amenazarlos con acciones penales](https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/milei-sobre-campa%C3%B1a-rusa-en-medios-locales%3A-%22vamos-a-ir-hasta-las-%C3%BAltimas-consecuencias%22/91207846?ref=opendemocracy.net) y [retirar acreditaciones](https://latamjournalismreview.org/es/news/gobierno-de-argentina-retira-acreditaciones-a-medios-acusados-de-campana-de-desinformacion/?ref=opendemocracy.net) ante la Casa Rosada, pero no para investigar con seriedad los hechos. Algunos medios la usaron para despedir a periodistas.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### This election signals a crisis for the British state
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/election-crisis-westminster-reform-greens-labour-conservative-scotland-wales-two-party-system-finished/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:24:17.000Z
We don’t know everything yet. But it’s clear that Scotland and Wales have both elected pro-independence governments, led by the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru, respectively, while in England, Reform looks to be the biggest winner of the local elections. Across the UK, the Greens have won astonishing results, including at least two borough mayoralities in London, their first Welsh Senedd seats and their first constituencies in Scotland.
The Conservatives and Labour, the two main parties of the British state for the past 100 years, now face existential questions. Both have lost hundreds of councillors – and, with them, roots and activists in communities – across England, as well as parliamentarians in Scotland and Wales; losing, for the most part, to politicians from parties outside the traditional duopoly.
The Tories, once a party with deep roots across the UK, have been replaced as the main force on the right by Reform. Labour not only failed to win a major Welsh election for the first time in a century, but was reduced to its knees, with first minister Eluned Morgan one of 35 party colleagues to lose her seat as Plaid Cymru and Reform surged, leaving Labour with just nine Senedd members. In English cities, where Labour could once expect to win almost every seat, the party has faced serious challenges from the Greens; in the formerly industrial towns, it has more often been challenged by Reform.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### A sexual predator used online games and ChatGPT to groom young boys
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/online-games-chatgpt-sexual-abuse-children-uruguay-luis-carvajal-free-fire/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:24:25.000Z
***Warning: this article contains descriptions of child sexual abuse***
When the police finally arrested Luis Carvajal, investigators not only found the usual digital tool kit of online predators seeking teenage victims – video games, social media accounts and WhatsApp – but a worrying new addition: ChatGPT.
A 35-year-old Uruguayan supermarket security guard living out of a cramped bedroom in his parents’ house in Canelones, Carvajal contacted hundreds of boys from across Latin America on *Free Fire*, a free mobile game in which up to 50 players compete to be the last player standing, between mid-2024 and March 2025\.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Trump’s Iran U-turn won’t solve Israel’s insecurity trap
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/trump-iran-israel-security-trap-netanyahu-ceasefire-lebanon-hezbollah-gaza-palestine/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:24:33.000Z
Donald Trump’s latest about-turn on the war in Iran is welcome news, if it lasts. In classic Trumpian style, his military posture has flipped from warning Iranians that a “whole civilisation will die” to presenting himself as the man of peace.
It’s possible that this latest instance, the pausing of military action over the Strait of Hormuz, stems from a realisation among some of his advisers that this is a war the US cannot win. More likely, though, it is due to Trump’s visit to China next week.
As November’s midterms near, the US president will want to use his time in Beijing to dominate global headlines as a bringer of peace, not war. Yet the ceasefire is already on shaky ground, with Iran and the US both blaming each other for a [recent clash in the shipping channel](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c626zyywxjno?ref=opendemocracy.net).
_This post is for subscribers only._
### A new international coalition aims to speed up the phase-out of oil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/colombia-oil-fossil-fuels-netherlands-energy-transition-strait-of-hormuz-petro-climate-change/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:24:48.000Z
SANTA MARTA, COLOMBIA — As the US and Israeli war against Iran puts oil at the centre of global concerns, a new intergovernmental coalition is seeking to accelerate the energy transition outside the UN’s climate change convention (COP) system, which has been trying – and failing – to phase out fossil fuels for three decades.
The coalition’s 57 members, who account for almost half of global GDP, met last week in the Colombian coastal city of Santa Marta for the [First Conference on the Just Transition Away from Fossil Fuels](https://transitionawayconference.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net), co-hosted by the governments of Colombia and the Netherlands.
Colombian President Gustavo Petro said the initiative was established after COP30 ended in November with no concrete resolution on phasing out the use of fossil fuels, which account for 75% of global greenhouse emissions. Since then, it has only been made more urgent by the oil crisis created by the Iran war.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Videojuegos y plataformas, un portal hacia el abuso infantil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/videojuegos-y-plataformas-un-portal-hacia-el-abuso-infantil/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:25:09.000Z
Los videojuegos son una parte central de la infancia. Antes, el juego se limitaba a quienes estaban en la misma habitación, ahora niños y niñas interactúan con jugadores desconocidos a través de auriculares o *chats* en vivo.
A medida que el juego pasó de actividad aislada a espacio de socialización global, aparecieron nuevas oportunidades para el abuso. Así, los videojuegos en línea son, cada vez más, el portal hacia delitos de abuso o explotación sexual infantil.
[Seguir leyendo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/uruguay-videojuegos-chatgpt-explotacion-sexual-infantil-openai-meta-tiktok/)
Si el videojuego es el portal, las plataformas de redes sociales o mensajería pasan a ser el escenario o el vehículo de estos delitos.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Potholes, power and broken promises
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-010526/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:41:12.000Z
## In this week's issue
- Investigation: The inside story of Reform UK’s first year in power across England
- Why voters should be wary of Nigel Farage’s promises
- After a tragic death, Nigeria’s queer community is taking action to protect itself
- Paul Rogers: Don’t be surprised if US/Israeli war in Iran drags on for months
- An NHS children’s doctor reveals devastating impact of UK’s sky-high private rents
- Danny Sriskandarajah: As AI disrupts jobs, the future of work needs rethinking, not just reducing
- Betty Kabari examines hypocrisy of ‘pro-life’ Kenyans as court overturns right to abortion
- Book review: *No Second Chances: The Inside Story of the Campaign for a Second EU Referendum* by Morgan Jones
If you live in the UK, I’ll bet you’ve encountered a pothole or two in recent months. They’re annoying wherever you are, but perhaps even more so if you live in one of the ten English councils that Reform has controlled for the past year.
Fixing broken roads was a key promise from Nigel Farage’s party ahead of last year’s local elections. Twelve months on, our senior reporter Sian Norris has investigated how Reform’s first year in office has played out. Spoiler alert: commutes in the likes of West Northants are no less bumpy than this time last year – and things are worsening for residents in other ways, too.
And with voters in Scotland, Wales and much of England preparing to go to the polls next week, Harry Shukman of HOPE not hate is also reflecting on Reform’s year in power – and the scandals that have plagued it.
For many, the NHS and housing will be priorities as they cast ballots. But the two are more closely linked than you might think, writes children’s doctor Amaran Uthayakumar-Cumarasamy, who says “scribbling ‘unaffordable housing costs’ in a patient’s medical notes is now as customary as ordering blood tests”. His piece is a chilling reminder of the ways our record-high rents are already affecting our youngest generations.
Meanwhile, in Nigeria, Tiléwa Kazeem reports on the growing use of “kito” attacks – where queer men are entrapped, assaulted and extorted – and how, in the absence of state protection, some survivors are endangering themselves further in an effort to fight back.
Elsewhere, openDemocracy’s defence correspondent, Paul Rogers, warns that the stalemate in Iran points to many more months of war on the horizon, and as a Kenyan appeals court overturns a right to abortion, lawyer Betty Kabari considers the hypocrisy of the country’s ‘pro-lifers’.
What connects these stories is not just politics, but people – those navigating broken systems or attacks on their rights. The headlines may move on, but their realities don’t – and we’re determined to keep reporting on them. Any support you can offer to allow us to keep doing this work is greatly appreciated.
In the meantime, I hope you all have a lovely weekend, particularly if it’s a long one for you. If you’re in the UK or US, did you know it’s the hundredth anniversary of the weekend? That’s a pretty good time for us all to consider the future of work in the age of AI, writes Danny Sriskandarajah.
As ever, thanks for reading.
**Indra Warnes, Editor**
---
[Broken promises, rising taxes: Inside Reform UK’s first year in powerReform has run councils for a year. As local elections near, we ask: how has the party performed in power?openDemocracySian Norris](https://www.opendemocracy.net/reform-farage-potholes-elections-council-tax-first-year-power/)
Political spin thrives in the dark. We shine a light on it.Whether it’s broken promises on council tax, the gutting of vital local services, or the quiet scaling back of environmental pledges, politicians count on you not paying attention. openDemocracy doesn't look away. Our reporters spend months digging through FOI requests and tracking local data to hold those in power accountable. We don't have billionaire backers, so we rely entirely on readers like you to fund this work.If you believe in journalism that tracks the receipts, please chip in £5 today.
[Voters should be wary of promises made by Nigel Farage’s Reform UKAs votes in Wales, Scotland and much of England prepare to go to polls, we review Reform’s track record over past yeaopenDemocracyHarry Shukman](https://www.opendemocracy.net/reform-uk-nigel-farage-voters-wary-broken-promises-racism/)
[Queer Nigerian men are outing their attackers online – and themselvesWithout police protection, survivors who were lured to fake dates and beaten are using social media to warn othersopenDemocracyTiléwa Kazeem](https://www.opendemocracy.net/nigeria-kito-lgbtq-queer-men-attacked-hilary-ikechukwe-emereole-entrapped-social-media-outing/)
[As Iran war drags on, the danger of a wider conflict risesThe US may well conclude a long war is good for business, despite public costs and looming electionsopenDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/iran-war-stalemate-united-states-israel-donald-trump-wider-conflict-escalate/)
[UK’s unaffordable housing is stunting children’s futuresScribbling ‘unaffordable housing costs’ in a patient’s medical notes is now as customary as ordering blood testsopenDemocracyAmaran Uthayakumar-Cumarasamy](https://www.opendemocracy.net/rent-housing-crisis-endanger-children-nhs-public-health-emergency/)
[As the weekend turns 100, we need to rethink work itselfIn May 1926, workers started to shift to a five day week. But the weekend was always about more than just leisure.openDemocracyDanny Sriskandarajah](https://www.opendemocracy.net/as-the-weekend-turns-100-we-need-to-rethink-work-itself/)
[‘Pro-life’ politics ignores everyday deathKenyan ‘pro-lifers’ celebrate recriminalisation of abortion while staying silent on country’s preventable deathsopenDemocracyBetty Kabari](https://www.opendemocracy.net/politicians-and-churches-mobilise-against-abortion-but-ignore-mass-death/)
---
## Weekly Poll
---
## This week in history
The explosion, the riot, the aftermath | Pictorial West, 1886
**The Haymarket Affair and the Birth of International Workers' Day**
On 1 May 1886, 300,000 workers across the US went on strike demanding the eight-hour working day. Days later, a bomb at a Chicago Haymarket rally led to a wave of repression; eight anarchist organisers were executed or imprisoned in a widely condemned miscarriage of justice. In 1889, the Socialist International declared 1 May International Workers' Day in their memory. May Day became the annual festival of the global labour movement — rooted in the blood of Chicago workers.
[A mass strike in Britain – is this a new era for organised labour?Yesterday’s day of action saw over two million public sector workers take to the streets, in response to far more than the immediate issue of pension reform. Have the trade unions caught the popular spirit of Occupy?openDemocracyLuke Cooper](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocracyuk/mass-strike-in-britain-is-this-new-era-for-organised-labour/)
---
## What we're reading
[**No Second Chances: The Inside Story of the Campaign for a Second EU Referendum - Morgan Jones**](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781785909832?ref=opendemocracy.net)
In a strange way, reading a book about the campaign for a second Brexit referendum, which really ended just over six years ago, feels like reading a missive from the ancient past or outer space – the world has changed so much and so dramatically since the era of indicative votes, endless discussions on the backstop, and “get Brexit done”. And yet, the rows over Brexit have shaped our political reality today in such a profound way, we barely even stop to notice or discuss it anymore. Jones’ book focuses on the failed attempt to secure a second referendum, and in doing so it offers a fascinating insight into British class politics, tribalism, how (not) to do political campaigning, social media and celebrity, how the campaign influences politics today, and so much more. On top of that, it’s laugh out loud funny, which is not what you expect from a book about Brexit!
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
# Thank you!
If you're reading this then you're amazing! Our work is only possible thanks to your ongoing support. Thank you for believing in what we do and for helping to make the world a better place
### UK’s sky-high rents are endangering children. Why won’t government act?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/rent-housing-crisis-endanger-children-nhs-public-health-emergency/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:25:24.000Z
There are patients who stay with you for life. Moments of indelible tragedy when healthcare reaches its limits. Giving chest compressions to Adam\*, a boy rushed in from home who had stopped breathing, is one of those junctures.
Just two days prior, during an admission for wheeze, Adam’s worried parents had reported that the damp in their private-rented home was contributing to his symptoms. Now, here he was, despite the best efforts of staff, lying motionless on the trolley in front of me, his body in a state of physiological chaos, his life support systems in irretrievable failure.
Adam’s untimely death wasn’t just caused by illness – it was the result of conditions that made illness inevitable; the daily violence shaping the lives of millions of children and young people entangled in an unforgiving private rented sector across the UK.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### As the stalemate in Iran drags on, the danger of a wider conflict rises
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/iran-war-stalemate-united-states-israel-donald-trump-wider-conflict-escalate/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:25:31.000Z
The joint Israeli/American assault on Iran is now in a stalemate, according to reports from CNN, the Wall Street Journal and other outlets.
US sources say the Iranian leadership is in disarray and won’t respond to its demands, while Tehran appears to be shifting to a harder position. The new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, who was wounded in an Israeli assassination attempt eight weeks ago, this week [issued a strongly worded statement](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/apr/30/iran-supreme-leader-issues-defiant-statement-on-strait-of-hormuz?ref=opendemocracy.net) that Iran will maintain its control over the Strait of Hormuz shipping channel.
Meanwhile, the position of the US leadership is almost impossible to decipher. In between presenting himself as a celestial doctor, Rambo, or even Jesus Christ, Donald Trump threatens hell on earth for Iran one week, then a naval blockade the next.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### As the weekend turns 100, we need to rethink work itself
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/as-the-weekend-turns-100-we-need-to-rethink-work-itself/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:25:39.000Z
This year marks 100 years of one of the most consequential and widely-felt victories of the labour movement; the weekend. In May 1926 many British workers started to shift to a five‑day week, and later that year Henry Ford entrenched the weekend across his factories in the United States.
As my colleague George Bangham [has shown,](https://www.resolutionfoundation.org/publications/the-times-they-arent-a-changin/?ref=opendemocracy.net)average working hours in the UK have steadily fallen from around 60 hours a week in the late 19th century, to roughly 45 hours a century ago, to about 32 hours today. No wonder [growing numbers of UK workers](https://www.facilitatemagazine.com/content/news/2024/05/13/four-day-week-popular-across-political-spectrum?ref=opendemocracy.net) today are interested in four day weeks and shorter working hours.
But the weekend’s centenary is also a reminder that the 20th‑century economic logic around work is now breaking down. We saw technological change create as many jobs as it destroyed; more people, especially women, moved into paid employment; strong unions protected workers’ interests; rising incomes delivered widespread security and prosperity for workers; and more people with more disposable income created more demand in the economy, creating more jobs and so on.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Voters should be wary of promises made by Nigel Farage’s Reform UK
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/reform-uk-nigel-farage-voters-wary-broken-promises-racism/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:00.000Z
“We get elected, we do what we say,” vowed Gawain Towler, a Reform UK board member, after the party won more than 677 new councillors at last year’s local elections. Other Reform leaders were similarly bullish about their capabilities. “We’re pretty high-agency people,” said Zia Yusuf, then the party’s chair.
So a year on, what’s happened?
Council tax is increasing in every local authority under Reform’s control, contrary to the party’s election leaflets that [unambiguously](https://electionleaflets.org/leaflets/21291/?ref=opendemocracy.net) [promised](https://electionleaflets.org/leaflets/21481/?ref=opendemocracy.net) freezes or cuts. In Worcestershire, it is rising by 9%, an amount so large that it required government approval.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Broken promises, rising taxes: Inside Reform UK’s first year in power
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/reform-farage-potholes-elections-council-tax-first-year-power/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:08.000Z
Broken promises, broken roads, and broken council leadership teams – that’s the outcome of Reform UK’s first year in power, an investigation by openDemocracy reveals.
Twelve months ago, Nigel Farage’s latest party took control of 10 English councils, meaning they now hold a [total of 985](https://opencouncildata.co.uk/councillors.php?p=459&y=0&ref=opendemocracy.net) seats across Britain. Now, as Reform seeks to increase its foothold at elections in other English local authorities and pick up seats in the Scottish and Welsh Parliaments next week, we have examined its track record in office, finding that it failed to deliver on its pledges across the board.
Reform is still a young party, founded in 2022\. To win so many seats after just three years – and on a promise to do things ‘differently’ – demands scrutiny, particularly when early polls suggest they could win government at the next general election.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### 'A scar on our world': openDemocracy readers on the US-Iran war and more
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/a-scar-on-our-world-opendemocracy-readers-on-the-us-iran-war-and-more/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:15.000Z
openDemocracy receives so many carefully considered messages about our work that it seems a shame to keep them to ourselves. Each week, we share some of the most thought-provoking comments from our readers.
Send us your thoughts for next week’s round-up by replying directly to any of our emails or commenting on our articles or [Instagram posts](https://www.instagram.com/open%5Fdemocracy/?hl=en&ref=opendemocracy.net).
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length, and aren’t necessarily a reflection of openDemocracy's editorial position.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Una nueva coalición internacional busca acelerar el abandono del petróleo
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/una-nueva-coalicion-internacional-busca-acelerar-el-abandono-del-petroleo/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:23.000Z
SANTA MARTA, COLOMBIA - Mientras la guerra de EEUU e Israel contra Irán volvió a poner el petróleo en el centro de las preocupaciones, se lanzó en Colombia una coalición de 57 países (que suman casi el 50% del PBI mundial) para acelerar la transición energética por fuera del sistema de la ONU.
La [Primera Conferencia para la Transición más allá de los Combustibles Fósiles](https://transitionawayconference.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net) se celebró en la ciudad de Santa Marta, sobre el mar Caribe colombiano, entre el 24 y el 29 de este mes, organizada por los gobiernos de Colombia y Países Bajos. Entre [los participantes](https://transitionawayconference.com/participants?ref=opendemocracy.net) están Brasil, México, Nigeria, Reino Unido, Francia y la Unión Europea como bloque, además de pequeños estados insulares del Caribe y el Pacífico Sur.
El objetivo no es establecer nuevas metas de reducción de gases de efecto invernadero, sino “impulsar y acelerar la implementación de las metas ya acordadas” mediante “la reducción de la dependencia económica de los combustibles fósiles, la transformación de la oferta y la demanda y el avance de la cooperación internacional”, según el [comunicado final del encuentro](https://static1.squarespace.com/static/68dc91a7e566d74a91e8e22d/t/69f2979327f294060a2cb53d/1777506195819/TAFF+Conference%5FCo-host+Takeaways%5FDEF.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Politicians and churches mobilise against abortion, but ignore mass death
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/politicians-and-churches-mobilise-against-abortion-but-ignore-mass-death/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:30.000Z
The right to life in Kenya is often treated as if it begins at conception and ends at birth. As in much of the world, self-described ‘pro-lifers’ claim to defend life at all costs – yet too often stop short of defending the lives already being lived, and those cut short too early.
Last month, Kenyan authorities [exhumed at least 33 bodies](https://khrc.or.ke/press-release/kericho-mass-grave-raises-fears-of-unaccounted-deaths-official-failures/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – along with four legs and two hands – from a mass grave in Kericho, in the west of the country; eight were adults and 25 newborns, foetuses and infants. The discovery of this mass, illegal grave is reminiscent of 2024, when an [unknown number of bodies](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c51y21lz606o?ref=opendemocracy.net) were dumped in a quarry in Kware. Seven were women, while the rest were reportedly too badly mutilated to be able to determine gender.
Before that, in 2023, authorities exhumed [429 bodies](https://www.knchr.org/Articles/ArtMID/2432/ArticleID/1191/KNCHR%E2%80%99s-MONITORING-FINDINGS-OF-THE-SHAKAHOLA-TRADEGY-%E2%80%9CMASHAKA-YA-SHAKAHOLA%E2%80%9D?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Shakahola, and at least [19 bodies](https://icj-kenya.org/news/there-is-a-need-to-accelerate-investigations-on-the-bodies-found-in-river-yala/?ref=opendemocracy.net) were found near River Yala between 2020 and 2022\. We also remember Denzel Omondi, a student who went missing in the citizen-led protests in June 2024, whose body was found a week later, and the more than 250 Kenyans, mostly men and boys, killed by police, the army and government-sponsored militia during and after the protests of 2024 and 2025\.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Queer Nigerian men are outing their attackers online – and themselves
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/nigeria-kito-lgbtq-queer-men-attacked-hilary-ikechukwe-emereole-entrapped-social-media-outing/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:41.000Z
Almost a year ago, in August 2025, Hilary Ikechukwu Emereole, a 23-year-old queer man, boarded a bus in the Nigerian city of Owerri and travelled one hundred kilometres south to Port Harcourt, where he had arranged to meet a friend at a hotel.
Emereole later told close friends that this meeting was a trap.
The two men went up to a room together. After a few minutes, Emereole’s supposed friend said he was going to get them some drinks. He returned with several other people. They turned up the television volume and began assaulting Emereole, eventually knocking him unconscious and stealing his personal items. His ‘friend’ contacted his family to demand a ransom. If he was not paid in ten minutes, he told them, Emereole would be killed.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### ‘We were left with nothing’: The brutal reality of Uganda’s oil rush
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/east-african-crude-oil-pipeline-uganda-brutality-evictions-hoima-land-grabs/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:26:55.000Z
In an unfinished church in Biso, a town in western Uganda, in January last year, dozens of villagers gathered on rough wooden benches, anxiously awaiting updates from their lawyer. Women huddled together in a corner on the right, a few cattle-keeping men sat apart with their herding sticks, and children crammed outside the door.
Everyone shared the same grievance. Two years earlier, on 10 February 2023, hundreds of people in Kapaapi and Runga, two neighbouring villages, had awoken to the sound of gunshots, the screams of their neighbours and the smell of their thatched roofs burning.
The villagers believed the attacks had been orchestrated by a network of private developers and political and military elites, who had conspired to violently seize ancestral land from over 500 families in Hoima District. Their motivation? A cut of the oil rush brought by the impending East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), Uganda’s first new oil pipeline since commercially viable oil deposits were confirmed in the region in 2006.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### El espejismo de la pobreza en Argentina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-espejismo-de-la-pobreza-en-argentina-2/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:41:43.000Z
En 1992, Argentina tenía una proporción de pobres de 30%. El país llevaba menos de una década de recuperación de la democracia y en esos nueve años ya había pasado una crisis de hiperinflación.
Hubo momentos en que la pobreza se redujo a 28, 27, 26%. También pasó al 60% con el desplome económico y social de 2001-2002\. Pero la mayor parte de los 43 años transcurridos en democracia, el índice estuvo arriba de 30%, con frecuentes subidas a 40% y más.
Se trata de una tragedia estructural, que es inherente a cómo existe y funciona la Argentina.
En 2024, primer año del gobierno de Javier Milei, se llegó a 52,9%. Ahora sabemos que en el segundo semestre del año pasado, hubo una caída marcada, hasta 28,2%, en buena medida atribuida al freno de la inflación.
Pero cualquiera que viva en Argentina sabe que esta cifra oculta más de lo que revela.
En general, los gobiernos de turno muestran poco entusiasmo en mejorar las herramientas para conocer y medir las dimensiones de las carencias y vulnerabilidades que afectan a una parte muy importante de la población.
En 2007, se decidió una intervención política del órgano estadístico INDEC, que duró hasta 2015\. En esos años se manipularon las cifras de inflación, y eso, lógicamente, alteró las mediciones de pobreza.
La cosa se puso tan fea que el INDEC dejó de publicar el índice de pobreza en 2013\. Solo en 2016 volvió a haber mediciones profesionales e independientes.
Pero esto no garantiza que lo que se mide refleje de la manera más transparente la realidad.
En Argentina, Chile y Uruguay hace ya tiempo se veía la necesidad de actualizar la estructura y composición de las canastas de bienes y servicios, cuyos costos determinan los índices de pobreza y de indigencia por ingresos y que reflejaban realidades de consumo de hace 20 o 30 años.
Uruguay lo hizo en 2025\. Y eso implicó reconocer que, bajo el nuevo método, la pobreza ya no medía 8,3%, sino 17,3%, más del doble.
Chile aplicó una actualización similar, y amaneció este año con un índice de 17,3%, menor que la última medición con el método viejo, que en 2022 había arrojado una pobreza de 22,5%.
Argentina está lejos de un sinceramiento parecido, y de cualquier intento de mejora metodológica.
Al contrario, el [artículo de **Florence Evans**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-baja-pobreza-milei-recortes-datos-ollas-comunitarias-comedores-infancia/) que publicamos en esta edición expone cómo las políticas de Milei han asfixiado o destruido dispositivos que ayudaban a hacer visible la pobreza y otras formas de sufrimiento social, “convirtiendo el hambre, la violencia y la precariedad en hechos concretos, cuantificables y políticamente organizados”.
[Milei redujo la pobreza en Argentina, pero el logro maquilla la realidadLa baja de la inflación en Argentina redujo el porcentaje de personas que viven en la pobreza, pero las cifras no cuentan la historia completaopenDemocracyFlorence Evans](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-baja-pobreza-milei-recortes-datos-ollas-comunitarias-comedores-infancia/)
---
Si notaste algo diferente, es cierto y estamos felices: estrenamos sitio web, un nuevo diseño concebido para facilitar la lectura y un logo renovado. Ojalá te guste tanto como a nosotras. Hasta la semana que viene.
Diana Cariboni
Editora de América Latina
[Suscribite a nuestra newsletter](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletters/opendemocracy-espanol-democraciaabierta-newsletter-email-espanol/)
[¡Queremos conocer tu opinión y tus ideas! Escribinos ](mailto:info.demoabierta@opendemocracy.net)
### Videojuegos e IA, nuevas herramientas para la explotación sexual infantil
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/uruguay-videojuegos-chatgpt-explotacion-sexual-infantil-openai-meta-tiktok/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:27:11.000Z
*Este es el tercer artículo de una investigación sobre tácticas, redes y perfiles de perpetradores de trata y explotación sexual en la región más poblada de Uruguay, los departamentos de Montevideo y Canelones.*
***Advertencia: este artículo contiene descripciones de abuso sexual infantil***
En el mundo de los videojuegos en línea, donde los jugadores compiten o colaboran por un objetivo, un ‘diamante’ puede comprar un traje nuevo, un arma más poderosa o un personaje exclusivo. Para niños, niñas o adolescentes, es un bien codiciado. Para un depredador sexual, es la moneda de cambio perfecta.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Starmer’s smoke and mirrors, Iran's resilience, and our new look!
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/weekly-email-010426/
Last updated: 2026-06-17T20:42:01.000Z
**In this week's issue**
- Revealed: Shadowy corporate consultancy rakes in record profits after Keir Starmer hires its former boss, who is still entitled to six-figure dividend
- Paul Rogers: Far from Trump’s ‘easy win’, a radicalised and resilient Iran has fought the US-Israeli alliance to a stalemate
- Data suggests Milei’s government has significantly reduced poverty in Argentina. But look deeper, and the stats reveal something more sinister
- Human trafficking has no borders, so why is UK government creating a two-tier system for foreign national victims?
- Bernadett Sebály tracked Hungary’s resistance for years. Here’s what he thinks others can learn from Orbán’s defeat
- Sex, power and backlash in Africa: An extract from Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah’s new book *Seeking Sexual Freedom*
- Plus, Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah tells openDemocracy what movements can learn from their own histories
- Podcast: Arthur Snell exposes the terrifying new geography of global conflict and how humanity can adapt to survive it
---
If you, like me, often wonder how Keir Starmer’s government scores own-goals with such frequency, read Ethan Shone’s story on the secretive intelligence firm Hakluyt & Co. in this week’s newsletter.
If Peter Mandelson is the Prince of Darkness of British Politics, Hakluyt is the Kingdom of Smoke and Mirrors. Since Labour’s win, the firm, set up by retired British spooks, has seen its top people leave for key positions in government: Olly Robbins was at Hakluyt before his catastrophic turn as Starmer’s Foreign Office chief, and its former managing partner, Varun Chandra, is still the PM’s senior-most business adviser. Over the same period, the firm’s business (as Ethan’s reporting reveals) has been booming.
Longtime openDemocracy contributor Paul Rogers continues to write incisively about the unravelling of American power in the Persian Gulf. Will Iran go down as the latest of a series of unwinnable wars for the United States? This latest column suggests that might just be the case.
In our podcast, Sian Norris interviews Arthur Snell to discuss his new book *Elemental: The new geography of climate change and how we survive it*.
openDemocracy’s movements’ editor, Nandini Archer, has been interviewing political activists, academics and movement leaders from around the world to understand what it takes to defend democracy. This week, she spoke with Bernadett Sebály, a political scientist at the Central European University, to unpack lessons from Péter Magyar’s surprising victory in the elections in Hungary. (Are you an activist or a progressive organiser? Write to us if there are specific perspectives or subjects you are interested in, and we’ll try to find the right person in a subsequent column.)
There is a lot more packed into this week’s edition, but I want a take a moment to share some exciting news: After several months of work behind the scenes, we have just unveiled our new website (the address remains the same) with a spruced up new layout to make it easier easier for you to access all our exciting journalism and our incredible archive of stories dating back to the early 2000s.
I’ll share more news as we continue to add features, but for now, a big thank you to each of you for your steadfast support. The new website also makes it much easier for you to become a recurring contributor to support our journalism. (Just saying!)
**Aman Sethi, Editor-In-Chief**
---
[Labour-linked consultancy saw record UK growth after boss left to work in No 10Plus, the firm’s former boss Varun Chandra is entitled to six-figure payout, despite working for StarmeropenDemocracyEthan Shone](https://www.opendemocracy.net/www-opendemocracy-net-hakluyt-varun-chandra-keir-starmer-record-uk-business-number-10-labour/)
Mainstream media often acts as a megaphone for politicians driving us toward endless war. We don't. openDemocracy answers only to our readers — which is why we can publish fearless, anti-imperialist analysis like this.If you rely on us to cut through the political spin, please chip in £5 today to keep our journalism independent.
[Iran war: Ceasefire exposes limits of US-Israeli pressureBy extending the pause in fighting, Donald Trump admits that Iran is in a strong bargaining position – so what next?openDemocracyPaul Rogers](https://www.opendemocracy.net/iran-war-ceasefire-exposes-limits-us-israel-pressure-trump-hesgeth-netanyahu/)
[The silent hunger: What Argentina’s falling poverty missesMilei’s cuts have reduced the number of people living in poverty, but the data doesn’t tell the whole storyopenDemocracyFlorence Evans](https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-poverty-falling-milei-cuts-data-missing-community-kitchens-children/)
[Human trafficking has no borders, neither should protectionUK government must not create two-tier system for trafficking victims to access support based on country of originopenDemocracyKamena Dorling](https://www.opendemocracy.net/human-trafficking-has-no-borders-neither-should-protection/)
[Hungary’s election: a breakthrough – but not a simple winWe spoke to Bernadett Sebály, who has tracked Hungary’s resistance for years, on the vote – and what others can learnopenDemocracyNandini Naira Archer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/hungarys-election-a-breakthrough-but-not-a-simple-win/)
[Sierra Leone to Ghana: How the backlash is reshaping sexAn extract from Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah’s new book Seeking Sexual FreedomopenDemocracyNana Darkoa Sekyiamah](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/backlash-sex-power-africa-book-extract/)
[What movements can learn from their own historiesNana Darkoa Sekyiamah on memory, risk and organising beyond backlashopenDemocracyNana Darkoa Sekyiamah](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/nana-darkoa-sekyiamah-movements-history-learning/)
[The Climate Wars: How Superpowers Are Carving Up the Earth | With Arthur SnellWhat do melting Arctic ice, a war for farmland in Ukraine, and the panic of Gulf petro-states have in common? Arthur Snell exposes the terrifying new geography of global conflict and how humanity can adapt to survive it.openDemocracyIn Solidarity Podcast](https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/the-climate-wars-how-superpowers-are-carving-up-the-earth-with-arthur-snell/)
---
## Weekly Poll
### Will the United States and Iran reach a deal?
---
## This week in history
**Birth of the Irish Republic* by Walter Paget
### The Easter Rising, Dublin
On Easter Monday, 24 April 1916, around 1,200 Irish Volunteers and Irish Citizen Army members seized key buildings in Dublin and proclaimed the Irish Republic. The Rising was quickly suppressed, but the execution of its leaders by British authorities transformed public opinion in Ireland — and made independence a mass cause. It remains one of the most studied anti-colonial rebellions in European history.
[The Easter Rising and the Soviet Union: an untold chapter in Ireland’s great rebellionIn a previously undocumented corner of history, research in old Soviet archives shows the extent of the USSR’s interest in Ireland’s Easter Rising.openDemocracyBrendan McGeever](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/easter-rising-and-soviet-union-untold-chapter-in-ireland-s-great-rebellion/)
---
## What we're reading
### [Indignity, Lea Ypi](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780241661925?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Ypi’s reimagination of her grandmother’s life is both moving and fascinating. It opens with Ypi arriving at Albania’s state archives, after a photo of her grandmother on honeymoon goes viral online. She has so many questions, not least about the struggle for memory and truth and reconciliation in a country that endured dictatorship. What follows is a fascinating retelling of her grandmother’s life, bringing in the final days of the Ottoman empire, revolutions, wars, the rise of communism, repression and authoritarianism – as well as shifting borders, and a meditation on the meaning of (in)dignity. One of those brilliant books that help you to understand a vast complex political history, but through a very personal and moving family narrative. [Ypi’s previous memoir, Free](https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780141995106?ref=opendemocracy.net), is also a must!
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter*
---
### El espejismo de la pobreza en Argentina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/el-espejismo-de-la-pobreza-en-argentina/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:27:21.000Z
En 1992, Argentina tenía una proporción de pobres de 30%. El país llevaba menos de una década de recuperación de la democracia y en esos nueve años ya había pasado una crisis de hiperinflación.
Hubo momentos en que la pobreza se redujo a 28, 27, 26%. También pasó al 60% con el desplome económico y social de 2001-2002\. Pero la mayor parte de los 43 años transcurridos en democracia, el índice estuvo arriba de 30%, con frecuentes subidas a 40% y más.
[Seguir leyendo](https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-baja-pobreza-milei-recortes-datos-ollas-comunitarias-comedores-infancia/)
Se trata de una tragedia estructural, que es inherente a cómo existe y funciona la Argentina.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Trump’s ceasefire extension exposes limits of US-Israeli pressure on Iran
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/iran-war-ceasefire-exposes-limits-us-israel-pressure-trump-hesgeth-netanyahu/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T15:27:26.000Z
The US-Israeli war on Iran has reached an unexpected pause. An easing of tensions between Washington and Tehran now extends to Donald Trump changing his mind yet again and extending the informal ceasefire deadline. His motive is allegedly to allow the Iranian government more time to agree to a proposal that meets US requirements, but it is also an admission that Iran is in a strong bargaining position.
There are complications, though. One is that while the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) maintain control of the Strait of Hormuz, US armed forces are blockading Iranian ports to stop commercial shipping. The aim is to put such pressure on Iran’s weakened economy that the leadership in Tehran will quickly accept US terms. That’s unlikely.
While a few days ago, Iranian sources were suggesting that they might loosen their control of the Strait of Hormuz, any progress in that direction has now been halted until the US maritime blockade is lifted. Only then might Iran participate in negotiations on a settlement.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### El hambre silenciosa: lo que oculta la baja de la pobreza en Argentina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-baja-pobreza-milei-recortes-datos-ollas-comunitarias-comedores-infancia/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:13:17.000Z
A fines de marzo, el gobierno de Argentina celebró la mejora en el índice de pobreza: según el INDEC, el organismo oficial de estadísticas, el [28,2% de la población](https://www.infobae.com/economia/2026/03/31/la-pobreza-registro-una-nueva-baja-fue-de-282-en-el-segundo-semestre-de-2025-y-afecto-a-135-millones-de-personas/?ref=opendemocracy.net) era pobre en el segundo semestre de 2025, una baja marcada respecto del 52,9% de 2024.
El presidente Javier Milei recurrió a las redes sociales para festejar lo que consideró un éxito. “LA POBREZA SIGUE BAJANDO. Dato, no relato”, [escribió en X](https://x.com/JMilei/status/2039060260644638830?ref=opendemocracy.net), y agregó: “MAGA! \[Make Argentina Great Again\]”.
En la Argentina de Milei, la idea de “dato, no relato” desempeña un papel central en la forma en que el gobierno reconfigura la narrativa sobre la reducción de la pobreza. El “relato” se presenta como manipulación, mientras que los “datos” se presentan como neutrales. Lo que se mide, importa; lo que no se mide, no existe.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### The Climate Wars: How Superpowers Are Carving Up the Earth | With Arthur Snell
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/the-climate-wars-how-superpowers-are-carving-up-the-earth-with-arthur-snell/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:48:53.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
The climate crisis is changing the way nations think about food, energy, resources, war and peace. Melting ice caps are opening up new trade routes fought over by the world's great powers, conflicts are waged over food and mineral resources, shifting climates are fuelling migration – and Donald Trump says it's all just a scam.
Join Arthur Snell as he discusses his new book *Elemental: the new geography of climate change and how we survive it*. Spanning conflict in the Sahel, Russia's war in Ukraine, the US coveting Greenland, NEOM in Saudi Arabia, and China's energy push, Snell explores how the climate crisis is now in every part of our politics. But while there is much to concern us here, there's hope too. The world faces various futures, and it can adapt and respond to the realities of a changing climate.
Buy Elemental: The New Geography of Climate Change and How We Survive it
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Bukele, un ‘milagro’ que no funciona en democracia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/bukele-el-salvador-maras-democracia-derechos-humanos-exilio-persecucion-estado-de-excepcion/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:13:31.000Z
El Salvador, un país de territorio pequeño y algo más de seis millones de habitantes, acaba de cumplir cuatro años bajo el régimen de excepción.
No es una dictadura, al menos no en las formas porque se sigue votando. Pero se parece mucho: las garantías constitucionales están suspendidas y la policía o el ejército pueden detener a cualquiera sin orden judicial.
La justificación para vivir sin libertades fundamentales parece ser que El Salvador nunca las tuvo. Vivió una guerra civil sangrienta entre el ejército y guerrillas campesinas – 75.000 muertos entre 1980 y 1992, más de 6.200 por año –, un proceso de paz que prometió mucho y dejó poco, y terremotos y huracanes que hicieron todo mucho peor.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### The silent hunger: What Argentina’s falling poverty misses
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-poverty-falling-milei-cuts-data-missing-community-kitchens-children/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:13:42.000Z
At the end of March, Argentina’s government celebrated a dramatic fall in the poverty rate: 28.2% of the population is now living under the poverty line, down from a [peak of 52.9%](https://www.batimes.com.ar/news/argentina/poverty-climbs-to-529-in-argentina-affecting-almost-25-million-people.phtml?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 2024, according to INDEC, the official statistics agency.
President Javier Milei [took to social media](https://x.com/JMilei/status/2039060260644638830?ref=opendemocracy.net) to cheer the purported success. “Poverty keeps falling. Fact, not narrative,” he wrote on X in Spanish, adding: “MAGA \[Make Argentina Great Again\]!”
In Milei's Argentina, the idea of ‘fact, not narrative’ does significant work in reshaping how the government frames poverty alleviation. ‘Narrative’ is cast as manipulation, while ‘facts’ are presented as neutral. What gets measured matters, and what doesn’t get measured does not exist.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Human trafficking has no borders, neither should protection
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/human-trafficking-has-no-borders-neither-should-protection/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:13:53.000Z
By the time Ella arrived in the UK, she had been trafficked and sexually abused multiple times in multiple countries. She suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, suicidal ideation, and had significant difficulties knowing who she could trust.
A decade ago, Ella was forcibly conscripted into military service in Eritrea as a young woman, escaping only when a relative helped her flee to Sudan while she was receiving medical treatment. There, an agent arranged work for her as a housekeeper, caring for children. But she was never allowed out alone and was not paid. She was later moved to another house where other young women “like her” were being held. The agent and his men repeatedly sexually assaulted her.
After several months, Ella escaped with the help of a man she had befriended and travelled to Libya. At the Libyan border, she was detained by police and imprisoned for seven months, where the guards physically and sexually assaulted her. After escaping prison, she was forced to work unpaid as a housekeeper for two months to cover the costs of onward travel. She later travelled to Italy and then to the UK.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Hungary’s election: a breakthrough – but not a simple win
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/hungarys-election-a-breakthrough-but-not-a-simple-win/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:14:10.000Z
For more than a decade, Hungary has been held up as a case study in democratic backsliding under Viktor Orbán – a system often described as an ‘informational autocracy’, where elections remain but the media and public sphere are tightly controlled.
Now, after a historic electoral defeat for Orbán’s Fidesz earlier this month, the mood is shifting. But whether this moment marks a clean break, a fragile opening, or something more complicated is still an open question – especially for those who have spent years organising under pressure.
At openDemocracy, we are also trying something slightly different. Rather than covering movements only through moments of visibility or ‘wins’, this series is an attempt to document what organisers are actually doing, learning and grappling with in real time – the strategies, tensions and trade-offs that rarely make it into traditional reporting, but are often the most useful for others organising elsewhere.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Labour-linked consultancy saw record UK growth after boss left to work in No 10
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/www-opendemocracy-net-hakluyt-varun-chandra-keir-starmer-record-uk-business-number-10-labour/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:14:23.000Z
A secretive corporate intelligence firm with close ties to the government saw its UK revenues surge by 30% in the first financial year after its managing partner left to become Keir Starmer’s most senior business adviser, openDemocracy can reveal.
Varun Chandra left Hakluyt & Company, a Mayfair-based firm that provides strategic advice to some of the world’s largest corporations on navigating governments and geopolitical risk, to join Starmer’s government in July 2024.
In January the following year, Hakluyt lost another senior staff member to the government: embattled former civil servant Olly Robbins quit as the firm’s lead on Europe, the Middle East and Africa to join the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Sex, power and backlash in Africa
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/backlash-sex-power-africa-book-extract/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:14:50.000Z
In researching my book *Seeking Sexual Freedom*, I was struck by the contrast between the expansive ways our ancestors understood gender, sexuality and intimacy, and the growing restrictions being shaped today by religious fundamentalism, patriarchy and political power.
I think of these restrictions – often described as a “backlash” – as an interruption.
Across the continent, we have centuries of knowledge that speak to fluidity in our gods and goddesses, and to a multiplicity of family structures and ways of being. The current moment – marked by rising homophobia and the rollback of progressive rights across Africa and beyond – sits uneasily against that longer history.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### What movements can learn from their own histories
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/nana-darkoa-sekyiamah-movements-history-learning/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:15:01.000Z
At a moment of intensifying backlash against rights and bodily autonomy globally, movements are being forced to adapt fast – often with little space to reflect on what is actually working.
Much of the media that covers activism still flattens that work into individual stories or neat 'wins', even as organisers themselves push back on those framings.
This Q&A is part of openDemocracy’s effort to do something different: to treat movements not just as subjects of coverage, but as sources of knowledge – and to surface the practical thinking behind how organisers are navigating risk, building power and learning across contexts in real time.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Big Tech platforms under fire in inquiry into Southport mass stabbing
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/southport-murders-amazon-x-big-tech-criticised-age-verification-content-moderation/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:15:12.000Z
In July 2024, a 17-year-old stabbed 13 people, killing three girls, in a dance studio in Southport, in the north-west of England. Fueled by misinformation about the incident in the aftermath, rioters clashed with police and attacked a local mosque. Anti-immigration protests and riots spread across the UK in the days that followed.
On Monday, the UK government released the first phase of its [inquiry](https://southport-prod.s3.eu-west-2.amazonaws.com/2026/04/31.236%5FHO%5FSouthport-Inquiry%5FVolume1%5FWEB.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) [report](https://southport-prod.s3.eu-west-2.amazonaws.com/2026/04/31.236%5FHO%5FSouthport-Inquiry%5FVolume2%5FWEB.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) examining the event. While the report says that the “perpetrator’s responsibility is absolute” – he pled guilty and was sentenced to life imprisonment – it considers a range of other factors and failings that surrounded the event and its aftermath. That includes the role of the internet and tech platforms, including, in particular, X and Amazon.
**Social media and online content**
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Brazil: How the CIA funded Catholic marches that paved the way for the 1964 coup
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cia-fund-brazil-family-march-dictatorship/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:15:22.000Z
- *This piece was originally published by* [*Agencia Publica*](https://apublica.org/2026/03/cia-como-agencia-americana-impulsionou-marcha-da-familia-com-deus-pela-liberdade/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*, and has been translated and edited by openDemocracy*
As night fell on Rio de Janeiro on 13 March 1964, Brazilian President João Goulart, known as Jango, addressed a crowd gathered at Brazil’s Central Station to announce measures that would change the course of the country’s history.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### The US is facing its Suez moment – the outcome could change the world order
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/iran-war-united-states-israel-suez-crisis-donald-trump-change-world-order/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:15:33.000Z
It is now clear that the war against Iran is going badly for Donald Trump. Binyamin Netanyahu and the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) may be determined to carry on, but Trump is the war leader in deep trouble.
So radical is this unexpected outcome that the United States may even be facing its Suez moment, like the one that saw France and the UK lose status in 1956, hastening decolonisation in the 1960s. If so, the effects of the Iran conflict could last for decades, well beyond the immediate conflict, and have impacts that change the current world order – with unpredictable consequences.
Consider the past month and a half. Iran’s theocratic leadership had been crippled by assassinations within days of the start of the assault, but leaders were quickly replaced, and the much-anticipated popular uprising simply did not happen.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Leaving to survive, staying to resist: Persecution and exile in El Salvador
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/el-salvador-nayib-bukele-journalists-human-rights-defenders-persecution-exile/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:15:43.000Z
“The best-case scenario is that the state captures me,” says Ángel Flores, the regional coordinator of the Indigenous Movement for the Articulation of the Struggles of the Ancestral Peoples (MILPA), one of the most vocal organisations against state mega-projects in El Salvador.
It would not be the first time MILPA’s members had been detained under El Salvador’s [state of emergency](https://www.asamblea.gob.sv/sites/default/files/documents/decretos/0BF13F41-E419-46E1-B6A8-4F5E35F4E12A.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), which has suspended constitutional rights and allowed police to arrest people without a judicial warrant. President Nayib Bukele’s government initially introduced the measure in 2022 after a spike in gang-related homicides. At the time, it was supposed to last 30 days, but last month entered its fourth year, having been extended dozens of times.
In this article, some of the hundreds of journalists and defenders of human and land rights have told us how their lives have changed since the state of emergency was introduced. Some remain in El Salvador, defiant in their resistance despite fearing for their and their families’ lives amid state-led persecution. Others have been forced to flee the country, fearing detention, being disappeared, or even death.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Revealed: Morocco forcibly displaced Black migrants ahead of AFCON tournament
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/revealed-morocco-forcibly-displaced-black-migrants-ahead-of-afcon-tournament/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:15:55.000Z
Who won the 2025 African Cup of Nations depends on who you ask. On the pitch, Senegal. On paper, Morocco – the football tournament’s host. But beyond the disputed result, AFCON has revealed a story of how a host country managed its image – and who it pushed out of sight to do so.
Late last year, Morocco forcibly displaced hundreds of Black migrants as it prepared to welcome more than 600,000 tourists for AFCON. While such operations are not uncommon in the country, the Moroccan Human Rights Association (AMDH) told openDemocracy that there was a significant spike ahead of the tournament.
Displacements often “intensify” when the world’s eyes are on Morocco for international sports tournaments, diplomatic summits, or big cultural festivals, according to AMDH president Souad Brahma.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### La derrota de Orbán en Hungría es un golpe al movimiento mundial antigénero
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/orban-hungria-movimiento-antigenero-elecciones-2026-mujeres-lgbtiq/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:16:05.000Z
Es 2017 en la capital de Hungría, Budapest, y el Congreso Mundial de las Familias ha desembarcado en la ciudad.
Organizado por el activista estadounidense antiaborto y anti-LGBTIQ+ Brian Brown, el encuentro anual de nacionalistas cristianos, figuras políticas, centros de pensamiento y académicos se anota un hito: recibir al primer ministro húngaro Viktor Orbán como orador principal.
En su [discurso](https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/prime-minister-viktor-orban-s-opening-speech-at-the-2nd-budapest-world-congress-of-families?ref=opendemocracy.net), Orbán dice que el futuro de Europa está “bajo ataque”, y que el continente está “perdiendo en la competencia poblacional entre grandes civilizaciones”. Y agrega que la Unión Europea (UE) quiere resolver los problemas derivados del envejecimiento de la población y las bajas tasas de natalidad mediante la inmigración.
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### Irse para sobrevivir, quedarse para resistir en El Salvador de Bukele
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-salvador-bukele-represion-regimen-de-excepcion-derechos-humanos-persecucion-exilio-cristosal-ruth-lopez/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:16:18.000Z
“El mejor de los escenarios es que me capture el Estado”, dice Ángel Flores, coordinador regional del Movimiento Indígena para la Articulación de las Luchas de los Pueblos Ancestrales de El Salvador (MILPA), organización muy activa en la lucha contra el despojo del territorio por la construcción de megaproyectos del Estado.
Desde 2021, cuando el gobierno de Nayib Bukele anunció la construcción del Aeropuerto del Pacífico en La Unión, en el oriente del país, Flores se convirtió en una presencia incómoda. El megaproyecto prometía desarrollo, pero las comunidades afectadas se preguntaban por sus casas, sus cultivos, el agua y la compensación del Estado.
Más de 200 familias fueron desalojadas en las comunidades de El Condadillo y Flor de Mangle, zonas estratégicas para el proyecto. El 9 de junio de 2023, la policía [detuvo](https://www.business-humanrights.org/es/%C3%BAltimas-noticias/el-salvador-detienen-a-oscar-ren%C3%A9-mart%C3%ADnez-l%C3%ADder-ind%C3%ADgena-de-la-comunidad-lenca/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a uno de los fundadores de MILPA, Óscar René Martínez Iglesias, un pescador acusado de pertenecer a pandillas y procesado bajo el [régimen de excepción](https://www.asamblea.gob.sv/sites/default/files/documents/decretos/0BF13F41-E419-46E1-B6A8-4F5E35F4E12A.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) impuesto el 27 de marzo de 2022.
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### Defeating authoritarians: Notes from the Hungarian playbook
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/hungary-election-orban-defeat-peter-magyar-win-lessons-progressives/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:16:31.000Z
As the dust settles on last week’s Hungarian election, which saw Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party wiped out in a landslide win by centre-right candidate Péter Magyar, some onlookers are left puzzled.
What changed? Hungarians, including many Fidesz voters, have long known of the Orbán regime’s corruption and anti-democratic measures, which were backed by both Donald Trump in the US and Vladimir Putin in Russia. Was Magyar just in the right place at the right time, or is there something deeper at play? And what can progressive forces around the world learn from him?
We know that it was not primarily – or not only – propaganda that kept millions wedded to Fidesz for so long. This is clear from a recent [interview](https://www.youtube.com/live/P3pDGNCCyzU?ref=opendemocracy.net) given to an independent media outlet (Partizán) in which a Fidesz politician explains that she had been scandalised by the enrichment of Orbán’s close circle and the cases of abuse within child protection services that had come to light – she just did not believe these were intrinsic to the workings of Fidesz. So if Fidesz politicians and voters alike were often aware of these issues, what kept them supporting the party for so long?
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### Orbán’s election defeat is a blow to the global anti-gender movement
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/orban-hungary-abortion-lgbtq-great-replacement/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:16:42.000Z
It’s 2017 in Hungary’s capital city of Budapest, and the World Congress of Families has landed in town.
Organised by US anti-abortion, anti-LGBTQ personality Brian Brown, the annual gathering of Christian nationalist campaigners, political figures, think tanks and academics pulled off its biggest coup yet: welcoming Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán to the stage as a keynote speaker.
Orbán used his [speech](https://2015-2019.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/prime-minister-viktor-orban-s-opening-speech-at-the-2nd-budapest-world-congress-of-families?ref=opendemocracy.net) to describe Europe’s future as “under attack”, with the region “losing out in the population competition between great civilisations”. He claimed that the EU wanted to solve the problems posed by an ageing population and low birth rates with immigration.
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### Redes comunitarias sostienen la salud mental en la capital de Argentina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-salud-mental-redes-comunitarias-ley-crisis-suicidios-trabajo-gobierno-milei/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:16:51.000Z
Juan Almeda\* se despierta cada mañana en una villa del suroeste de Buenos Aires antes de que la ciudad termine de desperezarse. Son las seis, y le espera un largo trayecto – un ómnibus, dos subtes – para llegar a su trabajo, un lugar que lo ayudó a aliviar la carga de un diagnóstico que suele ser sinónimo de exclusión.
Hasta hace dos años, cuando cruzó la puerta del bodegón La Pascana en busca de empleo, la vida de Almeda, de 35 años y padre de un niño de nueve, era inestable. Trabajaba esporádicamente como demoledor en obras de construcción, pero no contaba con el acompañamiento que necesitaba como usuario de los servicios de salud mental para sostener una rutina, garantizar un ingreso y poner comida en la mesa.
Hoy, poco antes de que el reloj marque las nueve, Almeda se ata el delantal blanco en la espalda, se ajusta la bandana bordó en la cabeza y se pone a preparar nueve kilos de masa para pizza, empanadas y pan. Empezó lavando los platos. Ahora estudia para ser maestro pizzero. Quiere coordinar el equipo de trabajo del bodegón.
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### Netanyahu is behind Iran war, not Trump – and that makes peace unlikely
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/iran-war-israel-trump-netanyahu-peace-unlikely/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:17:08.000Z
Within hours of Donald Trump accepting a two-week ceasefire in Iran, walking back on his dire threat that “a whole civilisation will die”, Binyamin Netanyahu did his best to wreck any prospect of peace.
Israel launched an intense bombardment of Beirut and other Lebanese towns and cities, with 100 attacks in the first ten minutes. More than 300 people were killed and more than a thousand wounded, according to Lebanon’s Health Ministry.
The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) also carried out a series of strikes across Gaza, including a [precisely targeted armed drone attack](https://apnews.com/video/al-jazeera-journalist-killed-by-israeli-drone-strike-in-gaza-c9d8888762f149d2823da66d2c605d0b?ref=opendemocracy.net) on the car of Al Jazeera journalist Mohammed Wishah, the 262nd journalist to be killed by Israel since October 2023.
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### UK plans to tackle AI harms would bypass democratic process, experts warn
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/uk-online-safety-act-ai-harms-government-labour-grok-elon-musk/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:17:23.000Z
The UK is seeking to grant ministers wide-ranging new powers to rewrite significant portions of the Online Safety Act through amendments tucked into two unrelated bills, a move that experts warn could bypass normal parliamentary scrutiny.
The proposed changes would allow ministers to amend the act by adding as much as a third to the regulatory regime using so-called [Henry VIII clauses](https://www.parliament.uk/site-information/glossary/henry-viii-clauses/?ref=opendemocracy.net), limiting Parliament to a simple yes-or-no vote on an unforeseeable number of new rules, rather than full debate or amendment.
The change would allow the central government to limit detailed parliamentary scrutiny and amend the act more quickly. “It’s basically \[introducing\] a third of the Online Safety Act,” and gives ministers power to add as many unforeseen new rules as they want, said Essex University law professor Lorna Woods, legal adviser to the Online Safety Act Network.
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### What counts as a win when victory is out of reach?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/what-counts-win-india-peace-social-movements-harsh-mander/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:17:35.000Z
At a time when activists and campaigners are being asked to prove impact in ever more measurable ways, we wanted to ask a different question: what actually counts as a ‘win’? And what does it take to keep going when everything feels stacked against you?
As part of a new series on rights movements and what makes change possible, we spoke to Harsh Mander, a long-time human rights activist in India whose work spans areas from the right to food and shelter to his Caravan of Love campaign against hate violence and lynching.
Mander famously resigned from his position as a senior civil servant in the wake of the 2002 Gujarat riots, choosing instead to dedicate his life to justice work on behalf of marginalised communities. Since then, he has led landmark Supreme Court interventions on the right to food, homelessness and social protection. For many, he remains a deeply respected moral voice.
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### El auge de la IA explota a los creadores africanos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/africa-inteligencia-artificial-creadores-derechos-de-autor-meta-openai-demandas-compensaciones/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:17:45.000Z
Las empresas de inteligencia artificial enfrentan un tsunami de demandas por el uso no autorizado de materiales protegidos por derechos de autor para entrenar sus modelos.
Autores, artistas y editoriales en [Estados Unidos](https://llmlitigation.com/pdf/03223/tremblay-openai-complaint.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Francia](https://www.euronews.com/culture/2025/03/13/french-publishers-and-authors-sue-meta-over-copyright-works-used-in-ai-training?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Australia](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/sep/10/tech-companies-are-stealing-our-books-music-and-films-for-ai-its-brazen-theft-and-must-be-stopped?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Canadá](https://www.publishersweekly.com/pw/by-topic/international/international-book-news/article/98333-canadian-author-sues-four-ai-companies-for-copyright-infringement.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) e [India](https://www.timesnownews.com/technology-science/chatgpt-in-trouble-indian-publishers-sue-openai-over-unauthorised-use-of-books-article-117590379?ref=opendemocracy.net) fueron por el camino de las acciones legales, en un ajuste de cuentas global en torno a los derechos de propiedad intelectual en la era de la IA.
The New York Times [demandó](https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/05/technology/new-york-times-perplexity-ai-lawsuit.html?smid=tw-nytimes&utm%5Fsocial%5Fhandle%5Fid=807095&utm%5Fsocial%5Fpost%5Fid=615331692&smtyp=cur&ref=opendemocracy.net) a Perplexity AI, la empresa emergente de inteligencia artificial que desarrolló un motor de búsqueda de vanguardia, y a OpenAI por entrenar sus modelos con contenido del NYT sin autorización.
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### Labour to scrap time limit on investigating sexual misconduct by doctors
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/doctors-sexual-abuse-nhs-gmc-five-year-justice-labour-general-medical-council/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:17:54.000Z
Rose\* was in her forties when she was diagnosed with breast cancer in the late 1990s. A period that was already anxiety-ridden and scary was made even worse when, she alleges, her consultant flirted with and sexually abused her.
“On the one hand, he was saving lives,” Rose told me when we first spoke in 2022\. “On the other hand, he was ruining lives.”
Rose and I met when my then-colleague [Sascha Lavin and I](https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/2023-05-16/debates/9B5527F7-19CE-41A7-B168-F14E7A4CCFE1/AbuseAndSexualAssaultsInTheNHSInvestigations?highlight=%22sian%20norris%22&ref=opendemocracy.net#contribution-1361EB91-628A-4A59-83E4-3CBEC0C7E337) were investigating sexual abuse in healthcare. We found that [patients had sexually harassed and assaulted thousands of healthcare staff](https://bylinetimes.com/2022/03/08/iwd-thousands-of-nhs-staff-harassed-by-patients/?ref=opendemocracy.net), that more than [4,100 complaints of sexual abuse made to the police took place in NHS settings](https://bylinetimes.com/2022/11/28/nhs-must-urgently-investigate-byline-times-disturbing-figures-on-rape-and-sex-assault-in-hospitals-says-shadow-health-secretary/?ref=opendemocracy.net), and that the NHS had spent millions on [compensation](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/healthcare/article/nhs-pays-millions-to-victims-of-hospital-sex-pests-kx6qsbmcd?gaa%5Fat=eafs&gaa%5Fn=AWEtsqfBv2Q-j5NMiR17qjoyqe4asUUjiDhrvnO51iAhp4k-vDwfDKQZeKB7ZkaqwNY%3D&gaa%5Fts=69ca634c&gaa%5Fsig=SVICI1T%5F%5F0cOBVOtbJOL0sGxDgO9i2BXka-6V%5FWG%5FHH1vFaBNOP20gMp5Aixh13NRAfkjoDt442mVjIEcVZTaA%3D%3D&ref=opendemocracy.net) for victims and survivors of sexual harassment, assault and even rape.
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### ‘Labour-specialist’ lobbying firm with close ties to No10 revs up business
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/url-anacta-strategies-labour-keir-starmer-company-accounts-lobbying-airbnb-visa-sky-pearson/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:04.000Z
Business is booming at Anacta Strategies, a lobbying firm that advised Labour in the 2024 election and has shown significant growth in its first full year of operations, newly filed company accounts reveal.
Anacta — which has close ties to Keir Starmer and describes itself as "the leading Labour-specialist advisory firm” — counts among its clients Pearson Engineering, an Israeli-owned defence firm which won a government contract [worth £10m](https://www.find-tender.service.gov.uk/Notice/053946-2025?origin=SearchResults&p=1&ref=opendemocracy.net), its largest ever, with the Ministry of Defence last year.
It has also lobbied the government on behalf of Airbnb, Visa and Sky, according to the statutory lobbying register, but does not publish a full list of its clients and is not signed up to the industry’s voluntary code of conduct.
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### Fake authors, fake stories: Inside the Russian campaign to influence Argentina's election
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/russia-argentina-influence-operations-media-javier-milei-investigation-kremlin-putin/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:12.000Z
Russian agents linked to the Kremlin spent much of 2024 working on secretive operations to infiltrate Argentina’s media to discredit the country’s new far-right libertarian president, Javier Milei, according to leaked documents seen by openDemocracy.
In the run-up to his election victory in December 2023, Milei began seeking favour with Joe Biden’s administration in the US. While the pair were unlikely to see eye to eye on Milei’s domestic politics – he famously appeared on stage brandishing the [chainsaw](https://elpais.com/argentina/2025-02-02/la-motosierra-de-milei-que-inspira-a-musk.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) he was going to use to “[destroy the state from within](https://www.infobae.com/politica/2024/06/06/javier-milei-soy-el-topo-que-destruye-el-estado-desde-adentro/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” – Milei adopted US-friendly geopolitical positions, including support for Ukraine, even inviting Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky to his inauguration and hosting him in the presidential palace.
This support appears to have ruffled feathers in Moscow. A propaganda network backed by Russian foreign intelligence and internally known as ‘the Company’ began working to undermine Milei’s government and further divide Argentina’s [already polarised society](https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/server/api/core/bitstreams/fc32941d-058a-4a5d-b8d1-6b414ffe0954/content?ref=opendemocracy.net), according to a tranche of Russian-language documents obtained by The Continent, an African news outlet, and shared with a consortium of investigative newsrooms including openDemocracy, Dossier Center, iStories, All Eyes on Wagner, and Forbidden Stories.
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### Why feminists must not give up on the UN Commission on the Status of Women
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/un-commission-status-women-far-right-feminists/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:20.000Z
When the United Nations’ 70th annual [Commission on the Status of Women](https://www.unwomen.org/en/how-we-work/commission-on-the-status-of-women/csw70-2026?ref=opendemocracy.net), the key global body dedicated to promoting gender equality, rights and the empowerment of women, met earlier this month, many of its usual audiences were absent.
This was for a few reasons. First, many feminist activists and organisations feel increasingly disenchanted with the UN. It is disheartening to watch this multilateral institution seemingly unable to preserve peace and stop the genocide and wars ongoing in Palestine, Sudan, Yemen, Ukraine and Iran, to name a few.
The location of the meeting – New York – was also a problem for many. The United States was already inaccessible to many due to its stringent visa restrictions, and it has become even more so with concerns around ICE detainment or illegal deportations, as well as flight disruptions as a result of the US-Israel war on Iran. Many activists rightly question the value of critical meetings being held in a country where the people most impacted by the issues being discussed are unable to bring their concerns to the policymakers and government representatives making life-changing decisions.
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### Trump’s war rhetoric drifts as US escalates toward ground war
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trumps-war-rhetoric-drifts-as-us-escalates-toward-ground-war/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:28.000Z
The United States is preparing for a ground war with Iran. Donald Trump, meanwhile, says the conflict is nearly over.
“We’re going to bring them back to the stone ages, where they belong,” Trump [said](https://time.com/article/2026/04/02/trump-speech-white-house-iran-war-update-end/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in his Easter message – even as the war he is overseeing expands across the region.
The gap between rhetoric and reality is widening – and there is little evidence that anyone around him is willing to correct it.
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### Leña al fuego: La campaña rusa para influir en los medios de comunicación de Argentina
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-rusia-propaganda-medios-periodismo-milei-ucrania-putin-trump-prigozhin/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:37.000Z
Cuando el libertario Javier Milei llevaba pocos meses presidiendo Argentina, agentes rusos pusieron en marcha operaciones de desinformación e influencia política para desacreditar a su gobierno, según documentos filtrados a los que tuvo acceso openDemocracy.
Milei, figura emergente en el ecosistema de la extrema derecha mundial, asumió el cargo en diciembre de 2023 y se alineó enseguida con los intereses estadounidenses, al principio apoyando a Ucrania en la guerra contra Rusia. También fijó su sello: la “[motosierra](https://elpais.com/argentina/2025-02-02/la-motosierra-de-milei-que-inspira-a-musk.html?ref=opendemocracy.net)”, en referencia a las medidas para “[destruir el Estado desde adentro](https://www.infobae.com/politica/2024/06/06/javier-milei-soy-el-topo-que-destruye-el-estado-desde-adentro/?ref=opendemocracy.net)”, y un discurso caracterizado por [insultos](https://www.austral.edu.ar/en/The-insults-in-Javier-Milei%27s-speeches%3A-more-than-a-thousand-offenses-against-politicians--journalists--and-economists-in-14-months-of-management/?ref=opendemocracy.net) a quien se le opusiera.
A medida que Argentina, una[ sociedad ya polarizada](https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/server/api/core/bitstreams/fc32941d-058a-4a5d-b8d1-6b414ffe0954/content?ref=opendemocracy.net), se tensaba aún más, una red respaldada por los servicios de inteligencia exterior de Rusia y conocida internamente como la “Compañía”, trató de explotar ese clima y echar leña al fuego.
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### Brasil: Así financió la CIA la Marcha de la Familia con Dios por la Libertad
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-eeuu-cia-dictadura-joao-goulart-golpe-de-estado-marcha-familia-dios-libertad-vaticano/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:46.000Z
La noche del 13 de marzo de 1964 caía sobre Río de Janeiro cuando el presidente João Goulart (conocido como Jango), anunció medidas que cambiarían el rumbo de la historia nacional frente a una multitud reunida en la Estación Central de Brasil.
Su discurso, centrado en la restricción de los envíos al exterior de las ganancias de empresas extranjeras y en la promesa de una reforma agraria, no solo resonó en las calles, sino también en los despachos de Brasilia, en las sedes de las corporaciones multinacionales y en los pasillos de Washington.
João Goulart y su esposa Maria Thereza Fontella en el histórico mitin de la Central de Brasil, Río de Janeiro, 13 de marzo de 1964 | Divulgación EBC
Días antes, en Belo Horizonte, un grupo de mujeres que empuñaban rosarios como escudos frente a lo que consideraban una amenaza comunista, le impidieron hablar al diputado federal laborista Leonel Brizola, cuñado del presidente.
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### Getting serious with Zack Polanski’s Green Party
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/green-party-zack-polanski-polls-elections-senedd-reform-uk-nigel-farage-jeremy-corbyn/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:18:56.000Z
As the bass dropped in Trafalgar Square last Saturday, the mood tipped from protest to party. A day that had begun as one of the largest anti-racism rallies London has seen in years – with organisers estimating a turnout of half a million – ended in dance music and defiant optimism.
“Trafalgar Square, who’s ready to make hope normal again?” shouted Green Party leader Zack Polanski over the booming music. This was the House Against Hate rave; on the stage, Polanski was flanked on one side by Hannah Spencer, the new Green MP for Gorton and Denton, and on the other, by a man clad in leather and hotpants, displaying an impressive range of hip motion.
“Who’s here for love, unity, solidarity?” Polanski shouted again to more cheers, before handing the microphone to Spencer, who led the crowd in a familiar chant of “Oggy, Oggy, Oggy, Oi, Oi, Oi”, to which she added a new battle cry: “Let’s defeat the millionaires!”
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### How African creators are currently being exploited in the AI boom
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/how-african-creators-are-currently-being-exploited-in-the-ai-boom/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:19:05.000Z
AI companies are under a tsunami of lawsuits for the unauthorised use of copyrighted materials to train their AI models. Authors, artists and publishers in the [United States of America](https://llmlitigation.com/pdf/03223/tremblay-openai-complaint.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), [France](https://www.euronews.com/culture/2025/03/13/french-publishers-and-authors-sue-meta-over-copyright-works-used-in-ai-training?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Australia](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/sep/10/tech-companies-are-stealing-our-books-music-and-films-for-ai-its-brazen-theft-and-must-be-stopped?ref=opendemocracy.net), [Canada](https://www.publishersweekly.com/pw/by-topic/international/international-book-news/article/98333-canadian-author-sues-four-ai-companies-for-copyright-infringement.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), and [India](https://www.timesnownews.com/technology-science/chatgpt-in-trouble-indian-publishers-sue-openai-over-unauthorised-use-of-books-article-117590379?ref=opendemocracy.net) have taken legal actions, marking a global reckoning over intellectual property rights in the age of AI. The New York Times has [sued](https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/05/technology/new-york-times-perplexity-ai-lawsuit.html?smid=tw-nytimes&utm%5Fsocial%5Fhandle%5Fid=807095&utm%5Fsocial%5Fpost%5Fid=615331692&smtyp=cur&ref=opendemocracy.net) Peperlexity, the artificial intelligence start-up that has built a cutting-edge internet search engine, and OpenAI for training their models on NYT content without authorisation.
The largest legal action to date resulted in a [$1.5bn settlement](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/sep/05/anthropic-settlement-ai-book-lawsuit?ref=opendemocracy.net), after a coalition of authors sued Anthropic for using nearly [200,000 copyrighted books](https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2023/09/books3-database-generative-ai-training-copyright-infringement/675363/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to train its large language models without consent or compensation. Court filings revealed that a significant portion of the training data used by Anthropic – as well as Meta and Bloomberg – was drawn from pirated book databases such as [Books3](https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2025/09/dataset-books3/683662/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and [LibGen](https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2025/03/search-libgen-data-set/682094/?ref=opendemocracy.net), exposing just how deeply unauthorised content has been embedded in the development of frontier AI systems.
The authors whose fiction and non-fiction books were used to train these foundational AI models without consent included globally celebrated African writers, such as South African novelist Zakes Mda; Nigerian Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka; the internationally renowned Chinua Achebe; Nigerian author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie; Moroccan-American writer Laila Lalami; and Ghanaian literary icon Ama Ata Aidoo, among others. Some of these African writers whose publishing rights were managed by houses in the US, UK, and France are in line to be compensated as part of Anthropic’s $1.5bn settlement.
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### Gurr-boss: Inside ex-Amazon exec’s appointment to UK competition watchdog
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/doug-gurr-amazon-competition-market-authority-tech-regulation-watchdog-natural-history-museum/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:19:15.000Z
When Doug Gurr was named chair of the UK’s Competition and Markets Authority last month – having already led the watchdog on an interim basis since January last year – one major case in his docket was a high-stakes decision on how to regulate two major cloud service providers. One of these was the web services arm of his former employer, Amazon.
“During the pre-appointment hearing, we discussed perceptions arising from my previous role at Amazon,” Gurr subsequently said in a letter sent to [the chair of the Business and Trade Committee](https://committees.parliament.uk/publications/52101/documents/289227/default/?ref=themorningintelligence.uk) in early March. As a result, Gurr continued, he would be recusing himself from the case, which also involved Amazon’s competitor Microsoft, even as he claimed that, “it is clear that no actual conflict of interest is capable of arising”.
But Gurr’s “recusal addresses narrow conflicts, not broader influence”, Tommaso Valletti, an economics professor at Imperial College Business School, told openDemocracy. “The real concern is the shaping of priorities, framing, and appetite for intervention. That kind of influence persists even when formal rules are followed.”
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### For the US and Israel, the Iran war is exposing an uncomfortable new world order
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/us-israel-iran-war-new-world-order-global-dominance-economic-gulf-trump-netanyahu/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:19:24.000Z
After four weeks of the US-Israeli war on Iran, the conflict dynamics have become ever more complex. While none of the three main actors has achieved their aims, Iran has undoubtedly come closest, despite the gigantic clouds of hubris that have characterised Trumpian political output so far.
Ordinary Iranians have suffered appallingly – with towns and cities damaged, thousands killed and injured, food shortages and rigorous control of dissent – but there is little sign of leadership collapse. The heads of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) will now be quietly confident in regime survival; those assassinated have been replaced, and the state remains functional.
For Donald Trump and Binyamin Netanyahu, the unexpected challenge in defeating Tehran is exposing an uncomfortable new reality: the global economic balance of power is shifting away from the North Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific.
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### Landmark verdicts could unleash new legal playbook over social media harms
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/legal-verdict-social-media-harms-meta-google/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:19:32.000Z
- *This piece was originally published on* [*Tech Policy Press*](https://www.techpolicy.press/landmark-verdicts-could-unleash-new-legal-playbook-over-social-media-harms/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Juries in New Mexico and California delivered twin verdicts this week finding tech giants Meta and Google liable for harms to young users on their platforms, watershed decisions that could open the door to more lawsuits alleging that the companies fuel addiction or endanger kids.
A jury in New Mexico [found that](https://apnews.com/article/meta-facebook-new-mexico-trial-28eabd8ec5f58c1d1ecddc21bb107de7?ref=opendemocracy.net) Facebook parent company Meta violated the state’s consumer protection laws by misleading users about the safety of its platforms, awarding $375 million in civil penalties to the plaintiffs in a first-of-its-kind state enforcement decision. The case [focused heavily on claims](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2026/feb/02/meta-trial-new-mexico-social-media?ref=opendemocracy.net) that the company failed to prevent and alert users to sexual predation on its sites.
Meanwhile, a jury in California [found](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/25/technology/social-media-trial-verdict.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) Meta and Google-owned YouTube to be negligent in using addictive design features that led to mental distress for a young woman. The jury [awarded the plaintiff](https://www.nbcnews.com/tech/tech-news/verdict-reached-landmark-social-media-addiction-trial-rcna263421?ref=opendemocracy.net) $3 million in compensatory damages, with Meta bearing the brunt of the cost, and an additional $3 million in punitive damages.
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### What the research says about the UK’s proposed immigration reforms
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/uk-immigration-reforms-shabana-mahmood-asylum-refugees-destitution-insecurity-labour-startmer/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:19:42.000Z
In 2020, as he campaigned for the Labour leadership, Keir Starmer set out ten pledges to party members. Among them was a promise to “defend migrants’ rights” and to create an immigration system grounded in “compassion and dignity”. Fast-forward six years, and his government is instead making sweeping changes to UK immigration law that mark a sharp escalation of the ‘Hostile Environment’ policy he once promised to dismantle.
Since entering office in September last year, home secretary Shabana Mahmood MP has advanced a series of reforms aimed at “restoring control over the immigration system”, which target some of the UK’s most vulnerable people. These include reassessing refugee status every 30 months; removing the legal duty to provide asylum support; offering payments to refused families to leave the UK; and extending settlement routes from five to ten years, or up to 20 in some cases.
As researchers from the Glasgow Refugee, Asylum and Migration Network (GRAMNet), we are deeply concerned by these proposed reforms. Drawing on extensive evidence, we argue that the Home Office’s vision will lead to permanent insecurity, deepen destitution, and lock out a generation from full civic rights in the UK.
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### Las víctimas de Epstein podrían ser ignoradas en el Reino Unido de hoy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/epstein-trata-sexual-grooming-explotacion-victimas-reino-unido/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:19:51.000Z
Sara\* fue víctima de trata y sufrió explotación sexual en distintas regiones de Reino Unido cuando era adolescente y joven, entre finales de la década de 2010 y los primeros años de la década siguiente. En esos años, "diferentes grupos de perpetradores estuvieron involucrados en distintos períodos", dijo a openDemocracy.
Cuando fue derivada al Mecanismo Nacional de Referencia (NRM, por sus siglas en inglés), el sistema diseñado para identificar y apoyar a víctimas y sobrevivientes de la esclavitud moderna, el Ministerio del Interior le exigió una gran cantidad de pruebas y pasar por entrevistas que se extendieron durante muchas horas.
Reunir la información solicitada fue difícil, explicó Sara. "Gran parte del abuso ocurrió en circunstancias en las que yo tenía poco control, y había poca documentación o pruebas tangibles a mi alcance". Agregó que "fue extremadamente difícil proporcionar fechas y cronologías precisas" de un abuso que se repitió durante años.
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### Would Epstein victims have been denied help after changes to UK slavery system?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/epstein-sex-trafficking-grooming-gangs-modern-slavery-home-office/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:20:02.000Z
Survivors of sex trafficking offences similar to those committed by Jeffrey Epstein may be refused support under the UK’s modern slavery system due to immigration law changes introduced by the previous government, experts have warned.
Sara\* was trafficked around the UK and sexually exploited in her teens and into adulthood, in the late 2010s and early 2020s. Over the years, she told openDemocracy, “different groups of perpetrators were involved at different time periods.”
When Sara was referred to the National Referral Mechanism (NRM) – the system designed to identify and support victims and survivors of modern slavery – the Home Office asked her to produce extensive evidence of her exploitation and take part in interviews totalling many hours.
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### ‘My heart is in pieces’: How UK government’s migration policy shatters lives
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-immigration-leave-to-remain-shabana-mahmood-heart-broken-testimonials/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:20:12.000Z
Migrant people in the UK have told openDemocracy of becoming depressed, receiving racial abuse, and struggling to reassure their children of their safety after home secretary Shabana Mahmood proposed wide-ranging changes to immigration rules.
Earlier this year, Mahmood announced plans to double the time it takes for migrant people to receive indefinite leave to remain (ILR) and redefined the right to settle in the UK as a privilege to be earned.
Under the previous system, the vast majority of people could apply for ILR after five years of continuous residence in the UK (with a 10-year ‘safety net’ path for those who didn’t meet the five-year path’s English language criteria or £29,000 income requirement, for example).
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### The European: On the death of Jürgen Habermas
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/jurgen-habermas-death-reflections-european/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:20:22.000Z
Jürgen Habermas has died, just as the world – of which he was, in many ways, a theorist – increasingly resembles, in the words of Stefan Zweig, the “world of yesterday.” Yet when we look at his legacy, Habermas’s ideas and contributions remain highly relevant in many respects. In short: The world would be a different place if we had listened more closely to this humbly towering European thinker.
In my book [*Tipping Points: From the Promises of the Nineties to the Crises of the Present*](https://link.sbstck.com/redirect/92286d05-36b7-43c8-b0a9-440f1b95f4d8?j=eyJ1IjoiM2lxbzBqIn0.4HQKi0%5FOpYaDdHKURSDF9DQrinuUmQRX-vfg655b-rk&ref=opendemocracy.net), I wrote about Habermas, the European – and if we understand the failures of that era, we may not only understand why Europe is in such a dire state, but hopefully we will also see more clearly what we can and must do to achieve a European fresh start – which in this case would likely mean a genuine break with the postwar order upon which the EU was built and on which the European self-image still rests.
Habermas would not have described this new vision as post-liberal or post-Atlantic; after all, he was a child, student, and theorist of that old order. What can be transferred, in a contradictory way, into a post-liberal vision of Europe as a more democratic union are the constitutional ambitions and the radically democratic clarity. And in the face of European helplessness regarding Donald Trump, geopolitical disorientation, German leadership weakness, and AI malaise, his invectives are already sorely missed.
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### Inside the battle between Chile’s salmon industry and its Indigenous peoples
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/chile-salmon-industry-capitan-aracena-mummy-patagonia-jose-kast/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:20:32.000Z
**Punta Arenas, Chile.** For more than a hundred years, fishermen on Capitán Aracena, an island in Chile’s southernmost territory, have told a local legend about one of the island’s caves. Anybody who sailed too close, they said, would be cursed by the mummy buried inside.
A naturally mummified body of a woman was indeed located in a cave on the island in the early 2000s, thanks to information locals provided to scientists. She had lived 100 to 150 years earlier, according to a 2008 study, and her DNA matched that of the ancestral original peoples in the Chilean Patagonia and the Kawésqar community, who still live here today.
Chilean authorities decided the woman’s body should stay in the cave due to the costs and difficulties involved in replicating the environmental conditions needed to preserve it. But the respect and fear traditionally associated with the legend is fading, says Leticia Caro, a 50-year-old leader of a nomadic Kawésqar community.
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### Iran is Binyamin Netanyahu’s war. Will Donald Trump end it?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/iran-israel-us-trump-what-next-war-end/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:20:41.000Z
It is now glaringly obvious that Israel and the United States seriously underestimated the Iran war.
While Donald Trump and Binyamin Netanyahu succeeded in assassinating the supreme leader, they failed to deliver regime termination; the popular revolt they hoped for didn’t materialise, and the Iranian government continues, showing little sign of defeat or willingness to negotiate.
In particular, the US and Israel underestimated Iran’s power to bring to a halt the shipping of much of the world’s oil. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) have had decades to prepare a survivable means of closing the Strait of Hormuz, and it should be assumed that it can maintain the closure for weeks, or even months, regardless of military actions taken by the US and Israel.
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### The AI Panopticon: How Big Tech and the State are Watching You | With Jim Killock
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/ai-panopticon-surveillance-jim-killock-open-rights/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:49:47.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
**"My ultimate vision... was to achieve by means of AI and technology, what Jeremy Bentham tried to do with his panopticon." — UK Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood**
When the state openly admits it wants its eyes on you at all times, how do citizens fight back?
In this episode of *In Solidarity*, Matthew Linares sits down with Jim Killock, Executive Director of the Open Rights Group. We cut through the Silicon Valley PR to expose the terrifying reality of the modern surveillance state. From the aggressive rollout of facial recognition and predictive policing to the "revolving door" between Big Tech lobbyists and policymakers, we explore how our democratic infrastructure is being hollowed out for corporate profit.
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### Restrained, handcuffed and in pain: Use of force in women’s prisons doubles
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/handcuffs-restraint-women-prison-use-of-force-double-three-years-england-wales/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:21:03.000Z
Women in English prisons are being increasingly handcuffed, restrained or subjected to “pain-inducing techniques” by staff, including while pregnant or during hospital examinations, openDemocracy can reveal.
Prison guards’ use of force against women more than doubled in three years, rising from 3,268 incidents in 2021/22 to 6,932 in 2024/25, according to data we obtained from His Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service (HMPPS) under Freedom of Information laws. The government says such measures should be used only as [“a last resort”](https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/68093394e4d2b76ccfb527a0/Use%5Fof%5FForce%5FEvaluation%5FReport.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Instances where a woman was physically restrained, which could include her being held face down to the floor, rose by 70% over that time period, while handcuff usage rose by 264%, from 502 occasions to 1,826.
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### Las grandes tecnológicas escriben sus propias reglas desde adentro del gobierno británico
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/tony-blair-institute-larry-ellison-ia-reino-unido-puertas-giratorias/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:21:15.000Z
Cuatro semanas después de renunciar a la dirección del programa de IA del gobierno británico, una alta funcionaria estaba de vuelta en su antiguo departamento. Pero esta vez no cobra el sueldo del Estado: sus empleadores son dos empresas que la contrataron y la enviaron a trabajar “en comisión” en el gobierno, aprovechando una laguna legal que les permite definir desde adentro la política para regularlas.
El Tony Blair Institute (TBI), la consultora del ex primer ministro laborista Tony Blair (1997-2007) que se dedica a asesorar gobiernos en diversas áreas – especialmente tecnología –, y el Ellison Institute of Technology, del multimillonario dueño de Oracle Larry Ellison contrataron a la alta funcionaria para dirigir su proyecto de IA para el gobierno, y la cedieron en "comisión de servicios" al Departamento de Ciencia, Información y Tecnología (DSIT).
El DSIT está encargado de establecer las normas que regulan la IA en la economía en general y de su implementación en toda la administración pública.
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### Oil, Inflation, Unrest: The Global Fallout of the US-Israeli War on Iran
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/iran-trump-israel-oil-iran-india/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:21:26.000Z
As the US-Israeli war on Iran continues to escalate, the effects of the conflict are spiralling outwards across a world already whiplashed by cross-border violence, global tariffs, and the unravelling of regional alliances.
There is much that we do not know: How will spiking energy prices affect developing economies in Asia and Africa? What are the long term impacts of the destabilisation of the Gulf, a region that has long served as a magnet for labour and capital from around the world? What does the conflict in Iran reveal about the latest chapter in the relationship between international finance capital and nation states?
To talk through these questions, I interviewed analyst and columnist Mihir Sharma. Sharma is a principal research fellow at IPPR, and has been a Bloomberg Opinion columnist on global economics and politics for over a decade.
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### For Trump and Netanyahu, the Iran war is a problem of their own making
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-netanyahu-iran-problem-own-making-us-israel-oil-strait-of-hormuz/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:21:36.000Z
“I think the war is very complete, pretty much,” was Donald Trump’s assessment of the Israeli-American war in Iran earlier this week, after nearly a fortnight of death and destruction.
“\[Iran has\] no navy, no communications, they've got no air force,” the US president continued. “Their missiles are down to a scatter. Their drones are being blown up all over the place, including their manufacturing of drones.”
Iran thinks otherwise: it struck three merchant ships near the Strait of Hormuz days later.
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### Top civil servant boomeranged between government and Tony Blair Institute
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/dsit-civil-servant-revolving-door-between-government-and-tony-blair-institute/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:21:45.000Z
The Tony Blair Institute and the Ellison Institute of Technology sent senior staff members to work in the government department tasked with developing AI policy, openDemocracy can reveal.
UK tech firm Faculty, which has links to the TBI, also embedded a member of staff in the Department of Science, Information and Technology (DSIT).
In one case, the TBI hired a senior civil servant tasked with leading the government’s AI programme, then seconded them straight back to their old job in the department – a potential loophole in rules intended to stop former civil servants from using their connections to lobby old colleagues.
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### Batalla por el mar en la Patagonia chilena: salmoneras contra comunidades indígenas
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chile-salmon-industria-mar-indigenas-ley-lafkenche-mapuches-contaminacion-gobierno-derechos/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:21:54.000Z
Punta Arenas, Chile. Por más de 100 años, una cueva en la isla Capitán Aracena, en el territorio más austral de Chile, ha sido el centro de una leyenda que comparten los pescadores locales. Quien navegue cerca de la cueva y de la momia allí enterrada sufrirá una maldición.
A principios de los años 2000, gracias a información que la gente del lugar acercó a algunos científicos, se encontró el cuerpo momificado de una mujer en una cueva de la isla. Un estudio genético en 2008 estimó que había vivido entre 100 y 150 años antes. Su ADN coincidía con el de pueblos ancestrales de la Patagonia chilena y la comunidad Kawésqar, que aún hoy vive aquí.
Las autoridades chilenas decidieron que el cuerpo – que había pasado por una momificación natural – debía permanecer en la cueva, porque era costoso y difícil reproducir las condiciones ambientales necesarias para su conservación.
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### 8M: Mujeres toman las calles de Chile para desafiar al nuevo gobierno de extrema derecha
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chile-8m-dia-internacional-mujer-feminismo-extrema-derecha-aborto-manifestacion-jose-antonio-kast/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:22:02.000Z
La música tecno resuena desde un pequeño escenario instalado en las escaleras de la colina de Santa Lucía, en el centro de Santiago, la capital de Chile. Un grupo de mujeres bailan bajo el calor del sol de finales de verano, con ropa de color verde y violeta, los colores que caracterizan el reclamo de derechos de las mujeres y las personas queer. “Bailen con nosotras para mostrar que las mujeres estamos unidas”, grita la maestra de ceremonias de una de las performances. “Conviertan su rabia en baile”.
Según las organizadoras, unas[ 500.000 personas](https://www.latercera.com/nacional/noticia/coordinadora-8m-calcula-al-menos-500-mil-asistentes-a-marcha-en-santiago-y-llaman-a-huelga-para-este-lunes/?ref=opendemocracy.net) salieron a las calles de la capital chilena el domingo para conmemorar el Día Internacional de la Mujer, u 8M, en lo que fue la mayor manifestación del país desde la pandemia. Además, el domingo y este lunes se organizaron marchas en más de 20 ciudades de todo el país.
Hay un ambiente de alegría y celebración: grupos de baile y actuaciones artísticas se apoderan de la vía principal. Vendedores ambulantes ofrecen micheladas y cerveza en lata en las veredas. La gente grita consignas a favor del aborto acompañadas de bandas de percusión. Se ven ondear banderas palestinas y mapuches. Parece un carnaval, pero hay un temor subyacente en muchas de las mujeres aquí presentes.
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### Chilean women flood streets to defy Kast’s incoming far-right government
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/jose-kast-inauguration-chile-women-8m-protest-santiago-lgbtq-abortion-far-right-pinochet/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:22:11.000Z
Techno reverberates from a small stage set on the steps of Santa Lucia hill in central Santiago. Women dance together under the heat of the late summer sun, wearing the signature green and purple colours of the campaign for women’s and queer people’s rights. “Dance with us to show we women are together,” the MC cries. “Turn your rage into dance.”
This was the country’s biggest International Women’s Day demonstration, or 8M, since the pandemic. Protests were organised in more than 20 cities across the country on Sunday and this Monday, and for the half a million people who took to the streets of the Chilean capital, there was a sense of joy and celebration. Dance groups and artistic performances took over the main thoroughfare. Vendors sold *micheladas* (a beer-based Mexican cocktail) and cans of beer from the pavements. People shouted pro-abortion slogans against the echoes of percussion bands. Palestinian and Mapuche (a group of Indigenous peoples from south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina) flags waved above the crowds.
It felt like a carnival, but there was an underlying fear among many of the women present.
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### Mientras los misiles caen en Irán, la causa del desarme mundial se vuelve urgente
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/guerra-iran-eeuu-israel-desarme-global-urgente-naciones-unidas-donald-trump/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:22:20.000Z
El sábado 28 de febrero, mientras el mundo seguía el lanzamiento de misiles estadounidenses e israelíes sobre Teherán y la confirmación de la muerte del líder supremo de Irán, me preguntaba si tenía sentido seguir trabajando para las Naciones Unidas en materia de desarme.
Las operaciones Epic Fury y Roaring Lion, como Estados Unidos e Israel han bautizado sus respectivas campañas militares conjuntas en Irán, y la operación True Promise IV, la contraofensiva iraní, ya han dejado cientos de muertos en Irán – entre ellos 165 niñas y profesoras de una escuela femenina, según las autoridades iraníes – así como soldados estadounidenses y civiles israelíes, y se han extendido al Líbano, Irak y países del Golfo.
Esta es una de las muchas guerras que se multiplican en varios continentes. Estamos atravesando una era de multilateralismo frágil, con invasiones territoriales que desafían el orden internacional y una retórica belicista que normaliza los conflictos. Hablar de confianza en este momento puede parecer un ejercicio de optimismo anacrónico. La propia ONU, creada después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial para ser un foro de diálogo y paz, ve cómo su autoridad y eficacia se cuestionan a diario, ya que surge una pregunta inevitable: ¿por qué insistir en hablar de confianza y transparencia, especialmente en lo que respecta al desarme mundial?
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### What is the Danish immigration model, and does it work?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/what-is-denmark-immigration-asylum-model-does-it-work-uk-starmer-migration-refugees/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:22:26.000Z
“Controlling who comes here is an essential task of government,” wrote the British and Danish prime ministers, Keir Starmer and Mette Frederiksen, in a jointly authored article in The Guardian in December.
“That’s why we are both taking practical action to fix the asylum system,” they continued. “Denmark has led the way here, with tough but fair reforms which have delivered results.”
But what are these reforms, better known as the much-touted ‘Danish model’ of immigration? And can the immigration and asylum policies of a country of six million people really provide a useful case study when considering the needs of a country such as the UK, whose population is more than ten times that size?
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### As missiles fall on Iran, the case for global disarmament becomes urgent
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/iran-us-war-israel-global-disarmament-urgent-united-nations-donald-trump/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:58:50.000Z
On Saturday 28 February, as the world was following the launch of US and Israeli missiles over Tehran and the confirmation of the death of Iran’s supreme leader, I wondered if my work for the United Nations on global disarmament still makes sense.
Operation Epic Fury and Operation Roaring Lion, as the US and Israel have named their respective joint military campaigns in Iran, and Operation True Promise IV, Iran’s counteroffensive, have already left hundreds dead in Iran – including 165 children and teachers at a girls’ school, according to Iranian authorities – killed American soldiers and Israeli civilians, and spread to Lebanon, Iraq, and countries across the Gulf.
This is just one of multiple wars multiplying across multiple continents. We are navigating an era of fragile multilateralism, with territorial invasions that challenge the international order, and a bellicose rhetoric that normalises conflict. Discussing trust at this point may seem like an exercise in anachronistic optimism. The UN itself, created after World War II to be the forum for dialogue and peace, sees its authority and efficacy questioned daily as an inevitable question arises: why insist on speaking about trust and transparency, particularly regarding global disarmament?
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### In US/Israeli war on Iran, all roads point to rise in global nuclear weapons
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/us-iran-israel-war-lead-to-nuclear-weapons-donald-trump-netanyahu/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:59:04.000Z
One week in, there is little prospect of an early end to the Israeli war with Iran and even less of preventing a regional escalation. Given Binyamin Netanyahu’s success in bringing Donald Trump’s United States on board as Israel’s partner in a widening war, he may feel satisfied with progress so far. In reality, though, the conflict is not going according to plan for any of the three states involved.
Netanyahu’s intended outcome was straightforward regime termination in Tehran, with the assassination of the supreme leader and most of Iran’s senior war leaders. A public uprising would then have followed, ending the power of the theocrats.
Israel and the US could then have brought sufficient force to terminate Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile program and cut back its conventional forces, starting with the abolition of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
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### Así investigamos una filtración sobre operaciones encubiertas rusas en América del Sur
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/investigacion-filtracion-documentos-propaganda-rusa-bolivia-putin-luis-arce/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:59:18.000Z
Un día de octubre del año pasado, alguien subió a un google drive 76 documentos escritos en ruso y le dio acceso a una colega, editora del medio africano The Continent. Esta fuente anónima no volvió a comunicarse, ni a contestar ninguna pregunta.
Mi colega, Lydia Namubiru, convocó a un grupo de periodistas y medios con habilidades para analizar el contenido de esas 1.431 páginas que describían operaciones de influencia política y propaganda en más de 30 países, la mayoría africanos.
Se trataba de corroborar su autenticidad y descubrir si había allí una historia importante para contar. Varias investigadoras y fuentes expertas en este tipo de materiales revisaron los documentos y emitieron su opinión acerca de su verosimilitud y autenticidad.
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### Los bots pueden matar la internet que conocemos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chatbots-ia-bots-rastreo-chatgpt-sitio-caido-cambio-internet/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:59:32.000Z
En las últimas semanas, el sitio web de openDemocracy quedó fuera de línea varias veces, como si estuviera bajo ataque. Una de las causas fue una colosal avalancha de *bots* automatizados provenientes de empresas de inteligencia artificial (IA).
A medida que más personas recurren a *chatbots* y otros modelos de lenguaje de gran tamaño (LLM, por sus siglas en inglés) en lugar de buscar información o visitar directamente los sitios, las empresas de IA emplean rastreadores masivos para [extraer los datos](https://arstechnica.com/ai/2025/03/devs-say-ai-crawlers-dominate-traffic-forcing-blocks-on-entire-countries/?ref=opendemocracy.net) que alimentan sus servicios.
Muchos de estos rastreadores, en realidad extractores de datos, son tan sofisticados que resulta difícil, sin imposible, detectarlos en acción. A menudo ignoran las solicitudes programáticas de los sitios web de no ser rastreados y se sabe que golpean repetidamente las partes más frágiles de un sitio web.
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### Greens triumphant, Amazon exec’s worrying new gig, Russians in Bolivia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/uk-green-reform-amazon-executive-russia-bolivia/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T12:59:45.000Z
Just when you thought Keir Starmer’s week couldn’t get worse after Peter Mandelson was arrested for allegedly being a flight risk, we have the result from Gorton and Denton.
The Greens achieved a stunning victory, but their real fight has just begun, openDemocracy reporter Ethan Shone writes in this week’s edition, predicting that the establishment will now be out for blood. Meanwhile, Danny Sriskandarajah from the New Economics Foundation argues that the 25‑point swing away from Labour shows voters want bold, people‑centred solutions rather than the privatisation, liberalisation and financialisation that lies at the heart of our broken economic system.
For a vivid illustration of what a broken system looks like, read openDemocracy tech reporter (and newest team member) Jade-Ruyu Yan on the government’s decision to appoint the Ex-Amazon UK boss to the UK’s competition watchdog. As one expert told Jade-Ruyu, “Why would \[a former Amazon executive\] want to join the Competition and Markets Authority? … Why? Just keep asking why.”
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### Exclusivo: Agentes de propaganda rusa fueron al rescate del gobierno de Luis Arce en Bolivia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/bolivia-rusia-luis-arce-evo-morales-vladimir-putin-propaganda-injerencia-wagner-prigozhin/
Last updated: 2026-08-28T17:57:31.000Z
En un día raramente cálido de julio de 2024, un equipo de siete “especialistas” rusos aterrizó en La Paz, Bolivia, con el objetivo de “estabilizar” el gobierno del presidente Luis Arce, aliado de Rusia, antes de las elecciones nacionales previstas para el año siguiente.
Había mucho en juego: 2024 fue un año difícil para el país, marcado por[ penurias económicas](https://www.npr.org/2024/07/01/nx-s1-5024699/bolivia-failed-coup-economic-turmoil-distrust-in-government?ref=opendemocracy.net), una[ grave escasez de combustible](https://noticiasfides.com/economia/anuario-escasez-de-combustible-y-dolares-se-agudizaron-en-2024-y-se-proyecta-una-mayor-crisis-en-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net), incendios forestales y más de[ 500 protestas y manifestaciones antigubernamentales](https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/bolivia-tuvo-563-conflictos-en-2024%2C-la-mayor%C3%ADa-fue-por-escasez-de-d%C3%B3lares-y-combustible/88693644?ref=opendemocracy.net). La inflación estaba en su nivel más alto desde 2008, mientras que el Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS), uno de los pocos aliados del Kremlin que quedaban en la región, se debatía entre seguir a su líder histórico, el expresidente Evo Morales, o a Arce, su antiguo aliado y exministro de economía.
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### As Bolivia’s left fractured, the Kremlin sent ex-Wagner agents
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/russia-bolivia-south-america-putin-evo-morales-wagner-prigozhin-covert-operations-propaganda-disinformation-foreign-interference/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:00:08.000Z
On an unusually warm day in July 2024, a team of seven Russian “specialists” landed in La Paz, Bolivia, with the aim of “stabilising” the government of President Luis Arce, an ally of Russia, ahead of a national election scheduled for the following year.
The stakes were high: 2024 had been a hard year for Bolivians, marked by [economic difficulties](https://www.npr.org/2024/07/01/nx-s1-5024699/bolivia-failed-coup-economic-turmoil-distrust-in-government?ref=opendemocracy.net), a [severe fuel shortage](https://noticiasfides.com/economia/anuario-escasez-de-combustible-y-dolares-se-agudizaron-en-2024-y-se-proyecta-una-mayor-crisis-en-2025?ref=opendemocracy.net), extensive wildfires, and more than [500 protests and anti-governmental demonstrations](https://www.swissinfo.ch/spa/bolivia-tuvo-563-conflictos-en-2024%2C-la-mayor%C3%ADa-fue-por-escasez-de-d%C3%B3lares-y-combustible/88693644?ref=opendemocracy.net). Inflation was at its highest since 2008, and Arce’s Movement for Socialism party (MAS) was riven by an internecine battle for control between the president and his ally-turned-rival and predecessor, former President Evo Morales. The MAS regime, in the meantime, was one of the few remaining Kremlin allies in the region, and resource-rich Bolivia has 21% of the world’s deposits of lithium, a vital mineral for next-generation technologies.
Three weeks before the arrival of the Russians, on 26 June that year, a small band of soldiers led by the chief of the army, general José Luis Zúñiga, had tried to take control of the presidential palace, only to surrender soon after. When arrested, Zúñiga said the uprising had been staged by President Arce himself to boost his flagging public support; a narrative seized on by media, opposition politicians, and also Morales and his supporters, but [vehemently denied](https://www.dw.com/es/luis-arce-niega-confabulaci%C3%B3n-para-dar-autogolpe-en-bolivia/a-69499919?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Arce.
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### Nothing to see here: Ex-Amazon UK boss to lead competition watchdog
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cma-chair-doug-gurr-amazon-competition-monopoly-big-tech-anti-trust/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:00:22.000Z
On Tuesday, former Amazon UK boss Doug Gurr arrived at the UK Parliament in a suit and tie, ready to defend himself against MPs’ concerns over his ability to lead the UK’s competition watchdog.
Over the course of nearly two hours, the Business and Trade Committee landed a series of blows. The committee’s chair, Labour MP Liam Byrne, felt Gurr’s past as a Big Tech executive could present a “conflict of interest” at the Competition and Markets Authority, which is supposed to promote competitive markets and protect consumers. He noted that in the year that Gurr had already been the CMA’s interim head, the watchdog had not blocked any mergers – a first since 2017\. Liberal Democrat MP Joshua Reynolds suggested Gurr’s former Amazon colleagues could be “jumping for joy” at his appointment.
Three days later, the government officially appointed Gurr to lead the CMA for the next five years, in a move that is “very positive” if you’re Big Tech, Fiona Scott Morton, an economics professor at the Yale School of Management, told openDemocracy – and less so “if you’re everybody else”.
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### Why the Green Party just broke Labour's “filthy rich” orthodoxy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-greens-reform-gorton-denton-by-election/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:00:46.000Z
There will be lots of lessons drawn from the Greens' historic win in the Gorton & Denton by‑election. Here's mine.
It used to be said that voters were primarily concerned with "the economy, stupid": Grow the economy and people will elect you, fail and they will punish you. However, these days, growing numbers of voters want solutions to how our economy works.
Gorton and Denton is one of England’s most deprived constituencies, with 45% of children living below the breadline. In this context, it is no surprise the Greens' focus on tackling poverty, inequality, and cost‑of‑living pressures clearly resonated more than the mainstream offer.
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### ¿Quién gana realmente en la puja de EEUU por los minerales críticos?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/estados-unidos-minerales-criticos-boom-tecnologico-ia-africa-beneficios/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:01:02.000Z
La carrera global por la supremacía tecnológica depende hoy del cobalto, el litio, las tierras raras y el coltán: los minerales que hacen posible desde las baterías de vehículos eléctricos hasta los semiconductores y los sistemas de inteligencia artificial (IA).
Las tierras raras, un grupo de 17 metales esenciales para la electrónica y las tecnologías de defensa, y el coltán, el mineral utilizado para producir tantalio para teléfonos inteligentes y componentes aeroespaciales, se han convertido en los pilares del poder del siglo XXI. Quien controle su suministro, controla la infraestructura de nuestra era digital.
China entendió esto hace décadas y construyó un cuasimonopolio, dominando alrededor del 70% de la minería mundial de tierras raras y aproximadamente el 90% de la capacidad de procesamiento que convierte el mineral en material utilizable. Estados Unidos y sus aliados ahora luchan por ponerse al día. Sin embargo, un detalle que suele omitirse en la cobertura de esta competencia es que la mayor parte de esos recursos estratégicos se encuentran en suelo africano.
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### Revolution begins with care: Confronting the polycrisis
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/surveillance-tech-facial-recognition-revolution-begins-with-care-confronting-polycrisis/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:01:18.000Z
We sit cross-legged in a circle, laughing as plates brimming with food are passed around. Chicken dressed with Aleppo peppers, charred aubergine smothered in garlic and adorned with precious pomegranate seeds, green mulukhia (a soup made from minced Jute mallow leaves – my all-time favourite) are just some of the offerings people bring to share. Golden saffron rice spills all over the carpet, but the hosts don’t mind; besides, Snoopy, the local dog, has just had her puppies and will gobble up whatever remains on the ground when we aren’t looking.
We’re not at a restaurant or a tavern but in a shipping container in a Greek refugee camp, made festive with Christmas lights left hanging from a few months ago. Spaces of suffering often turn into spaces of tremendous care. Everyone brings what they can: some baklava from a local shop, a bottle of wine poured out into tiny beakers for those who partake, a box of diapers for a new mum in need.
After years of being stuck here without knowing when limbo may end, people turn towards one another, recognising that we are stronger together. This is mutualism, creativity, and care in action, a reminder that all is not lost in this era of [polycrisis](https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/06/polycrisis-disasters-politics?ref=opendemocracy.net) – of one disaster after another, all of them worsened by the fact that they are linked. Many people are doing what they can to work towards a different world, an antidote to despair.
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### The Greens’ real fight has begun – and the establishment will be out for blood
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-greens-real-fight-has-begun-and-the-establishment-will-be-out-for-blood/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:01:30.000Z
“First they ignore you,” warned trade union organiser Nicholas Klein over a century ago at a conference of garment workers in Baltimore, Maryland. “Then they ridicule you. And then they attack you and want to burn you. Then they build monuments to you.”
Having been largely ignored for most of the last decade, with the election of ‘eco-populist’ Zack Polanski last year the Green Party advanced to the ‘ridicule’ phase of Klein’s formulation; until recently most of the attacks against him were flippant, focusing on
an article published over a decade ago while he was working as a therapist, in which it was reported that he offered a service to enlarge women’s breasts using hypnotherapy.
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### Netanyahu has lulled Israelis into a false sense of security
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/netanyahu-israel-election-false-sense-security-gaza-palestine-west-bank-trump-turkey-iran/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:01:42.000Z
For Binyamin Netanyahu, the future looks surprisingly bright – certainly much more than six months ago. As Israel faces a general election later this year, polling suggests [his party is gaining strength](https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/israel-politics/2026-02-05/ty-article/.premium/poll-shows-netanyahus-coalition-gaining-strength-arab-parties-win-15-seats/0000019c-2dd8-d6dd-a3bc-7df9845c0000?ref=opendemocracy.net), and there is now an increased chance that he will be able to form a viable coalition with extreme right-wing parties. In the process, the prime minister may be able to further [delay his court appearances](https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/netanyahu-corruption-trial-divides-israeli-public-2024-12-09/?ref=opendemocracy.net) on [charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-47409739?ref=opendemocracy.net), all of which he denies.
At the root of Netanyahu’s much-improved prospects is his government’s ability to convince the majority of Israeli Jews that they are once again secure, after the trauma of the Hamas attacks of October 2023\. Doing so has involved the Israeli Defence Forces killing more than 70,000 Palestinians in Gaza, with another 10,000 missing under the rubble. Israel last month accepted this death toll [as “broadly accurate”](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/30/israel-military-gaza-death-toll-broadly-accurate?ref=opendemocracy.net), having previously dismissed it as “Hamas propaganda”.
Netanyahu’s ministers have [reduced Gazans to the status of “human animals”](https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/oct/16/the-language-being-used-to-describe-palestinians-is-genocidal?ref=opendemocracy.net) over the past two years, and [polling suggests](https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/poll-show-most-jewish-israelis-support-expelling-gazans?ref=opendemocracy.net) that most Israeli Jews have now come to believe that the answer to their Gaza problem is removing the entire population, and many would even accept their being killed. The IDF is continuing military operations across the enclave, where hundreds of Palestinians have died since the ‘ceasefire’ started in October last year.
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### The "Danish Model" of Asylum Explained: Cruelty by Design? | With Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/danish-model-asylum-immigration-explained/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:02:09.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
**Why are British and European politicians obsessed with Denmark's immigration strategy? We uncover the dark reality of the "Danish Model" and how it punishes asylum seekers by design.**
Politicians across Europe - including the UK government - increasingly point to the so-called "Danish Model" as the ultimate solution for controlling borders, immigration, and asylum. But beyond the political talking points, what does this model actually look like on the ground?
In this episode of *In Solidarity*, host Aman Sethi sits down with Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen, the first-ever Danish Professor in Migration and Mobility Law. They break down the harsh reality of "indirect deterrence," how Europe's most liberal border became its strictest, and the secret history of the modern passport.
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### The Secret Pipeline: How the Far-Right is Radicalising Gen Z | With Jamie Vernaelde
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/far-right-radicalising-gen-z-jamie-vernaelde-ipas/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:01:56.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Are anti-rights movements infiltrating high schools? We uncover the deliberate, decades-old strategy the far-right is using to target young people, weaponise their insecurities, and build a pipeline of extremist power.
In this episode of *In Solidarity*, openDemocracy’s Senior Investigations Reporter Sian Norris sits down with Jamie Vernaelde, Senior Researcher at Ipas. They dive deep into a [chilling new report](https://www.ipas.org/resource/future-proofing-the-professionalization-of-an-anti-rights-youth-generation/?ref=opendemocracy.net) detailing how far-right and anti-rights movements are actively grooming the next generation. From exploiting economic and physical insecurities to pumping massive financial investments into youth pipelines, Jamie exposes the conservative playbook for molding young minds.
More importantly, they discuss what the progressive movement is getting wrong about youth engagement and how we can fight back by giving young people the space and resources to lead.
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### Who really wins from the US critical minerals drive?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/us-critical-minerals-tech-boom-ai-africa-who-benefits/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:02:21.000Z
The global race for technological supremacy now runs on cobalt, lithium, rare earths, and coltan – the minerals that make possible everything from electric vehicle batteries to semiconductors and artificial intelligence (AI) systems. Rare earths, a group of 17 metals essential to electronics and defence technologies, and coltan, the ore used to produce tantalum for smartphones and aerospace components, have become the building blocks of twenty-first-century power. Whoever controls their supply controls the infrastructure of our digital age.
China understood this decades ago and built a near monopoly, commanding around 70 percent of global rare earth mining and roughly 90 percent of the processing capacity that turns raw ore into usable material. The US and its allies are now scrambling to catch up. But what rarely features in coverage of this great power competition is that the minerals at the centre of it are overwhelmingly located in African soil.
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) alone holds roughly 70 percent of the world’s cobalt reserves, alongside vast deposits of coltan and copper. Zambia, Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Mozambique possess significant reserves of graphite, lithium and nickel. Africa is not peripheral to the technology economy. It is foundational to it. Yet most African producers remain confined to the lowest-value end of the supply chain, exporting raw ore while refining, manufacturing and profit accumulation take place elsewhere.
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### Meet our new tech reporting fellow: Jade-Ruyu Yan
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/tech-reporting-fellow-jade-ruyu-yan-tech-policy-press/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:02:32.000Z
openDemocracy is delighted to announce that Jade-Ruyu Yan has been selected as our inaugural tech reporting fellow in collaboration with Tech Policy Press.
Jade-Ruyu is an investigative journalist from Hong Kong with a focus on corporate influence. She brings a strong background to this unique fellowship, which involves tracking, investigating, and analysing the rapidly evolving tech and society beat in the United Kingdom.
Over the next 12 months, Jade-Ruyu’s work will be published by both openDemocracy and Tech Policy Press to ensure it reaches a wide and influential audience.
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### How FGM victims got caught in the crossfire of Trump’s war on trans kids
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-us-bill-transgender-minors-fgm-victims-survivors-gender-affirming-care/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:02:40.000Z
In December last year, the US House of Representatives passed the “Protect Children's Innocence Act”, a bill introduced by Republican representative Marjorie Taylor-Greene. If the title of the bill sounds Orwellian, it is because it is. A close reading of [H.R.3492](https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/3492/text?ref=opendemocracy.net), as the bill is also known, indicates the proposed legislation wilfully conflates gender-affirming healthcare for young trans people with the harmful and outlawed practice of female genital mutilation and cutting (FGM-C).
If passed, experts told openDemocracy, the legislation will increase suffering among two vulnerable groups: women and girls at risk of an extreme form of gender violence and trans young people, who are already more likely to experience suicidal thoughts and attempts than their cisgender peers.
Under the bill, medical staff providing such care can be punished with up to 10 years in prison. Parents will be charged only in cases relating to FGM-C, not gender-affirming care for trans youth.
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### Víctimas de mutilación genital femenina atrapadas en la guerra de Trump contra adolescentes trans
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-eeuu-proyecto-ley-menores-trans-victimas-mutilacion-genital-femenina-supervivientes-afirmacion-genero/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:02:53.000Z
En diciembre del año pasado, la Cámara de Representantes de Estados Unidos dio media sanción a la “Ley de Protección de la Inocencia Infantil", proyecto de la republicana Marjorie Taylor-Greene. Si el título suena orwelliano, es porque lo es.
El texto, también conocido como [H.R.3492](https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/3492/text?ref=opendemocracy.net), equipara deliberadamente la atención de salud de afirmación de género para adolescentes trans con una tradición dañina e ilegal, la mutilación genital femenina (MGF).
Si se aprueba, dijeron a democraciaAbierta fuentes expertas, va a empeorar el sufrimiento de dos grupos vulnerables: mujeres y niñas en riesgo de una forma extrema de violencia de género, y jóvenes y adolescentes trans, quienes ya tienen más probabilidades de experimentar pensamientos e intentos suicidas que sus pares cisgénero.
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### In Copenhagen, Danes and Greenlanders told us why Trump’s threats matter
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-nato-greenland-denmark-europe-rare-earth-minerals-independence-us/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:03:03.000Z
“If the United States takes over and annexes Greenland, what legal rights will they have to try to stop Putin in Ukraine?”
That was the question posed by Jens B. Frederiksen, Greenland’s former deputy prime minister, when we met over coffee in central Copenhagen last week. “Which legal rights will they have to try to defend Taiwan, if China wants Taiwan?” he continued. “Trump \[is\] just the same person as Putin. Trump wants to own Greenland. He wants to make the US bigger.”
Three weeks before our conversation, Frederiksen had addressed 30,000 Danes and Greenlanders as they gathered in the Danish capital to oppose Donald Trump’s threat to invade Greenland some 3,550 kilometres away. The strategically important island, two-thirds of which lies within the Arctic Circle, has been a semi-autonomous part of the Kingdom of Denmark for more than 70 years, and a Danish colony for 140 years before that.
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### AI bots may lead to the end of the internet as we know it
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ai-chatbots-scraper-bots-chatgpt-website-offline-change-internet/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:03:14.000Z
In recent weeks, openDemocracy’s website has been repeatedly knocked offline, as if under enemy attack. The partial cause is a gargantuan barrage of automated bots from AI companies.
As people increasingly turn to chatbots and other large language models (LLMs) rather than searching or visiting sites directly, AI companies are using large-scale scrapers [to gather the data](https://arstechnica.com/ai/2025/03/devs-say-ai-crawlers-dominate-traffic-forcing-blocks-on-entire-countries/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to power their services.
Many of these scrapers are so sophisticated that it is hard, or impossible, to detect them in action. They often ignore the websites’ programmatic pleas not to be scraped, and are known to hit the more fragile parts of a website repeatedly.
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### Protests, proscription and the power of the jury
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/palestine-action-protest-jury-history-non-violent-direct-action-suffragettes-colonialism-civil-rights/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:03:32.000Z
A judicial review overturning the Labour government’s proscription of Palestine Action was a very welcome surprise to pro-Palestinian campaigners last week.
Home secretary Shabana Mahmood has indicated that she [intends to appeal the decision](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/live/c8x90q9nyzyt?ref=opendemocracy.net); the law remains in force for now and is creating plenty of debate. Missing from these discussions, though, is the court ruling’s broader significance, especially when considered in the context of the historic role of nonviolent direct action.
Under the law, ‘nonviolent’ means an incident involved no violence to people but may have caused disruption or damage to property. It is best explored at two levels: the frequency at which protesters are acquitted in jury trials, including recent examples relating to Gaza, and the much wider issue of whether direct action can be an important part of historic and long-lasting social change.
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### Gaza's Illusionary Ceasefire: With Jamil Sawalmeh
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/gaza-palestine-israel-ceasefire-genocide-jamil-sawalmeh-action-aid/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:43:58.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Over 71,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israel since the war began on Oct 7 2023, in what a UN inquiry has described as a “genocide”. When a US-brokered ceasefire was declared in October last year, the world's attention moved on to the next crisis. Since then at least 463 Palestinians had been killed by Israel as of Jan 21 this year, of whom 100 were children, according to the UN Relief and Works Agency.
Anywhere where else in the world, this would be an active conflict. In Palestine, this is what a ceasefire looks like.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Epstein, Brussels and the far right, Petro-dollars and Venezuela
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/epstein-brussels-farright-petrodollars-venezuela/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:03:59.000Z
Is the far right winning, and what’s the prize? We sent our reporter, Sian Norris, to the Political Network for Values’ seventh annual transatlantic summit in Brussels to find out. Little known outside the world of anti-gender activists, the PNfV has racked up political successes that other far-right groups can only dream of. In her piece, Sian pairs her reporting from the conference with a dive into the Epstein files to reveal the truly networked nature of the right.
Meanwhile, as the Trump presidency continues to lay waste to the global order, our Latin America correspondent, Angelina de los Santos, reports on how Latin America interprets what’s unfolding in Venezuela, while Paul Rogers explains that Iran has more options than Trump and Netanyahu imagine.
Finally, I know this newsletter goes on a lot about the coarsening discourse around migration (and I can imagine you, dear reader, are fatigued by this subject), but I can’t help observing that this week saw Manchester’s favourite Monaco tax resident Jim Ratcliffe claim that the UK was being “colonised by immigrants”. To be honest, on weeks like this, I’m at a loss as to what we at openDemocracy should do to support a sane conversation. Do you have any thoughts? Is our coverage missing something?
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### Not just oil, the Venezuela invasion is about preserving the petrodollar
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/us-venezuela-invasion-us-dollar-trump-oil-maduro-china-iran-russia-petrodollar/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:04:16.000Z
“We don’t need Venezuela’s oil. We have plenty of oil in the United States,” the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, told [an NBC interviewer](https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/trump-administration/secretary-state-marco-rubio-us-capture-maduro-war-venezuela-elections-rcna252111?ref=opendemocracy.net) the day after US troops snatched Nicolas Maduro from Caracas last month.
“What we’re not going to allow is for the oil industry in Venezuela to be controlled by adversaries of the United States,” Rubio added, going on to name the US’s list of usual suspects: China, Russia, Iran. “They’re not even in this continent; this is the Western Hemisphere. This is where we live.”
While it is indeed unlikely that Donald Trump’s invasion of Venezuela was intended solely to open up access to the country’s deep oil reserves for American companies, the oil factor speaks to broader forces that are also at play. Specifically, experts openDemocracy spoke with pointed to oil’s role in weakening the US dollar’s position as the financial instrument of choice on the international stage, which is in turn reducing the US’s global economic dominance.
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### What Latin America’s press misses about Venezuela
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-media-darien-oil-maduro-capture-spanish-language-media-latin-america/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:04:32.000Z
Before US helicopters landed in Caracas to kidnap Nicolás Maduro last month, Venezuela occupied an intermittent place on the international news agenda – even in Spanish-language media. Its political, economic, and humanitarian crises surfaced only at moments of high impact – elections fraud, protests, migration spikes – before fading back into the global background hum.
“This is the first time in a long while that so many voices are commenting on, opining about, and analysing what is happening here,” Venezuelan journalist Valentina Gil, who specialises in fact-checking and digital content production, told openDemocracy.
Latin America’s Spanish-language media is incredibly diverse and reflects the region’s complex history and the multitude of present interests. There are national outlets and regional outlets in each country, but also a wide array of Hispanic media based in the United States, the region’s military hegemon, ‘media in exile’ scattered through North and Central America and Europe and also the major Spanish-language online newspaper from Spain, the region’s former colonial power.
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### Activistas de la extrema derecha se juntan en el Parlamento Europeo para compartir agravios
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/bruselas-cumbre-extrema-derecha-global-trump-epstein-bannon-kast/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:04:48.000Z
Un martes lluvioso de la semana pasada, el presidente electo de Chile, José Antonio Kast, subió a un estrado del Parlamento Europeo para prometer lealtad a la Casa Blanca de Donald Trump.
“Hemos trabajado juntos durante muchos años y generado vínculos a ambos lados del Atlántico”, dijo Kast ante una audiencia de cientos de políticos elegantemente vestidos, asesores especiales, miembros de centros de pensamiento e influyentes figuras políticas. “Queremos ver esa alianza entre Estados Unidos y Europa”.
En un mes, el ultraderechista Kast estará gobernando Chile, tras haber vendido el ya conocido cóctel de ira populista, narrativa antiinmigrante y mensajes contra la igualdad de derechos para las personas LGBTQ+ y contra la autonomía corporal de las mujeres. En Bruselas, su discurso fue celebrado y replicado. “Los amantes de la libertad en todo el mundo deben trabajar más estrechamente con Estados Unidos”, afirmó el exministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil, Ernesto Araújo, cuando le dieron el micrófono. “Esta debe ser una lucha transnacional”.
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### Iran has more options up its sleeve than Trump and Netanyahu assume
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/iran-israel-us-war-trump-netanyahu-nuclear/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:05:01.000Z
Are the US and Iran headed for all-out war? Binyamin Netanyahu is undoubtedly hoping so. With a general election looming this year, the Israeli prime minister certainly believes it is vital to convince Donald Trump that the US should force Iran to cease its nuclear programme entirely and stop developing and deploying ballistic missiles that can reach Israel.
Having confirmed he will seek re-election, achieving these aims would give Netanyahu a much greater chance of presenting himself as a victorious leader, regardless of the suffering inflicted on Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied West Bank.
To that end, Netanyahu visited Washington this week to join Trump’s Board of Peace, the newly created US mechanism to settle the war in Gaza. He was not due to travel to the US until the board’s first official full meeting next week, but his trip was unexpectedly brought forward due to the US/Iranian negotiations over the latter’s nuclear weapons programme, with the next round of talks likely to take place next week.
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### Inside the summit uniting the world’s most successful far-right activists
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/far-right-trump-epstein-national-security-free-speech-pnfv/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:05:17.000Z
On a rainy Tuesday last week, Chile’s president-elect José Kast took to a stage in the European Parliament to pledge allegiance to Donald Trump’s White House.
“We’ve worked together for so many years and generated links on both sides of the pond,” the incoming far-right president told his audience, hundreds of sharply dressed politicians, special advisers, think tank staffers and political influencers. “We want to see that alliance between the USA and Europe.”
In one month, Kast will be in power, having sold a now-familiar cocktail of populist anger, anti-immigrant sentiment, and anti-gender messaging around abortion and LGBTQ+ rights. In Brussels, his speech was both celebrated and echoed. “Freedom lovers around the world must work more closely with the US,” said Brazil’s former minister of foreign affairs, Ernesto Araújo, when he was given the microphone. “This needs to be a transnational fight.”
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### Special Issue: The World of Fluid Technology and Moving People
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/special-issue-fluid-technology/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:05:26.000Z
We need a new conversation and a new imagination about immigration: not just here in the UK, but in every country around the world. Economic and social precarity has made populations in host countries fearful of immigrants, even as technology has made it easier than ever to cross geographical borders.
As I’ve written before in this newsletter, even developing countries – whose citizens and economies are beneficiaries of outward immigration – are increasingly hostile to inward immigration.
So in January this year, we invited Petra Molnar, a lawyer and anthropologist specialising in migration and human rights, to engage with our newsroom as openDemocracy’s first ‘Scholar in Residence’. Over the next six months, Petra will attend newsroom meetings, write for our website, and serve as a thinking companion for our journalists as we tackle one of the biggest stories of our time.
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### Nothing about us, without us: Reclaiming power in an age of border technology
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/migration-technology-monitor-manifesto-fellowship-nairobi-reclaiming-power-borders/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:05:35.000Z
In November 2025, something rare happened in Nairobi, Kenya. People who are usually treated at worst as data points or risk scores and at best as ‘beneficiaries’ of innovation gathered as equals to collectively reflect on how technology is reshaping migration, borders, and power.
The occasion was the first in-person gathering of the [Migration and Technology Monitor](https://www.migrationtechmonitor.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (MTM) Fellowship, a global initiative that supports people with lived experiences of migration and occupation to investigate, document, and challenge the technologies governing their lives.
Fellows travelled to Nairobi from across Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Some arrived after long, costly visa processes. Others were prevented from coming at the last minute, a reminder that borders do not pause even for those invited to discuss them.
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### Life beyond the stats: The refugees reclaiming their stories
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/memory-scroll-refugees-tell-stories-social-media-bidibidi-uganda/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:05:44.000Z
As refugees, we are frequently counted but rarely heard. When journalists write about where I live, the Bidibidi Refugee Settlement in northern Uganda, they often first note that it is home to half a million people, including more than 280,000 South Sudanese refugees. From there, our lives continue to be reduced to statistics: the number of arrivals, of tents, of food rations, of education places.
While these metrics matter, they don’t at all mirror the human complexity that marks the life of a refugee. Each person here carries a distinct history made by war, displacement, survival, hunger, loss, resilience, humour, grief, creativity, faith, and contradiction, almost none of which makes it into spreadsheets.
The fact that we ended up here is the result of many, many inspiring stories, and all the time we are living through new ones. Refugees face many barriers to telling our narratives: limited access to technology, lack of safe platforms, language exclusion, fear of misrepresentation, fear of loss of culture and simply not being asked.
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### Venezuela: Una pieza táctica para sellar las grietas en la hegemonía del dólar
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-eeuu-china-trump-dolar-petroleo-desdolarizacion-hegemonia-intervencion-militar/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:05:53.000Z
Un día después de que Estados Unidos secuestrara a Nicolás Maduro en Caracas, el secretario de Estado estadounidense Marco Rubio matizó la narrativa en torno a la intervención militar en Venezuela basada en el petróleo.
“No necesitamos el petróleo de Venezuela. Tenemos mucho petróleo en Estados Unidos", dijo[ en una entrevista televisiva](https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/trump-administration/secretary-state-marco-rubio-us-capture-maduro-war-venezuela-elections-rcna252111?ref=opendemocracy.net). “Lo que no vamos a permitir es que la industria petrolera de Venezuela sea controlada por adversarios de Estados Unidos".
A continuación, Rubio enumeró una lista de los sospechosos de siempre para Estados Unidos: China, Rusia, Irán. ¿Por qué necesitan el petróleo de Venezuela?, cuestionó. "Aquí es donde vivimos".
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### Healing beyond borders: Digital mental health support for refugees
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/mindease-mental-health-refugees-somaliland-digital-support/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:06:06.000Z
My understanding of trauma did not begin with a textbook or a diagnosis. It grew little by little over many years; from the sounds of missiles and bombs we had to sleep through every night to watching my father be carried to us, soaked in blood, a collateral damage of war.
In Somaliland, displacement was not a single event but a continuous state of being. We moved again and again, escaping danger or searching for so‑called stability across places that never felt like home. With each move, something was lost: peace, routine, normality, and a sense of belonging.
I did not immediately recognise what I was carrying. At first, it felt like constant exhaustion, fear without a clear reason, and an overwhelming sense of pressure to stay strong. Over time, I became numb, I withdrew, I felt lonely even when surrounded by people, trapped in a life shaped by uncertainty, and deeply desperate in moments I could not explain to anyone else. There were days when the weight of survival left no room to process grief, fear, or sadness.
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### A broken lifeline: Fixing humanitarian aid’s missing link
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/we-must-teach-refugees-fix-phones-devices-uganda-rhino-camp/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:06:20.000Z
In late 2016, soon after I arrived at Uganda’s Rhino Camp Refugee Settlement, a friend of mine was charged 200,000 Ugandan shillings ($55) to regain access to a phone he’d been locked out of. It was more than he could afford, and the technician refused to explain how the repair was carried out.
That moment was a turning point for me. For refugees and migrants like myself, phones and other digital technologies are an invaluable lifeline; they’re vital for staying in touch with loved ones left behind, for learning, job opportunities, social cohesion, and healing. Yet repair and maintenance services remain largely overlooked in humanitarian aid – and replacing a broken phone isn’t a realistic option for many refugees.
Broken devices are often discarded prematurely or carried long distances to cities in the hopes of finding someone to fix them at a somewhat affordable price, worsening refugees’ digital exclusion, financial strain and data loss. As Peter Gift, a member of the Refugee Welfare Council, said: “A damaged phone means no contact with loved ones, lost memories. A faulty solar lamp means a child studies in the dark.”
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### Fake visas and complex databases: Tech’s role in exploiting migrant workers
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/fake-visas-tech-role-exploiting-migrant-workers/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:06:36.000Z
When I first left Nepal to work as a salesman in Saudi Arabia, my contract said my new employer would provide accommodation. It didn’t state what kind of accommodation, but I didn’t give it much thought. I assumed it would be reasonable, perhaps a shared room offering basic dignity.
On arrival, I found I was expected to sleep on the floor of one room with five other people. At that moment, I realised that the problem was not only the company’s treatment of its migrant workers, but also my own lack of clarity and awareness.
My contract had been vague, and I did not know how to ask the right questions.
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### Israeli border tech is not about security, it’s a tool for ethnic cleansing
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/israel-border-tech-ethnic-cleansing-palestine-west-bank-hebron-wolf-pack/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:06:52.000Z
I am sitting around a fire outside my home. Above me, a drone circles my house, stopping every few minutes to hover some 15 meters away. Its camera points directly at me, unsubtly filming me in my own yard.
This is not unusual. I am filmed, photographed, tracked and surveilled wherever I go.
In Hebron, the largest city in the occupied West Bank, where my family has lived for generations, the presence of the Israeli state is everywhere. For the 215,000 or so Palestinians here, there is no such thing as privacy.
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### Del ‘infierno’ del Darién al barril de crudo: qué dicen los medios sobre Venezuela
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-medios-darien-petroleo-maduro-eeuu-secuestro/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:07:06.000Z
Antes de que helicópteros estadounidenses aterrizaran en Caracas para secuestrar a Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela ocupaba un lugar intermitente en la agenda informativa internacional, incluso en la prensa en español. Su crisis política, económica y humanitaria emergía solo en momentos de alto impacto – elecciones fraudulentas, protestas, picos migratorios – para luego diluirse en el runrún global.
“Es la primera vez en mucho tiempo que tantas voces comentan, opinan y analizan lo que sucede acá”, dijo a democraciaAbierta la periodista venezolana Valentina Gil, especializada en verificación de datos y producción de contenidos digitales.
Según Gil, antes de la incursión estadounidense, Venezuela era narrada casi exclusivamente a través del desplazamiento de su población: las [7,9 millones de personas](https://www.acnur.org/emergencias/situacion-de-venezuela?%5Fgl=1%2A1wpn8k1%2A%5Fgcl%5Fau%2AMjAxOTE0MTM3MC4xNzcwMTMxMTg2%2A%5Frup%5Fga%2AMTczMzAxNjYxMy4xNzcwMTMxMTg3%2A%5Frup%5Fga%5FEVDQTJ4LMY%2AczE3NzAxMzExODYkbzEkZzEkdDE3NzAxMzExOTQkajUyJGwwJGgw%2A%5Fga%2AMTczMzAxNjYxMy4xNzcwMTMxMTg3%2A%5Fga%5FX2YZPJ1XWR%2AczE3NzAxMzExOTQkbzEkZzAkdDE3NzAxMzExOTQkajYwJGwwJGgw&ref=opendemocracy.net) que han salido del país en los últimos años. Las portadas hablaban del cruce a pie por el [”infierno” del Tapón del Darién](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LmV5dJ6kF04&ref=opendemocracy.net) (la densa selva en la frontera entre Colombia y Panamá que los migrantes sudamericanos atraviesan para llegar al norte), de los visados exigidos a última hora aun a quienes estaban solo de paso, o de las deportaciones desde Estados Unidos.
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### A start-up says it can ‘end rape’. Read the fine print
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/enough-end-rape-self-swab-dna-kit-privatisation-bristol-university-small-print/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:07:18.000Z
Enough – the start-up company offering self-swab DNA kits for rape survivors – launched in Bristol in 2024 as the self-described “breathalyser of rape”. It claimed to offer a solution to the rape epidemic that survivors want.
The company hands out rape kits to students for free, while selling them online for £20\. It specifically targets fathers with its “dads for daughters” product, encouraging men to “channel their inner Liam Neeson” (a reference to the film *Taken*) and buy five kits for £100.
As well as the kits, Enough encourages survivors to post on its online testimonial platform and offers videos with advice on how to cope with trauma following sexual violence.
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### Anti-rape start-up’s kits endanger survivors and victims, experts warn
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/enough-anti-rape-self-test-dna-kit-fails-rape-victims-misleads-public-start-up-mps/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:07:29.000Z
When Maria\* was sexually assaulted during her first year at the University of Bristol, she did not feel able to go to a Sexual Assault Referral Centre. She instead decided to use a self-swab DNA kit that Enough, a start-up company that believes its kits can help “end rape”, had been distributing at pubs and cafes around the city days earlier.
“I was in a mess, and I felt too weak to go to a SARC,” she told openDemocracy. “But I thought I would do the kit.”
A friend volunteered to post the swab to Enough’s laboratory partner, which would then analyse it to see if two sets of DNA were present. “Months went by, and I didn’t hear anything,” Maria said. “I didn’t know how long it was meant to take.”
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### How a US/Israeli strike on Iran could ignite a wider conflict
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/us-attack-iran-israel-trump-netanyahy-paul-rogers-research-oxford-research-group/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:07:39.000Z
On his way back from Davos last weekend, Donald Trump warned the Iranian leadership of a naval force heading for the Middle East with an implied threat of military action. Since then, an aircraft carrier strike group led by the *USS Abraham Lincoln* has arrived in the Indian Ocean bordering the Arabian Sea and within the US Central Command’s area of operations.
Trump’s previous promise of US intervention in Iran if anti-government protesters were killed appears to have had little impact on the Tehran regime. Nearly 6,000 people have died and 41,800 detained, according to [human rights groups](https://www.france24.com/en/middle-east/20260127-iran-crackdown-protests-killed-more-than-6000-human-rights-group-says?ref=opendemocracy.net), although new evidence suggests the [death toll could be as high as 30,000](https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2026/jan/27/iran-protests-death-toll-disappeared-bodies-mass-burials-30000-dead?ref=opendemocracy.net) amid a determined cover-up by the state.
Even so, Trump’s current naval build-up seems less concerned with the mass killing of protestors than a [US-led military operation to change the Tehran regime](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/26/iran-prepares-possible-attack-us-navy?ref=opendemocracy.net).
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### Al Fayed survivors urge Harrods not to share their data with abuser’s estate
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/harrods-fayed-abuse-compensation-failures-trafficking-personal-information-estate/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:07:47.000Z
When Harrods announced it would open a redress scheme to compensate survivors of abuse by the luxury London department store’s former owner, Mohamad Al Fayed, it received praise and positive press coverage for its actions.
As a network of survivors, we have been shocked and dismayed by Harrods’ approach to redress. Its scheme is not just inadequate, it forces survivors to trade safety for compensation, and risks undermining criminal justice in the UK and France, where Al Fayed’s family still own the luxury Ritz Paris hotel.
Multiple women raised allegations against Al Fayed during his lifetime. It was not until a BBC broadcast in September 2024 – a year after his death aged 94 – that the scale and systemic nature of the abuse became clear.
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### Trump amenaza al mundo con un año turbulento
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-acciones-militares-groenlandia-venezuela-iran/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:07:55.000Z
Si el mundo logra sobrevivir la próxima década en un estado tolerable de bienestar global, miraremos al segundo mandato de Trump con una mezcla de alivio e incredulidad: alivio por haber sobrevivido e incredulidad ante la conducta de Donald Trump.
¿Cómo llegamos a tener a un hombre con el dedo en el botón nuclear amenazando con invadir y ocupar parte del territorio de un Estado miembro de la OTAN? No solo eso: [Trump sostiene que su deseo](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cy7mev35x2lo?ref=opendemocracy.net) de que Estados Unidos tenga un “control completo y total de Groenlandia” – un territorio semiautónomo danés – se disparó por el comportamiento, según él artero, del pueblo noruego al negarle lo que considera que le corresponde: el Premio Nobel de la Paz.
(Como ha señalado el primer ministro de Noruega, el gobierno no decide quién recibe el Nobel de la Paz).
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### Palantir, la empresa detrás de las redadas de ICE, tiene una puerta giratoria en la defensa británica
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/defensa-reino-unido-palantir-tecnologia-vigilancia-espionaje-digital-ice-redadas-eeuu/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:08:08.000Z
El gigante estadounidense del espionaje digital Palantir contrató el año pasado a cuatro exfuncionarios del Ministerio de Defensa británico. La última incorporación se produjo meses antes de que la compañía obtuviera el mayor contrato de su historia con ese ministerio, revela openDemocracy en exclusiva.
Barnaby Kistruck dejó su cargo como director de estrategia industrial, prosperidad y exportaciones del Ministerio de Defensa el 31 de agosto de 2025, poniendo fin a una carrera de casi dos décadas en la administración pública, dedicada a seguridad y defensa nacional.
Nueve días después, asumió su nuevo puesto como asesor *senior* de Palantir, la empresa de sistemas militares y de vigilancia que desarrolló una herramienta de inteligencia artificial para ayudar en las redadas migratorias del ICE (Servicio de Control de Inmigración y Aduanas de EEUU). (La [*app* Elite](https://expansion.mx/tecnologia/2026/01/27/que-es-palantir-ia-usada-redadas-migrantes-ice?ref=opendemocracy.net) muestra en un mapa posibles objetivos de deportación, con un expediente sobre cada persona y su posible localización, utilizando, entre otras fuentes, las direcciones de las personas que le entrega el Departamento de Salud).
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### Revealed: Women suffer most from spiralling court backlog
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/crisis-prisons-remand-overcrowding-mental-health-uk-politics-women-england-wales/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:08:22.000Z
A fifth of prisoners in England and Wales have not been tried or sentenced, with that figure rising to a quarter of all women in prison, openDemocracy can reveal.
Of the approximately 87,000 people imprisoned in England and Wales, more than 17,000 were held on remand while awaiting trial or sentencing as of June 2025\. This is a 44% rise in the decade since June 2015, when 11,785 were on remand, according to Ministry of Justice data analysed by openDemocracy. The overall prison population increased by 2% in that time.
In some prisons, more than half of prisoners are on remand, according to data collected by the MoJ during prison inspections. Inspectors visiting HMP Leeds and HMP Lewes last year found that 70% of prisoners in both prisons were on remand.
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### Revealed: Lobbying firm selling access to ministers for £30,000
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/arden-strategies-cash-for-access-future-labour-ministers-tech-summit-liz-kendall-jim-murphy/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:08:35.000Z
A [Labour-linked lobbying firm](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/dark-money-investigations/arden-strategies-labour-keir-starmer-lobbying-arms-firms-energy-northrop-grumman-drax/) is selling access to government officials, including tech secretary Liz Kendall and “top advisers to the prime minister”, for tens of thousands of pounds, openDemocracy can reveal.
Businesses looking to sponsor July’s Future of Tech Summit, which is coordinated by Arden Strategies and tech industry lobbying group Startup Coalition, can choose from a tiered range of packages, according to a brochure sent out to prospective sponsors this week.
The most expensive costs £30,000 and entitles the sponsor to make a speech at the reception, be introduced to key policymakers and attend a “private post-conference tech dinner” with senior advisers to Keir Starmer and chancellor Rachel Reeves.
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### Zarah Sultana: Palantir has no place in UK public services
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/zarah-sultana-palantir-has-no-place-in-uk-public-services/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:08:43.000Z
Palantir is not a normal software company. It was founded with an explicit mission which remains at the heart of its operations today: to maintain US global domination.
We know exactly what that means. Endless wars. Drone strikes. A vast machinery of surveillance and occupation stretching from Afghanistan and Iraq to the ongoing genocide in Gaza. A world in which Washington’s military reach grows ever longer, and the UK prime minister increasingly behaves less like an ally and more like a compliant poodle, nodding along to whatever the White House demands.
On an investor call last February, Palantir’s CEO, Alex Karp, said he was “super proud” of what his company does. Perhaps he was referring to Palantir’s role in [enabling ICE to target migrant communities](https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/ice-immigrationos-palantir-ai-track-immigrants/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and tear families apart. Or perhaps he meant reports that its technology has [allegedly helped the Israeli military generate “kill lists”](https://www.thenation.com/article/world/nsa-palantir-israel-gaza-ai/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – a practice condemned by human-rights organisations for contributing to the mass civilian casualties we are witnessing in Gaza.
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### The great Ministry of Defence-to-Palantir pipeline
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/palantir-ministry-defence-hire-four-officials-2025-record-defence-contract-240-million/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:09:12.000Z
Palantir hired four ex-Ministry of Defence officials last year, with its latest recruit joining months before the US spyware giant won its biggest ever contract with the department, openDemocracy can reveal.
On 31 August 2025, Barnaby Kistruck left his role as the Ministry of Defence’s director of industrial strategy, prosperity and exports – marking the end of a career in the civil service spanning almost two decades, in which he’d worked primarily on national security and defence.
Nine days later, he took up his new position as senior counsellor at Palantir, a US tech firm with close ties to the Trump administration that specialises in providing AI-powered military and surveillance systems and data analytics.
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### Zarah Sultana: Palantir has no place in UK public services
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/zarah-sutlana-palantir-no-place-uk-public-services-ministry-of-defence/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:08:58.000Z
Palantir is not a normal software company. It was founded with an explicit mission which remains at the heart of its operations today: to maintain US global domination.
We know exactly what that means. Endless wars. Drone strikes. A vast machinery of surveillance and occupation stretching from Afghanistan and Iraq to the ongoing genocide in Gaza. A world in which Washington’s military reach grows ever longer, and the UK prime minister increasingly behaves less like an ally and more like a compliant poodle, nodding along to whatever the White House demands.
On an investor call last February, Palantir’s CEO, Alex Karp, said he was “super proud” of what his company does. Perhaps he was referring to Palantir’s role in [enabling ICE to target migrant communities](https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/blog/ice-immigrationos-palantir-ai-track-immigrants/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and tear families apart. Or perhaps he meant reports that its technology has [allegedly helped the Israeli military generate “kill lists”](https://www.thenation.com/article/world/nsa-palantir-israel-gaza-ai/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – a practice condemned by human-rights organisations for contributing to the mass civilian casualties we are witnessing in Gaza.
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### Trump’s recent actions point to a turbulent year for the world
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-actions-troubled-year-ahead-war-greenland-middle-east/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:09:31.000Z
If we survive the next decade in a tolerable state of global well-being, we will look back on the second Trump administration with a mix of relief and incredulity; relief that the world survived and incredulity over Donald Trump’s behaviour.
Just how did we come to have a man with his finger on the nuclear button threatening to invade and occupy part of a NATO member state? Not only that, but [Trump claims](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cy7mev35x2lo?ref=opendemocracy.net) his desire for the US to have “complete and total control of Greenland” – a semi-autonomous Danish territory – was fuelled by the duplicitous behaviour of the Norwegian people in refusing what was rightfully his: the Nobel Peace Prize.
(As Norway’s prime minister has pointed out, the country’s government does not decide who gets the peace prize.)
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### EEUU: El asesinato de Renee Good es una pista de la violencia estatal
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/asesinato-renee-good-violencia-estatal-ice-estados-unidos-trump-minnesota/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:09:43.000Z
Hasta el asesinato a balazos de Renee Good, una ciudadana y madre estadounidense de 37 años, a manos de un agente del Servicio de Control de Inmigración y Aduanas (ICE) en Minneapolis a principios de este mes, muchas personas aún creían que las redadas federales migratorias representaban una amenaza únicamente para los inmigrantes indocumentados.
La muerte de Good destruyó ese mito. Su asesinato conmocionó al país y sirvió como una advertencia brutal: nadie está libre de la violencia estatal. Independientemente de la raza, el género o el estatus migratorio, cuando el Estado decide que el uso de la fuerza está justificado, las vidas de personas negras – sean ciudadanas o migrantes – pasan a ser prescindibles.
La creciente presencia del ICE ordenada por Trump ha [intensificado la colaboración](https://www.ice.gov/287g?ref=opendemocracy.net) entre agentes federales y departamentos de policía locales. Las fuerzas del orden locales ahora entregan al ICE inteligencia, herramientas de mapeo y acceso a barrios enteros, convirtiendo las ciudades en zonas de control. Hogares, lugares de trabajo, escuelas y hospitales se han transformado en espacios de captura.
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### Renee Good’s killing reveals how far the state will go
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/renee-good-killing-ice-expansion-state-violence-trump/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:09:53.000Z
Until the fatal shooting of Renee Good, a 37-year-old US citizen and mother, by an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent in Minneapolis earlier this month, many people still believed that federal immigration enforcement posed a threat only to undocumented immigrants.
Good’s killing shattered that myth. Her death sent shockwaves across the country and served as a brutal warning: no one is exempt from state violence. Regardless of race, gender, or immigration status, when the state decides force is justified, Black lives – citizen or migrant – are rendered disposable.
ICE’s expanding presence under Donald Trump has [intensified collaboration](https://www.ice.gov/287g?ref=opendemocracy.net) between federal agents and local police departments. Local law enforcement now supplies ICE with intelligence, mapping tools, and access to entire neighbourhoods, effectively turning cities into enforcement zones. Homes, workplaces, schools and hospitals have become sites of capture.
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### ‘Could I be in their cabinet?’: Big Business eyes up Reform
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/reform-nigel-farage-business-lobbying-be-in-cabinet-policies-deregulation-finance/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:10:08.000Z
Richard Tice must be sick of finger sandwiches. In the last few months, Reform UK’s deputy leader has ramped up his meetings with Big Business, openDemocracy can reveal, spending one or two mornings each week getting together with industry leaders at roundtable breakfast events facilitated by lobbying firms.
This campaign has several aims, not least to get businesses developing Reform’s future manifesto. The party believes it has the votes needed to win at the 2029 election – or, it says, even sooner – but it doesn’t yet have the policies or the people needed to govern. That’s where Tice comes in; he’s asked businesses to detail their policy ideas in written submissions of no more than three pages, openDemocracy understands.
Big Finance looks particularly set to benefit from this engagement. Like Labour and the Conservatives before it, Reform has promised a bonfire of regulations aimed at further unleashing the economic might of the financial sector.
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### Venezuela sin venezolanos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/venezuela-sin-venezolanos-maduro-trump-cobertura-mediatica/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:10:23.000Z
Como todos los venezolanos y venezolanas, he estado pegada al teléfono siguiendo el momento que atraviesa nuestro país y tratando de darle algún sentido a la situación surrealista de ver a mi país bombardeado por fuerzas estadounidenses y a un dictador de años removido casi en tiempo real.
Todo ha ocurrido a una velocidad que roza lo irreal. Pero tan increíbles y perturbadores como han sido los hechos en sí, lo que más me ha inquietado es la rapidez con la que dejamos de ser siquiera el sujeto de la historia.
Casi de inmediato, la cobertura mediática se desplazó hacia otro lugar: abstracciones sobre poder y soberanía, derecho internacional, petróleo, precedentes y geopolítica.
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### Venezuela without Venezuelans
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-without-venezuelans-maduro-trump-media-coverage/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:10:51.000Z
Like all Venezuelans, I have been glued to my phone over the last week following the moment our country is going through and trying to make any sense of the surreal situation of seeing my country bombed by US forces and a years-long dictator removed almost in real time.
Everything has happened with a speed that borders on the unreal. But as unbelievable and shocking as the events themselves are, what has unsettled me more is how quickly Venezuelans ceased to be the subject of the story at all.
Almost immediately, the media coverage migrated elsewhere toward abstractions of power and sovereignty, international law, toward oil, precedent, and geopolitics.
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### Después de Maduro, se avecina una tormenta en Venezuela
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-venezuela-machado-entrevista-laura-tedesco/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:11:28.000Z
Si en el pasado distintos presidentes de Estados Unidos apelaban a la expansión de la libertad y la defensa de la democracia para justificar el apoyo a dictadores, el bombardeo de territorios lejanos y la invasión de países, la administración actual ni siquiera ha recurrido a ese tipo de excusas.
La semana pasada, fuerzas de seguridad estadounidenses secuestraron al presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro y a su esposa de un complejo en Caracas y los presentaron ante un tribunal de Manhattan acusados de narcotráfico.
Sin embargo, en entrevistas posteriores con varios medios estadounidenses, el presidente Donald Trump dejó claro que el motivo de esta acción militar, probablemente ilegal, era apropiarse de las vastas reservas petroleras de Venezuela.
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### La apuesta bélica billonaria de Trump: ¿dará votos en las elecciones de medio mandato?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-guerra-presupuesto-militar-venezuela-caracas/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:30:22.000Z
El plan de Donald Trump para elevar el gasto militar de Estados Unidos a 1,5 billones de dólares indica, en el mejor de los casos, la intención de situar la fuerza militar en el centro de su presidencia y, en el peor, una administración que se prepara para una guerra total.
El miércoles 7, el presidente [presentó su propuesta](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cy59kxl2xwzo?ref=opendemocracy.net) de aumentar el presupuesto de defensa en casi un 60% para el ejercicio fiscal de 2027, tras tres semanas de operaciones estadounidenses letales en Nigeria, Siria, Venezuela y los litorales del Caribe y el Pacífico.
Un aumento de esta magnitud, desde los 901.000 millones de dólares de este año, sugiere que la Casa Blanca se está preparando para una guerra de gran escala, un escenario para el que Trump ha dicho que el mundo debe estar preparado.
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### Taxpayers paid to send MoD official to work for elite bank Rothschild & Co
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ministry-of-defence-official-seconded-rothschild-bank-private-finance-military/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:30:31.000Z
Taxpayers paid for a Ministry of Defence official to spend almost a year working for an elite investment bank that’s seeking to increase the role of private finance in military budgets, openDemocracy can reveal.
The staffer was seconded to Rothschild & Co in February last year and recalled to the MoD on 5 January 2026 – the same day we contacted the government to ask about it.
They were placed in the bank’s geopolitical advisory department to work under Mark Sedwill, who was the UK’s cabinet secretary and national security adviser until 2020, when he left office and was appointed to the House of Lords.
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### Trump’s $1.5trn gamble: Will endless conflict win midterm votes?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-military-war-budget-venezuela-caracas/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:30:39.000Z
Donald Trump’s plan to raise US military spending to $1.5trn at best signals a plan to put military force at the centre of his presidency, and at worst, an administration planning for all-out war.
The president this week [unveiled his proposal](https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cy59kxl2xwzo?ref=opendemocracy.net) to increase the defence budget by almost 60% by the 2027 fiscal year, after three weeks of lethal US operations in Nigeria, Syria, Venezuela and the Caribbean and Pacific littorals.
An increase of this kind, up from $901bn this year, suggests a White House making preparations for major war – a scenario that Trump has said the world must be prepared for.
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### After Maduro, there is a storm brewing in Venezuela
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-maduro-venezuela-machado-interview-laura-tedesco/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:30:49.000Z
If successive presidents of the United States once claimed to spread freedom and defend democracy to justify propping up dictators, bombing faraway lands and invading countries, the current administration has made no such excuses.
Last week, US security forces abducted Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife from a compound in Caracas and presented both in a Manhattan courtroom on charges of drug smuggling.
Yet in subsequent interviews with several US news outlets, US President Donald Trump made clear that the reason for this unprecedented, and likely illegal, military action was to commandeer Venezuela’s vast oil reserves.
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### Venezuela y el viaje de la Doctrina Monroe a la ley de la selva de Trump
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-golpe-venezuela-estados-unidos-america-latina-doctrina-monroe/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:00.000Z
Con el paso de los días, cede la conmoción por el secuestro del presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro y su esposa Cilia Flores, ordenado por Trump. Que la víctima sea un dictador contribuye a justificar el uso ilegal de la fuerza bruta.
Una intervención militar de Estados Unidos en América Latina no es novedad. Al contrario, es una práctica que responde al principio más permanente que ha ordenado las relaciones en el continente americano.
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### Venezuela and the journey from Monroe’s Doctrine to Trump’s Jungle Law
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/venezuela-coup-trump-united-states-monroe-doctrine-maduro/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:09.000Z
As the days pass, shock subsides over the kidnapping of Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, which was ordered by Donald Trump and carried out by the US military. That the victim is a dictator has helped to justify the illegal use of brute force.
There is a long history of US military intervention in Latin America. It’s been the expression of the most enduring principle that has governed relations in the American continent.
Everything Trump did in the first year of his second presidential term was old news: tariff wars, interventions in the internal affairs of other countries, threats, extortion and the revival of the old [Monroe Doctrine](https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/monroe-doctrine?ref=opendemocracy.net).
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### In a Hindu-Christian city, a Muslim family lights a lamp for Shabbat
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletter-reasons-for-hope-2026/
Last updated: 2026-04-21T20:46:10.000Z
“Hope is not a naive ignorance of the world,” the author Rebecca Solnit wrote “Far from it. It is a feeling that moves us away from easy despair, to act courageously with hopeful action.”
Acting courageously with hopeful action is what drives us at openDemocracy. Every story we write, every abuse we uncover, every scandal we expose, is done with courage and a belief that this same courage can lead to action. To change.
**It’s why openDemocracy aims to be a media for progressive movements, for whom hope offers the energy to build a fairer, more equal world.**
In that spirit, the first edition of The Weekly in 2026 dedicated to hope. Our journalists from around the world have put together their hopes for the year. Hopes for peace, finding hope in the simple joys, and hopes for small, grassroots social movements triumphing over big enemies. Make sure you read through to the end for a heart warming story of an unlikely inter-religious, intergenerational friendship,
I want to hear from you, too. What gives you hope? What are you hoping to see in 2026? What are you hoping to see from *us* in 2026? And, in these – let’s face it – dark times, what do you do to restore your hope?
January is a time when our bank balances can feel quite strained. But if you are able to share a few pounds this new year to support our team to do even more investigative journalism with courage and hopeful action, we would really appreciate it.
## **Our hopes for 2026**
### **All My People Right Here Right Now**
2025 was a tough year. Heartbreaking global conflicts dominated my news feeds. The hypocrisy and silence surrounding these were deafening and the helplessness in being able to do anything about them was all-consuming. In the UK, the passive aggression of the St George flags lining the streets of my town, visibly and silently told me that I am not welcome here. I found myself questioning my identity as someone who is both a British citizen and an immigrant to the UK, and my place in the country I have called home and in which I have built my life for over 30 years.
Yet, some moments have given me hope. The Oasis reunion gig I went to, brought together a group of friends from decades ago and flooded Wembley stadium with pure joy and love. Spending time in parts of the country (Cambridge, Hove) where people were genuinely happy in diversity, reminded me of why I have loved living here for so long. My mixed-race son, skipping from door to door in our neighbourhood as we delivered leaflets about hope and unity, grounded me in the fight for a better future. 2026 may be another tough year, but I will continue to look for reasons like these that spread hope.
*Rudaba Osmani-Edwards, Development Director*
### **A Fresh Chance for Nigeria’s Ogoni People**
I am hopeful for the people of Ogoni, of Nigeria’s oil-rich Delta.
Between the late 1960s and early 90s, the Ogonis suffered extraordinary environmental degradation on account of the oil exploration by Shell. Livelihoods disappeared. Life expectancy shortened. People died. Through their valiant advocacy and resistance, through the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People they were able to ground Shell’s operations. They paid dearly for it too, their leader Ken Saro Wiwa and eight other activists were killed after what is regarded as a sham trial. Their demands for inclusion in oil production, cleaned up lands, haven't been met.
Now, 30 years later, the Nigerian government (alongside oil interests) are trying to return to Ogoni and explore oil again.
I am hopeful for the Ogoni this time around because this time they are in the driver's seat to see their dreams fulfilled. Whereas decades ago, they were a smaller people, with less resources to resist (even though they still recorded some unprecedented wins), these days they are better positioned. They have the world’s attention, they are well versed in the fight for ecological rights, they may not be as easily manipulated and divided as they were before. They are in a pole position, to force the Nigerian government to give them what they have been asking for for the last 50 years and because of which Ken Saro Wiwa died. Should they succeed it would be a rare real life triumph of David against Goliath.
*Ayodeji Rotinwa, openDemocracy’s Africa editor*
### **The Zohran Effect**
After Mamdani’s strong campaign rooted in hope helped to secure his victory in New York’s mayoral elections, I hope that his win will inject a new energy into left-wing politics in the US that will hopefully influence the next presidential election. I'm hoping that what he achieves in the first full year of his mayorship will serve as an example for what the rest of the US could one day have.
Carla Abreu, audience engagement manager
### **Hopes for a Just Peace**
Last year, I travelled to eastern Ukraine for the third time since the start of the full-scale invasion. It’s hard work: Kharkiv is so badly shelled and under almost constant attack. And yet, every time I visit, I am inspired to hope. That hope is due to the courage of the Ukrainian people. From rescue workers to soldiers and human rights activists – as well as the victims of war – the Ukrainians I meet share an ambition to build a fairer country and to resist the far right authoritarianism Russia is determined to impose on them. Unsurprisingly, my hope for 2026 is for a fair and just peace for Ukraine, one that does not compromise on the safety and security of all its population, and one that creates a more equal and resilient society. It’s a hope I know that everyone fighting for Ukraine’s future shares.
*Sian Norris, senior investigations reporter.*
### **Creative Resistance**
When I first read about Trump sending migrants to Guantánamo one week into his second term, I couldn’t help thinking about time being a circle. One week after his first inauguration I was in Guantánamo reporting for a book and asking questions about Trump’s campaign promises to fill again the Bush’s illegal military prison with suspects of terrorism and to bring back torture.
A decade before the war on terror, Guantánamo had been the place to detain Haitian and Cuban refugees and even people with HIV. Now, with Trump reigning unchecked, Guantánamo-like practices are once again on full display. Migrants are hunted across the US, brutally detained, deported to third countries without due process, locked in prisons where torture and mistreatment are routine (El Salvador), or sent back to authoritarian regimes which they had fled from in the first place (Venezuela). Elected officials praise these policies and show eagerness to replicate them in their countries (Chile). It feels like we’re heading to a time where Guantánamo will be the norm, instead of the ugly exception.
So my hope for 2026 stands with the people figuring out how to resist and fight back. This year, I met some of those people: the neighbours setting up chats to share information and warn families about impending raids, buying foods and medicines for those who stay at home out of fear of being detained, bringing shelter and legal assistance to migrant families, and waging legal battles in courts. Often, when talking to me, these people would break down in tears. But they got bolder when explaining the creative ways they’re finding to resist.
My hope is big. I hope Latin Americans will also push to keep this authoritarian wave in check, find strength in their long-acquired wisdom, mobilise in support of the persecuted and will, ultimately, defeat the Guantánamo style once and for all.
*Diana Cariboni, Latin America editor*
### **A tech-critical populist future**
The tariffs, threats, and strategic posture of the US will continue to destabilise the globe, including for supposed allies like us in Europe. While it won’t be easy, 2026 must involve vigorous remediation. Digital sovereignty is one area requiring urgent attention, in order to wean ourselves away from US firms who it’s feared [may even cut off international judges](https://www.theregister.com/2025/10/31/international%5Fcriminal%5Fcourt%5Fditches%5Foffice?ref=opendemocracy.net) at a whim.
Optimistically, that could involve steps to move beyond the poisoned landscapes of big tech – with initiatives like the [Euro Stack](https://www.euro-stack.info/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to offer Google Suite style utilities from trusted partners.
Furthermore, there’s hope we may recognise social media as a health and national security threat that needs to be dealt with directly, as the US does TikTok and Australia does all platforms for young people. We must take the opportunity to regain control of how platforms control public information diets. This is all the more critical as AI supercharges misinformation.
[Cory Doctorow suggests](https://care.org.uk/news/2025/08/tik-tok-and-instagram-accused-of-targeting-children-with-self-harm-and-suicide-content?ref=opendemocracy.net) this is also the time to repeal legislation that stops us from tinkering with devices we own – so-called anti-circumvention laws, that prohibit users fixing or enhancing their own property to suit US corporations. Allowing this could bring enormous economic benefits to those who can then innovate outside of monopoly strangleholds.
There is a growing awareness amongst the wider population that big US firms wield too much power and cause too much harm.
Anti-establishment voices could seize ground from immigrant-bashing politicians with calls like “stop AI taking our jobs and big tech taking our children”. Tech-critical populism can find a balance between protecting critical digital infrastructure, supporting local innovation, and reining in megacorps that are a risk to the social fabric.
*Matthew Linares, Technical and publishing manager*
### **Persistence is Resistance**
Covering South America in 2025 has often meant confronting what happens when the state looks away from suffering – and who is left to absorb the consequences. My reporting has focused on painful truths: the enduring legacy of gender-based violence, the social damage inflicted by political decisions, and the neglect that leaves the most vulnerable unprotected.
And yet, what has stayed with me most this year is not the scale of that neglect – inseparable from broader democratic strain – but the persistence of those who refuse to accept it. For every institution that fails, there are people who refuse to be ignored. Here, hope does not come in grand promises, but in local organising: sustained efforts to demand justice, care for others, and insist on accountability.
My hope for the year ahead is rooted in that persistence. South America reminds us that democracy is not something you inherit and keep, but something people repeatedly fight to defend. That fight is far from over, but it is very much alive.
*Angelina de los Santos, Latin America reporter*
### **We are united by our humanity**
Last week, on 24 December, a young man and his family gathered in an embroidery shop in Fort Kochi, southern India, to light the menorah for the eighth and final time that Hanukkah — just as they do every year. The man isn’t Jewish, though; there is reportedly only one Jew left in the Keralan city’s Jew Town neighbourhood.
When we met the following day, a chance encounter as I wandered aimlessly around Kochi, the man told me the story of how his Muslim father, Thaha Ibrahim, became the surrogate son of Sarah Cohen, an Indian Jewish woman who passed away in 2019, days before her 97th birthday.
Thaha met “Sarah aunty” and her husband, “Jacob uncle”, in the 1980s, when he was a teenager selling postcards to tourists on the streets outside their home. They offered him storage space, and he went on to forge a close bond with the couple, eventually helping Sarah to open an embroidery shop selling kippahs, challah covers and handkerchiefs from her living room.
Shortly before he died in 1999, Jacob asked Thaha to take care of Sarah. For 30 years, his son told me, the two were nearly inseparable, with Thaha visiting Sarah daily and eventually taking over the running of the shop when she could no longer manage.
Over the decades, they celebrated countless Muslim and Jewish festivals together. When Sarah’s health declined, Thaha moved his family to be closer to her, and when she eventually passed away, she left the shop to him. Six years later, he and his family still run it exactly as she did – with the addition of a small museum remembering Sarah’s life that they’ve built in the side room.
It can often feel like we are more divided today than ever before. Conflict rages across much of the world, not least in Gaza, where the Israeli genocide entered its third year in 2025\. To hear Sarah and Thaha’s story brought me to tears, and also gave me such hope.
In a predominantly Hindu and Christian city in the south of India, a Muslim family meets every Friday evening to light a lamp for the Shabbat. There is far more that unites us than divides us, and I am grateful to have had a reminder of that.
*Indra Warnes, editor*
Our hopes for 2026
### Argentina: La marea verde resiste el asedio al derecho al aborto
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/argentina-la-marea-verde-resiste-el-asedio-al-derecho-al-aborto/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:19.000Z
Vieja como la historia de las guerras humanas, la táctica de sitiar al enemigo que resiste en un territorio delimitado se basa en la idea de cortar sus interacciones con el exterior, de impedir a la vez el escape y la llegada de refuerzos y suministros, debilitándolo cada vez más en espera de la oportunidad para asestarle el golpe final o de que se rinda por hambre o sed.
Esa es, *grosso modo*, la táctica del gobierno argentino de Javier Milei ante lo que ve como un enemigo a derrotar: el derecho al aborto consagrado por una ley vigente. Cortar los suministros, dejar morir los servicios por inanición o falta de personal, construir un cerco de desinformación y habilitar que las sempiternas brigadas antiabortistas campen a sus anchas en clínicas, hospitales y juzgados.
Ni a Milei ni a los sectores ultras que lo respaldan les importan los daños que causa la maternidad forzada ni el problema de salud pública que entraña el aborto ilegal e inseguro. No es solo el aborto: también cortan los suministros de anticonceptivos, eliminan las consejerías y la educación sexual integral. En realidad, no les parece bien que todas las personas tengan derecho a decidir sobre sus cuerpos y sus vidas.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Argentina: Derecho al aborto es papel mojado en Misiones
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/argentina-aborto-presupuesto-misiones-ola-verde-derechos-ley-milei-redes-feministas/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:27.000Z
Cecilia\*, de 27 años, fue al hospital en la provincia argentina de Misiones por una hernia intestinal. Allí supo que estaba embarazada y entendió que era resultado de un abuso sexual. El personal de salud, una psicóloga y un cura hicieron todo lo posible para negarle su derecho al aborto – pasando por encima de su voluntad, y de la ley.
Stefanía\*, de 33 años y también habitante de Misiones, estuvo a punto de no poder acceder a un aborto legal a pesar de que lo solicitó desde la quinta semana de gestación, porque el personal de salud no respetó el protocolo de atención y porque el servicio casi no existe en el hospital de su localidad.
Las dos mujeres, que viven en ciudades chicas de Misiones, consiguieron interrumpir sus embarazos gracias a las redes de solidaridad feminista, que siguen activas. Pero debieron sortear varios obstáculos y viajar muchos kilómetros para lograrlo.
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### Chile bajo la sombra de la dictadura de Pinochet
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chile-elecciones-kast-pinochet-dictadura-ultraderecha-democracia/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:36.000Z
El líder de la ultraderecha chilena José Antonio Kast se convirtió el domingo en el candidato presidencial más votado en la historia del país (58,2%, frente a 42% para la candidata de izquierda Jeannette Jara), con el matiz relevante del retorno al voto obligatorio.
Kast, que hace algunos años afirmaba que “si Pinochet estuviera vivo, votaría por mí”, comienza a planificar su llegada a La Moneda al frente de lo que ha denominado un “gobierno de emergencia”, construido sobre una narrativa de campaña de que Chile es un país “que se cae a pedazos”.
La prensa internacional destacó los vínculos ideológicos del presidente electo con la dictadura militar y su vínculo familiar con el nazismo alemán. “Hijo de un miembro del partido nazi, admirador del dictador Augusto Pinochet”, lo[ caracterizó](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/15/jose-antonio-kast-wins-election-chile-president?ref=opendemocracy.net) The Guardian. En paralelo, consignas que reivindicaban abiertamente a Pinochet formaron parte de las celebraciones de sus adherentes en distintos puntos del país.
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### Europe is paying Libya to torture migrants on its behalf
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/libya-eu-migration-torture-detainment-europe-asylum-boats-mediterranean-search-rescue-boats-humanity-1/
Last updated: 2026-04-21T20:46:10.000Z
The boat took us all by surprise that morning. It was spotted by a crew member on lookout on our top deck, and soon, what had been a pinpoint on the horizon quickly became a distinct wooden boat, tightly packed with people, all waving and shouting. No one was wearing a lifejacket.
The crew on our boat, Humanity 1, moved fast. I joined them on one of the lifeboats and watched as those being rescued clambered on board one by one – some laughing and smiling, others seemingly in a state of shock.
It felt like a toss of the dice that they’d been found by a German rescue vessel in the wide ocean of the central Mediterranean, one of the world’s deadliest sea crossings. They could just as easily have drowned or been picked up by the Libyan coastguard and sent to one of the country’s brutal detention centres.
This is a reality that one of the survivors, Omar\*, knows all too well.
This rescue, in late November, was the seventh time the 18-year-old Egyptian had attempted to cross the Mediterranean in 2025.
On four of those attempts, Omar’s boat was stopped by the Libyan coastguard, while on another, in April, it was intercepted by the Tunisian coastguard, which “sold” those on board to Libyan authorities. Each time, Omar ended up being held in various Libyan detention centres, where he faced severe beatings, starvation, sleep deprivation, overcrowding and extortion for ransoms.
On this latest attempt, Omar believes he only made it so far because his smuggler paid the Libyan coastguard to allow them passage. In his 11 months of trying and failing to leave Libya for Europe, he said he encountered a network of smugglers, police, militia and coastguard all connected through bribes and corruption – all while the European Union turned a blind eye, and even supported Libyan border agents.
Over the past decade, the EU has [paid Libyan authorities](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/even-shots-on-british-nationals-wont-stop-uks-border-expansion/) [hundreds of millions of euros](https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/67224/the-libyan-coast-guard--explained?ref=opendemocracy.net) to block migrant people from entering Europe on small boats departing from North Africa. [An initiative led by Italy](https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/67171/ngos-urge-eu-to-suspend-funding-for-libyan-coast-guard-after-reported-shooting-at-rescue-ship?ref=opendemocracy.net) – the target destination for most of those who make the journey – has provided further support and resources, including at least [14 patrol vessels](https://www.statewatch.org/analyses/2025/serial-shipwrecks-on-the-libyan-route-the-price-of-deterrence/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
The money comes after Italy ended its government-run search and rescue operation in the Mediterranean in 2014, after just one year, citing [high costs and a lack of EU support](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/opinion/2019/10/17/Migration-Mediterranean-rescue-asylum-migrant-NGOs?ref=opendemocracy.net). Since then, more than [22,775 people have died](https://missingmigrants.iom.int/region/mediterranean?ref=opendemocracy.net) or gone missing on the route.
Civil rescue boats such as Humanity 1 have expanded their patrols of the waters in efforts to prevent loss of life, but are increasingly facing [crackdowns](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/opinion/first-person/2025/07/14/humanity-1-decade-civilian-search-and-rescue-central-mediterranean-migration?ref=opendemocracy.net) from Libya, Italy and other European countries.
Libyan officials on board one of the Italian-donated boats [opened fire](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/8/25/libyas-coast-guard-fired-upon-rescue-vessel-searching-for-boat-in-distress?ref=opendemocracy.net) on a rescue ship in international waters in August. Rights groups [urged the EU](https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/67171/ngos-urge-eu-to-suspend-funding-for-libyan-coast-guard-after-reported-shooting-at-rescue-ship?ref=opendemocracy.net) to suspend support for the country’s coastguard after the attack, which they said was part of a broader pattern of aggression towards people in distress at sea and rescue crews.
Instead, Italy and the EU have doubled down on their support for Libya’s migration tactics. This week, after we arrived in Italy carrying Omar and the other survivors, [Humanity 1 was detained by Italian authorities](https://sos-humanity.org/en/press/humanity-1-detained-in-ortona/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for not communicating with the Libyan coastguard. The organisation operating the vessel, SOS Humanity, said it suspended communication due to the Libyan agency’s track record of rights abuses at sea.
Marc Tilley, an independent migration researcher focusing on North Africa and the central Mediterranean, told openDemocracy that the EU is [looking to expand](https://libyaobserver.ly/inbrief/haftar-meets-european-delegation-talks-irregular-migration?ref=opendemocracy.net) its support for migration management in Libya, and the [UK hopes to join them](https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2025/10/05/libyan-national-army-offers-to-help-uk-with-migrant-crisis/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
“The UK and the EU are now holding bilateral meetings with \[Libyan commander\] Khalifa Haftar in eastern Libya,” said Tilley. “This was the first exercise in legitimising eastern Libya \[whose government is unrecognised\] and recognising them as potential partners in their battle against migration.”
## Held for ransom five times
In the six days we were both on board Humanity 1, I often spotted Omar listening to music and laughing with the other Egyptian and Somalian teenagers, the youngest of whom was just 15.
They could’ve been teenagers in any part of the world, except they happened to be on a rescue boat in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea, having escaped a place notorious for torture, forced labour and mass killings.
When I approached Omar on the deck and asked to interview him, I told him that I would need his informed consent to publish his story. He started laughing. “We’re not used to being respected like this, we’re used to being beaten in Libya.”
In March 2023, Omar was on his lunch break at a construction site in Cairo when he heard that his 15-year-old cousin had drowned off the Tunisian coast.
Omar, then 16, had last spoken to his cousin the night before to wish him a safe trip. The two teenagers were living in poverty in the Egyptian capital, Omar said, and planned to travel together to Libya and then find a boat to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Italy in search of a better life.
In the end, though, Omar was refused boarding on the flight to Libya from Egypt. His cousin made the journey alone. “I would’ve died with him,” Omar said.
Less than two years later, Omar decided to try again. “I left Egypt to find a better life,” he said. “I wasn’t afraid by what happened to my cousin.”
He found a smuggler to help him travel overland to Libya in January of this year, where he initially planned to stay and work. He had been recruited over Facebook to work in a sweet shop for 14,000 Libyan dinars a month (£1,900), but when he arrived, he was told he would only be paid the equivalent of £275 a month.
“I was threatened when I asked for my rights. I was cheated out of my salary,” he said. “I couldn’t go home. I felt I had to continue.”
Omar said that each time he attempted the crossing and was intercepted and imprisoned, he was forced to contact family members in Libya or back home in Egypt to beg them to pay for his release, with the ransom demanded by Libyan authorities ranging from 2,000 Libyan dinars (£274) to 16,000 dinars (£2,195).
The longest Omar was held for was 37 days, in the [notorious Bir al-Ghanam](https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/feb/03/migrant-journey-traffickers-militias-europe-migration-crisis-libya-syria-mediterranean?ref=opendemocracy.net) detention centre. In the end, his father flew to Libya to pay the ransom, which secured his release. On other occasions, he turned to his cousins also living in Libya to help him find the funds to get out.
“We were 200 people crammed into a cell,” he said of his time in Bir al-Ghanam. “There was no room to even sit down. There were insects everywhere, and guards would come in at all times of the day to beat us with belts or throw water on us.”
He described how people in the cell would collapse onto each other because they were so weak from exhaustion and hunger.
“It was like that every time I was in prison,” said Omar. “But Bir al-Ghanam was the worst. I saw a lot of torture happening there. Some people had been there for over a year because they couldn’t afford the ransom.”
Bir al-Ghanam is an unofficial detention centre south-west of Tripoli, which Tilley said receives “even less scrutiny” than other sites and is known for its “horrific” conditions. “There’s no access, oversight or registration of the people who go there, so they are much more likely to disappear and to be extorted,” said the researcher.
The site has also been flagged by the US State Department’s [country report on human rights practices](https://www.state.gov/reports/2024-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/libya?ref=opendemocracy.net) for arbitrarily detaining migrant children.
A 2023 [UN fact-finding mission](https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/03/libya-urgent-action-needed-remedy-deteriorating-human-rights-situation-un?ref=opendemocracy.net) reported found “overwhelming evidence” that migrants are “systematically tortured” in Libya’s detention centres, where “acts of murder, enforced disappearance, torture, enslavement, sexual violence, rape and other inhumane acts are committed in connection with their arbitrary detention”.
Salahadine Juma, a co-founder of activist group Refugees in Libya, has firsthand experience of what happens to those detainees whose families can’t afford to pay. “I was held in a \[Libyan\] detention centre for a year and a half. I was forced to do hard labour because I couldn’t pay the ransom,” he said.
Juma, who co-founded Refugees in Libya before arriving in France 18 months ago, said its hotline receives between 50 and 80 messages a day from trapped refugees and migrants asking for help to escape the centres. “They \[Libyan officers\] force them to pay a ransom, and if they can’t pay, they force them to work. Or, if they are women, they are sexually abused.”
Juma said there’s not much the group can do to help them, other than putting pressure on the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ representatives in Libya. “But there are many stories of refugees and migrants being neglected by UNHCR in Libya,” he added.
## Italy’s ‘deliberate obstruction’
The journey to Italy from the international waters north of the Libyan coast where we’d picked up Omar’s boat could be done in 13 hours, but it was six days before Humanity 1 finally reached the port of Ortona in central east Italy on 1 December.
During the long journey, many survivors on board asked why we had not yet reached Italy. At one point, we were so close to the shore we could see the details of buildings and wind farms – and yet we were still over 24 hours from arriving.
Since Italy’s adoption of the ‘Piantedosi decree’ in January 2023, rescue ships requesting a safe port to disembark rescued people have regularly been [forced to travel to distant ports](https://sos-humanity.org/en/press/obstruction-causes-hundreds-of-deaths/?ref=opendemocracy.net), sometimes over 600 miles away, or risk their boats being detained for non-compliance. Rescue organisations say the policy is a “[deliberate obstruction](https://sos-humanity.org/en/our-mission/change/italy-is-endangering-peoples-lives/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” designed to limit their ability to rescue people in distress at sea.
When Omar and the other survivors eventually disembarked in Ortona, they were met by the Red Cross and Italian police. This moment marked the start of a new and challenging chapter for them – the start of their asylum processes in Italy. Those from countries that the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs have declared to be [‘safe’](https://italy.refugee.info/articles/5388917946391?ref=opendemocracy.net) (which includes Egypt) could face a fast-tracked detention and a deportation order.
Stefania, the protection representative onboard Humanity 1 said the dangerous sea crossing is “not the only challenge” the rescued people will have to face.
“Under Italian law, some categories are protected, for example, if you’re a victim of torture or trafficking,” she said. “\[Otherwise\] they could be detained in administrative detention centres \[in Italy\]. I don’t want to exaggerate but they could look like something they lived through in Libya.”
### Bribes in one hand, EU salary in the other
For Omar, arrival in Italy also started the countdown for him to contact the Libyan smuggler awaiting payment.
“The money is due on arrival,” Omar told me before the boat docked. “As soon as I get on shore and have reception, I have to send the smuggler a message on Facebook to tell him I arrived. Then he’ll get in contact with my father to arrange payment.”
Omar owed the smuggler 360,000 Egyptian pounds (£5,650) for the crossing, which was due in full only if he arrived in Europe alive. “The smuggler told me that if the sum isn’t paid, he will kill any of my cousins or brothers in Libya,” said the teenager. “He told me he has contacts in Egypt and could hurt one of my family members there too. He knows who my relatives are, he’s observed me. The thing that matters to him is the payment.”
Omar has good reason to believe these are not empty threats. “The smuggler was always carrying his gun \[while we were waiting to cross\],” he said. “One time I picked up my phone to send a voice message on WhatsApp and he pointed his gun at me. He told me if you do that again, I will shoot you and bury you here.”
Omar described how most smugglers he interacted with during his time in Libya appeared to be connected to the Libyan internal police. “They have police cars, they’re wearing police uniforms and carrying the guns,” he said. “Those police pay money to the coastguard to get the boats through.”
This claim is difficult to verify, but likely has a measure of truth, according to Juma. “The majority of smugglers in Libya have some connection with the police or coastguard,” said the activist. “They know when the coastguard boats will be at sea, so they know which days to send boats. Some are even members of the coastguard themselves.”
Tilley told openDemocracy that Libyan internal police may not be smugglers “in the traditional sense”, but they could be seen as “facilitators” who turn a blind eye to smuggling, often in exchange for a financial incentive.
The 2023 UN fact-finding mission found “reasonable grounds” to believe that high-ranking staff in the Libyan Coast Guard, Libya’s Stability Support Apparatus and the Directorate for Combating Illegal Migration in Libya had “colluded with traffickers and smugglers.” The report stated that trafficking and smuggling generated “significant revenue” for individuals, groups and state institutions.
“The Libyan coastguard are border guards for Italy, not for Libya,” said Omar. “They get paid bribes by the smugglers, and they get their salaries from Europe.”
Mounir Satouri, a French MEP and chair of the EU’s Subcommittee on Human Rights, said the EU’s continuing support for the Libyan coastguard “only ensures that atrocities are committed in our name and with European taxpayers' money.” He described the coastguard as “an uncontrollable armed militia that violates international law and tramples on human rights.”
“To tackle both militia abuses and smuggling networks, the European Union must coordinate genuine search-and-rescue operations and open safe pathways for those seeking refuge in Europe,” said Satouri.
“On 13 October, a boat carrying 140 people was attacked, leaving a man between life and death with a bullet lodged in his skull. Just last week, the rescue vessel Louise Michel was targeted. This is unacceptable. This impunity and Europe’s silence must end.”
A spokesperson for the EU Commission told openDemocracy: “Our position has always been clear: all parties to a search and Rescue operation must fully respect international law and international maritime law.“
Asked about the EU’s continued support and financing for Libya after Libyan authorities shot at a rescue boat in August, the spokesperson said: “Regarding this reported incident, the EU Delegation in Libya raised the incident in meetings with the Libyan authorities and urged them to take all necessary measures to ensure Libya’s full compliance with national and international obligations. The Libyan authorities informed that they are investigating the reported incident.
“We are fully aware of the challenges that migration management poses for Libya and other partner countries in the region. Our engagement in Libya has always been to support a comprehensive and rights-based migration management, including the protection of migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers in full respect of international standards and rules. That’s why, the EU is for instance, together with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, engaging in dialogue and providing trainings to improve operating procedures. This is key to address structural issues and produce long term changes. We are also looking into ways to support the Libyan authorities in strengthening their national monitoring and accountability procedures. Recent incidents show that this work needs to be further reinforced and there is a need to identify the best solutions to address the search and rescue incidents.”
"We provide training and capacity building to the coastguards on how to carry out their search and rescue operations in line with international standards and human rights. We also provide some equipment/infrastructure for the search and rescue operations. We indeed support their activities to improve them, but we don’t fund them. All this support never goes directly to the authorities, but is provided by implementing partners on the ground."
Italian interior ministry was approached for comment.
When I asked Omar if there was anything he would like people to know about the journey, he said his only message was for others looking to make the crossing. “Don’t travel to Europe through Libya,” he said. “Find another way.”
*\*Name changed for security reasons*
On a rescue ship in the Mediterranean, a survivor tells of their detainment in Libya, which the EU helped to support
### In Ghana’s markets, ‘brotherly bonds’ with Nigeria are being tested
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/in-ghanas-markets-brotherly-bonds-with-nigeria-are-being-tested/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:44.000Z
While diplomats and locals alike repeat the mantra “Ghanaians and Nigerians are brothers”, in Accra’s major market centres, this bond of regional brotherhood is severely strained.
The Ghanaian capital’s sprawling Abossey Okai spare parts market, where Ghanaian, Nigerian, and other foreign traders operate inches apart, is now in a state of constant tension. Nigerians – the market’s single largest group of foreign retailers – are finding their businesses systematically locked up by frustrated local trade unions.
The friction is part of a historical pattern of retaliatory policy between the two West African nations. While the 1983 ‘Ghana Must Go’ expulsion from Nigeria is famous, the precedent for mass deportation was set by Ghana more than a decade earlier. In 1969, Ghana invoked the Aliens Compliance Order to remove millions of migrants, mostly Nigerians, citing their dominance in the local economy. This was followed in 1979 by state-led ‘house-cleaning’ exercises that targeted the retail class, effectively shifting much of the trade into the informal sector.
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### ‘A flash in the pan’: The end of Gabriel Boric’s government in Chile
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/chile-gabriel-boric-left-jeannette-jara-neoliberalism-elections/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:31:52.000Z
Chile’s presidential run-off on 14 December will mark the end of the government led by Frente Amplio, a platform of young progressive parties that disrupted a political system that for 30 years had been dominated by two coalitions: the traditional right and the centre-left.
“Frente Amplio is a historical exception: we were a flash in the pan associated with the student movement. No one planned that a few years later we would be in government, disputing a constitutional process. It was a very dizzying thing,” said Diego Ibáñez, a deputy for the party, days after the election’s first round on 16 November.
Ibáñez entered Congress in 2018, joining the parliamentary group of Gabriel Boric, who would be elected president four years later. Ibáñez was 29 years old at the time, and had a background as a student leader in Valparaíso, a port city near Santiago. Now 36, after two terms as a deputy, he will become the youngest senator in Chile’s history, having won a seat in the Senate at last month’s elections.
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### Israel is acting with impunity. Is it overconfident in Trump’s support?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/israel-act-impunity-trump-support-palestine-gaza-ceasefire-peace-plan-american-opinion/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:01.000Z
Two months into Israel and Hamas’s ‘ceasefire’, the name is already proving a misnomer. Violence continues in Gaza, where more than 360 Palestinians, including as many as 70 children, and three Israeli soldiers have been killed since 10 October.
Most of the Palestinians killed were families who were ‘collateral damage’ of Israeli aircraft and drone strikes on buildings, ruins or tents in pursuit of individual Hamas paramilitaries. Despite this, prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu has suggested Israel is ready to move to the next phase of the 20-point Gaza peace plan put forward by Donald Trump.
Reports from Washington, though, indicate that the plan itself is undergoing changes.
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### UK plans add ‘new layer of cruelty’ for asylum seekers, expert warns
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/uk-government-asylum-refugee-torture-trauma-starmer-mahmood-small-boats/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:07.000Z
The government’s decision to end the automatic right to family reunion for people fleeing war, conflict and persecution creates “an additional level of cruelty” for refugees, a family therapist working with survivors of torture has told openDemocracy.
Shaheen Syedain, who works for Freedom from Torture, warned of the impact that Labour’s sweeping [changes](https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/asylum-and-returns-policy-statement/restoring-order-and-control-a-statement-on-the-governments-asylum-and-returns-policy?ref=opendemocracy.net#part-i-reducing-arrivals) to the asylum system will have.
Under the previous rules, an individual who had been granted refugee status in the UK could apply for their family members to join them, which was one of the few safe and legal routes for people to travel to the UK to seek asylum.
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### ‘Fuimos un relámpago’. El legado del gobierno de Gabriel Boric en Chile
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chile-gabriel-boric-frente-amplio-izquierda-jeannette-jara-partido-comunista-elecciones/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:17.000Z
Con la segunda vuelta presidencial del domingo en Chile se acercará el final del gobierno liderado por el Frente Amplio, una joven plataforma de pequeños partidos progresistas que irrumpió en un sistema dominado desde los 90 por dos coaliciones tradicionales, la derecha y la centroizquierda.
“El Frente Amplio es una excepción histórica: fuimos un relámpago asociado al movimiento estudiantil. Nadie planificó que unos pocos años después íbamos a ser gobierno, disputando un proceso constituyente. Fue una cosa muy vertiginosa”, dijo el diputado oficialista Diego Ibáñez a democraciaAbierta, unos días después de la primera vuelta electoral del 16 de noviembre.
Ibáñez entró al Congreso en 2018, cuando se sumó a la bancada del ahora presidente Gabriel Boric. Tenía 29 años y un pasado como dirigente estudiantil en Valparaíso, ciudad portuaria cercana a Santiago. Ahora tiene 36 y, luego de dos períodos como diputado, se mudará al Senado, donde ganó una plaza en las últimas elecciones. Será el senador más joven en la historia de Chile.
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### Police take ‘no further action’ in more than half of rape reports
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/police-rape-no-further-action-england-wales-failing-victims-healthcare/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:23.000Z
*TRIGGER WARNING - DESCRIPTION OF MEDICAL SEXUAL ASSAULT*
“I have lived 53 years without being sexually assaulted, and then it happens to me in a hospital, in a place where I am supposed to be safe.” Diana\* paused. “But in the end, I feel more traumatised by the police than by the assault. Which is ridiculous. Everything they did, they did wrong.”
Diana told openDemocracy how a consultant sexually assaulted her twice by inserting a medical instrument into her vagina just before she underwent a routine procedure that did not involve any sort of vaginal examination.
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### Trump, Maduro, and the risks of the unpredictable
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/trump-maduro-venezuela-military-intervention-attacks-democracy-drug-trafficking/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:33.000Z
In October, Donald Trump declared the United States was engaged in an [armed conflict](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-strike-second-alleged-venezuela-drug-boat/?ref=opendemocracy.net) with Venezuelan drug cartels. Since then, at least 87 people have died in 21 US strikes on vessels in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific that, according to officials in Washington, were carrying drugs.
But so far, the Trump administration has presented no evidence that the targeted boats were transporting drugs. Legal experts argue [the attacks are illegal](https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/04/us/politics/trump-boat-attacks-killings.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), and Congress has begun investigating the operations.
Meanwhile, Venezuela finds itself cornered by a US policy that raises several questions: what is Trump aiming for? How far is his government willing to go in Venezuela? Will there be a ground invasion, will only specific targets be struck, or is this all a game of threats?
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### With UK politics in flux, Your Party may well surprise you yet
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/your-party-general-election-2029-conference-jeremy-corbyn-zarah-sultana/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:40.000Z
UK politics is in a remarkable state of flux, with Keir Starmer’s Labour government facing multiple problems.
Reform UK is surging ahead in the polls and, although the next general election is not until 2029, many pundits are already convinced we are headed for a far-right government led by Nigel Farage, possibly propped up by the Conservatives in coalition.
Given the current state of the Labour Party and the extent of its corporate capture, any opposition to this will have to come from the likes of the Green Party and the newly fledged Your Party, the latter of which had its inaugural conference in Liverpool last weekend.
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### Trump, Maduro y los riesgos de lo impredecible
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/trump-maduro-venezuela-intervencion-militar-ataques-democracia-narcotrafico/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:50.000Z
En octubre, Donald Trump anunció que Estados Unidos enfrentaba un [conflicto armado](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-strike-second-alleged-venezuela-drug-boat/?ref=opendemocracy.net) con carteles de droga venezolanos. Desde entonces, al menos 87 personas han muerto en 21 ataques contra barcos en el Caribe y el Pacífico oriental que, según funcionarios del gobierno estadounidense, transportaban drogas.
Hasta ahora, la administración Trump no presentó evidencias de que las embarcaciones atacadas llevaran drogas, especialistas en derecho afirman que los ataques [son ilegales](https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/04/us/politics/trump-boat-attacks-killings.html?ref=opendemocracy.net), y el Congreso comenzó a investigar estas acciones.
Venezuela está hoy cercada por esta política de Estados Unidos que presenta varios interrogantes: ¿Cuáles son los objetivos de Trump? ¿Hasta dónde llegará el gobierno de Estados Unidos en Venezuela? ¿Habrá invasión terrestre, se atacarán solamente objetivos específicos o es un juego de amenazas verbales? Estas preguntas son pertinentes porque estamos ante el mayor despliegue militar estadounidense en el Caribe desde la [crisis de los misiles en Cuba](https://quincyinst.org/research/u-s-military-buildup-in-the-caribbean-demands-congressional-action/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de 1962.
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### The quiet crisis at the heart of British democracy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/uk-needs-proportional-representation-broken-democracy-electoral-system/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:32:59.000Z
If the past 18 months have shown us anything, it’s that the UK’s two-party system is no longer fit for purpose.
The old ‘red vs blue’ divide simply doesn’t describe our politics anymore, and the public’s aversion to both Labour and the Conservatives is increasingly clear. Five parties are now [polling](https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/explore/issue/Voting%5FIntention?ref=opendemocracy.net) above 10%. The country’s political energy is more diverse – and more fragmented – than at any point in recent memory.
The challenger party grabbing most of the airtime is right-wing populist Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, which is also polling better than any other party, consistently securing around 30% of the vote. Given it won just five seats at the July 2024 general election, the party’s rise says as much about the failings of the British parliament’s First Past the Post (FPTP) voting system as it does about its own message.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Hope amid chaos: Inside Your Party’s inaugural conference
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/hope-amid-chaos-inside-your-partys-inaugural-conference/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:08.000Z
Zarah Sultana quoted Gramsci twice last weekend: “The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: now is the time of monsters.”
The first time she cited the Italian theorist was in a clammy conference room on the second floor of a Holiday Inn in Liverpool city centre, where she’d gathered her supporters on the eve of Your Party’s founding conference. The mood was tense and sparky, partly because, hours earlier, one of her co-speakers was among those expelled from the party and barred from the conference.
The second time was on the conference mainstage on Sunday afternoon: her supporters reinstated, her major party proposals accepted, and her will asserted over Britain’s biggest new socialist party in generations.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Job opportunity: Tech Reporting Fellowship in collaboration with Tech Policy Press
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/job-opportunity-tech-reporting-fellowship/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:18.000Z
As technology reorders everything from economies, energy grids, international geopolitics and the lived experiences of ordinary people, openDemocracy, in collaboration with Tech Policy Press, is looking for an enterprising, well-sourced candidate to track, investigate and analyse this rapidly evolving beat in the UK.
This is a unique, 12-month UK-based fellowship in which the selected candidate will be embedded within the UK bureau of openDemocracy’s international newsroom and will have access to mentorship from Tech Policy Press’s editors in Europe and the US.
Their articles will be platformed by both publications to ensure their work reaches a wide, diverse and influential audience.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### From Reeves to Milei: Is this the brightest future we can imagine?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletter-reeves-milei-budget-2025/
Last updated: 2026-04-21T20:46:04.000Z
If the UK papers are to be believed, the biggest upside of Rachel Reeves’ latest budget is that Keir Starmer is safe from a leadership challenge… until May. Tough business, this. But the public is not wrong to be disappointed by this government’s crushing orthodoxy. Is this the brightest future we can imagine?
“So much of our economic model is limited in its horizons,” Eleanor Shearer writes in this week’s openDemocracy newsletter, adding that “an honest accounting of our economy must acknowledge that it has become extractive rather than productive”. Economics is the art of euphemism, where dry phrases such as “fiscal prudence” and “trimming outlays” mask the crushing impoverishment these policies enact on ordinary people.
And so our lead story this week lays out the reality of austerity, examining the devastation that Javier Milei’s “chainsaw economics” have inflicted on Argentina. The crisis, openDemocracy’s Latin America reporter, Angelina de los Santos, found on a recent trip to Buenos Aires, is most visible in the country’s spiking rates of anxiety, mental illness and suicide, which is now its leading cause of violent death.
The situation should be a stark warning for the UK’s government. But, just as Angelina found in Argentina, Disabled people here often bear the brunt of government cuts. Writing for us this week, Mikey Erhardt from Disability Rights UK said Labour’s “plan for the budget appears to have been to let the Disabled community take the fall for the state’s poor finances”.
Meanwhile, Erin Mansell from the Women’s Budget Group looks at whether Reeves’ budget delivers for women, who “disproportionately contend with soaring living costs – juggling unpaid care, low wages and rising household bills”, and in our podcast, Danny Sriskandarajah from the New Economics Foundation discusses how the key to nurturing a genuine democracy lies in supporting people’s movements.
Thank you for supporting openDemocracy. Send us your thoughts and comments and forward this newsletter to someone you think will enjoy it.
### [In Milei’s Argentina, austerity economics manifests as a mental health crisis • Angelina de los Santos](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/javier-milei-mental-health-crisis-argentina-austerity-economics-cuts/)
In her nine years at the Laura Bonaparte national mental health hospital in Buenos Aires City, Julieta Chevallier has seen suffering widen and deepen.
“When people finally come to see us, it’s usually because they’ve reached the end of their rope,” the social worker told openDemocracy. “What we used to see has now grown sharper, heavier: deeper hopelessness, more suicide attempts, more violence, more acute crises, and a constant anxiety about the economy – even about something as basic as securing food.
“People who had managed to stop using drugs after partially rebuilding their lives with support from social programs are falling back into old patterns.”
At the José A. Esteves neuropsychiatric hospital in Buenos Aires Province, director María Rosa Riva offers a similar warning.
“People are arriving utterly shattered,” said Riva, who has worked at the hospital since 1997 and led it since 2020...
[**Continue reading**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/javier-milei-mental-health-crisis-argentina-austerity-economics-cuts/)
### [This budget shows Labour government is still stuck in short-termism • Eleanor Shearer](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-budget-short-termism-labour-government-fiscal-rules/)
Halloween may have been almost a month ago, but there was a ghost haunting Labour’s autumn budget: the spectre of the bond markets.
In her speech in the Commons, chancellor Rachel Reeves referred to Liz Truss’s disastrous mini-budget in 2022 as some kind of cautionary tale, and much of the post-budget analysis in the press focused on the market reactions, underscoring the fact that it has since become received wisdom that a government is only ever one fiscally irresponsible decision away from crisis.
This is an extension of the idea that governments are like households and must practice thrift or face ruin. Just as a mortgage provider would be loath to lend to you if your outgoings regularly outstripped your earnings, so it seems intuitive that the bond markets would baulk at governments that outspend their means.
The analogy is a fallacy, though. Reeves is not dealing with an overdue credit card bill; government debt, borrowing and spending doesn’t function like consumer debt, borrowing and spending...
[**Continue reading**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-budget-short-termism-labour-government-fiscal-rules/)
### [Yet another government has failed to deliver for Disabled people • Mikey Erhardt](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-budget-fails-disabled-people-labour-party/)
We are living in an era of sickness caused by political choices, and Disabled people in particular are paying the price. Many of us are getting incredibly ill under the weight of poor working conditions, precarious housing and overstretched health services.
The fault lies with successive governments that have chosen profit over people. Yet another chancellor just failed to acknowledge this, squandering another chance to make meaningful improvements to our lived realities.
This year's budget should have been a reset, a move away from the years of decline that have left millions of us facing exhaustive barriers to get a GP appointment, worrying about being late for work because of our unreliable and underfunded public transport, and freezing in old, mouldy homes.
Instead, Labour’s Rachel Reeves used her budget speech yesterday to make misjudged jokes and jabs at political rivals, and spent as much time talking about the alleged rising cost of social security as she did her headline policy, the removal of the punitive two-child benefit cap...
[**Continue reading**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-budget-fails-disabled-people-labour-party/)
### [Did Rachel Reeves’ ‘cost of living budget’ deliver for women? • Erin Mansell](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-cost-of-living-budget-deliver-women/)
Rachel Reeves promised a cost-of-living budget, and on some measures, she delivered.
The chancellor used her budget speech this week to announce an end to the two-child limit on benefits, take levies off energy bills, freeze NHS prescription charges and rail fares in England, and raise the minimum wage. All of this will make some difference, especially for women, who disproportionately contend with soaring living costs – juggling unpaid care, low wages and rising household bills.
But in other areas, the Labour government did not go far enough to reduce other hardships that are felt particularly acutely by women. Reeves failed to introduce measures that could have alleviated homelessness, addressed some of the inequalities in the tax system, and led to a redistribution of the UK’s wealth.
Lifting the two-child limit on Universal Credit is unquestionably a landmark step towards tackling child poverty. Since its introduction in 2017, the policy has locked families into hardship. Campaigners have for years argued that punishing children for the number of siblings they have makes neither moral nor economic sense, given the billions that child poverty costs every year to those children’s life chances and the impact on public services...
[**Continue reading**](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-cost-of-living-budget-deliver-women/)
## [🎧 Populism's silver lining • In Solidarity](https://open.spotify.com/episode/5mT8vhJcsiGJqCKwbd0LsD?si=g4VkyNpvT5aI0Jd55Ra3mw&ref=opendemocracy.net)
## Good news!
Our 2023 documentary series, Disciples: The Cult of TB Joshua, received a special citation at the GIJC25’s Global Shining Light Awards. "The investigation unearthed crimes of unimaginable scale and severity for a man once regarded as a prospective saint,” which included deeply disturbing instances of sexual, financial, spiritual abuse, predominantly against women.
openDemocracy's [additional reporting](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/tagged/tb-joshua/) led to the shutdown of Emmanuel TV, the YouTube channel of TB Joshua's church. This was after we had presented our analysis of over 50 "abusive" videos that violated the channel's hate speech policies.
The years-long investigation, in partnership with BBC Africa Eye, was made possible by the tireless efforts of our 50:50 team which publishes critical and in-depth coverage of gender, sexuality and social justice – worldwide: Lydia Namibiru, Margaret Coker, Soita Khatondi Wepukhulu, Rael Ombuor and Madeleine Jane
## **Weekly Poll: Is the UK budget what you expected?**
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### Women in low-income areas in Kenya face unsafe abortions due to USAID cuts
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/women-in-low-income-areas-in-kenya-face-unsafe-abortions-due-to-usaid-cuts/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:27.000Z
Women in low-income Kenyan neighbourhoods face unsafe abortions and increased maternal deaths due to the US government’s plan to destroy stockpiles of contraceptives, experts have told openDemocracy.
After it was previously reported that $9.7m of intrauterine devices, hormonal implants and birth control pills earmarked for countries in Africa are sitting in a warehouse in Belgium, the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) in November confirmed that [a further 20 truckloads of contraceptives](https://www.ippf.org/media-center/press-release-belgian-and-european-governments-must-act-save-usaid-supplies-and-not?fbclid=PAb21jcAOCusNleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZA81NjcwNjczNDMzNTI0MjcAAaeFtVNz8ZCazrupK58nLnaa4%5FGx8QO7ioYmSHEZ6J9v81IJ6mWH3UTD5i2k2A%5Faem%5Fko%5FTo29T1dBjA34nPRNBhQ&ref=opendemocracy.net) are being held in an unknown location in another Belgian village. Some products have become unusable due to poor storage.
All the contraceptives were intended for family planning and reproductive health initiatives in Kenya, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Tanzania, Zambia, and Mali. These initiatives were previously supported by the United States Agency for International Development, which Donald Trump dismantled this year.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Argentina angustiada: el costo ignorado de la motosierra de Milei
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/javier-milei-salud-mental-crisis-argentina-recorte-presupuesto-economia-pensiones/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:34.000Z
En los nueve años que Julieta Chevallier lleva recibiendo a quienes llegan a las puertas del hospital nacional de salud mental Laura Bonaparte, en la capital argentina, ha sido testigo de dolores cada vez más profundos que afectan a un número cada vez más grande de personas.
“Cuando la gente llega a consultar, por lo general es porque tocó fondo, porque no da más”, dijo la trabajadora social a democraciaAbierta. “Eso que vimos siempre, ahora es más profundo, más grave: más ideas de desesperanza, más intentos de suicidio, más casos de violencia, cuadros más agudos de malestar, y mucha angustia por la situación económica, por no poder resolver cuestiones cotidianas como la comida.
“Personas que habían dejado el consumo \[de drogas\] porque habían logrado organizar algunas cosas en su vida a partir de tener la asistencia de programas sociales, que recaen”.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Farewell, from Beyond Trafficking and Slavery
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/farewell-from-beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:43.000Z
Beyond Trafficking and Slavery (BTS) started as many projects do – by doubling down on an idea from the pub the night before.
Our (very nerdy) founders decided that they were fed up with policymakers and activists blaming trafficking on individual ‘bad apples’ – on evil criminal syndicates who exploit people because they’re criminals and that’s just what criminals do. This, they knew, was a wholly insufficient explanation for why so many people around the world end up in highly exploitative work.
So they decided to set up a megaphone to disabuse people of this illusion. Their goal was to explain the structural causes of labour exploitation so clearly that even the most ardent fans of criminal justice couldn’t deny their existence or effect. Poverty. Immigration status. Social exclusion. Lack of labour protection. Purchasing practices. Outsourcing. Concentrated corporate power. Governance gaps. [This is where we began](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/introduction/).
_This post is for subscribers only._
### In Milei’s Argentina, austerity economics manifests as a mental health crisis
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/javier-milei-mental-health-crisis-argentina-austerity-economics-cuts/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:51.000Z
In her nine years at the Laura Bonaparte national mental health hospital in Buenos Aires City, Julieta Chevallier has seen suffering widen and deepen.
“When people finally come to see us, it’s usually because they’ve reached the end of their rope,” the social worker told openDemocracy. “What we used to see has now grown sharper, heavier: deeper hopelessness, more suicide attempts, more violence, more acute crises, and a constant anxiety about the economy – even about something as basic as securing food.
“People who had managed to stop using drugs after partially rebuilding their lives with support from social programs are falling back into old patterns.”
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Did Rachel Reeves’ ‘cost of living budget’ deliver for women?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-cost-of-living-budget-deliver-women/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:33:59.000Z
Rachel Reeves promised a cost-of-living budget, and on some measures, she delivered.
The chancellor used her budget speech this week to announce an end to the two-child limit on benefits, take levies off energy bills, freeze NHS prescription charges and rail fares in England, and raise the minimum wage. All of this will make some difference, especially for women, who disproportionately contend with soaring living costs – juggling unpaid care, low wages and rising household bills.
But in other areas, the Labour government did not go far enough to reduce other hardships that are felt particularly acutely by women. Reeves failed to introduce measures that could have alleviated homelessness, addressed some of the inequalities in the tax system, and led to a redistribution of the UK’s wealth.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### This budget shows Labour government is still stuck in short-termism
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-budget-short-termism-labour-government-fiscal-rules/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:34:20.000Z
Halloween may have been almost a month ago, but there was a ghost haunting Labour’s autumn budget: the spectre of the bond markets.
In her speech in the Commons, chancellor Rachel Reeves referred to Liz Truss’s disastrous mini-budget in 2022 as some kind of cautionary tale, and much of the post-budget analysis in the press focused on the market reactions, underscoring the fact that it has since become received wisdom that a government is only ever one fiscally irresponsible decision away from crisis.
This is an extension of the idea that governments are like households and must practice thrift or face ruin. Just as a mortgage provider would be loath to lend to you if your outgoings regularly outstripped your earnings, so it seems intuitive that the bond markets would baulk at governments that outspend their means.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### ‘Bots’ spread disinformation campaign over sanctioned mining tycoon
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/dan-gertler-sanctions-democratic-republic-congo-bots-disinformation/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:34:32.000Z
An online network of bot-like accounts, media sites and X users has spread disinformation in support of a sanctioned mining tycoon and attacked civil society groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a new investigation has found.
Israeli businessman Dan Gertler was [sanctioned by the US](https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm0243?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 2017 for amassing a fortune through “hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of opaque and corrupt mining and oil deals in the DRC”.
At the time, the US Treasury said the Central African country had “lost over $1.36bn in revenues from the underpricing of mining assets that were sold to offshore companies linked to Gertler”. The total lost revenue could reach $3.7bn if the DRC’s government fails to review its agreements with companies linked to Gertler, according to [a 2021 report](https://www.corruptiontue.org/index.php/posts/des-milliard-perdus?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Congolese civil society coalition Le Congo N’est Pas à Vendre (The Congo Is Not For Sale).
_This post is for subscribers only._
### La UE retira fondos a grupo juvenil antiaborto por investigación de openDemocracy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ue-erasmus-corta-financiacion-ong-anbiaborto-world-youth-alliance-educacion-desinformacion/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:34:45.000Z
La World Youth Alliance (WYA) recibía una subención europea para un proyecto educativo en salud reproductiva, pero el año pasado openDemocracy reveló que difundía desinformación sobre aborto y ahora está a punto de perderla.
La Unión Europea (UE) anunció que retirará su financiamiento a la WYA, a raíz de que [openDemocracy revelara](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/anti-abortion-ngo-eu-funding-reproductive-health-programme/) que lo usó para ejecutar un programa de educación en salud sexual y reproductiva para niñas y jóvenes que promovía desinformación sobre el aborto.
Nuestra investigación, publicada en octubre del año pasado, reveló que [la UE había otorgando 1,2 millones de euros](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/eu-funding-anti-abortion-charity/) de su programa Erasmus a la WYA destinados a proyectos de formación y educación para jóvenes, después de que la ONG hiciera afirmaciones falsas sobre el aborto – incluyendo que provoca complicaciones de salud. El programa [Erasmus](https://erasmus-plus.ec.europa.eu/es/about-erasmus/what-is-erasmus?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la UE “respalda la educación, la formación, la juventud y el deporte en Europa”.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Global gold prices have made Ghana richer. But at what cost?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/global-gold-prices-have-made-ghana-richer-but-at-what-cost/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:34:57.000Z
In Kwabeng, in Ghana’s Eastern Region, young men and women wearing mud-splattered boots go back and forth on motorbikes and tricycles from the main road to the paths that go deep into the forest. Around them are acres of fruiting cocoa trees; swathes of thick green forests that stretch up hills as far as the eye can see. But nature is not these men and women’s immediate concern. Gold is. Illegal gold mining, to be exact, known as *galamsey*.
The illegal gold pits bring wealth to Ghana, [directly employing](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0301420724006020?ref=opendemocracy.net) over one million small-scale miners and [accounting for 35%](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0301420724006020?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=In%20Ghana%2C%20gold%20is%20the,%2C%20metal%2Dintensive%20energy%20technologies.) of the country’s gold production. With global gold prices having [surged](https://www.bullionvault.com/gold-price-chart.do?ref=opendemocracy.net) from around $1,800 per ounce in 2020 to over $4,000 in 2025, these illegal pits are a big boost for Ghana’s economy, and there are growing concerns that the government is sacrificing the environment to [improve economic indicators](https://www.myjoyonline.com/mahama-attributes-cedi-stability-to-reforms-in-gold-trading-sector/?ref=opendemocracy.net) and boost gold reserves.
But this wealth comes at the expense of health, in more ways than one. Some of illegal mining’s negative health impacts are well-reported, such as the contamination risk to local communities’ water, with galamasey having polluted at [least 60%](https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/theres-mining-then-theres-galamsey?ref=opendemocracy.net) of Ghana’s rivers. Yet there is one particularly harmful effect that is still little known: the killing of the medicinal plants that [70% of Ghanaians depend on](https://www.afro.who.int/photo-story/traditional-healers-broaden-health-care-ghana?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Traditional%20medicine%20plays%20a%20vital%20role%20in,an%20integral%20part%20of%20their%20health%20systems.), particularly those Ghanaians who can’t afford modern healthcare.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Will American anti-trafficking ever recover from Trump 2.0?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/will-american-anti-trafficking-ever-recover-from-trump-20/
Last updated: 2026-04-21T19:35:59.000Z
**Joel Quirk (BTS): You've worked on anti-trafficking in both law and policy in the US. What's happened to anti-trafficking since Trump returned to the presidency in January?**
**Luis CdeBaca:** There is still bipartisan consensus in the US that anti-trafficking is a valuable thing to do. We see it on Capitol Hill, in churches and across the left and right. That hasn’t changed. But trafficking’s position in this second Trump White House is different to the first.
During the first term, Ivanka Trump was leading trafficking work in the White House. She had some good people working for her. The Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons (TIP) in the Department of State, the Bureau of International Labor Affairs (ILAB) in the Department of Labor, and USAID were all working on this too.
Those at the top were Republicans, but not weird conspiracy-theory Republicans. They were ‘governance Republicans’, for lack of a better term, and they kept an eye on other parts of the Republican coalition. They were able to exempt trafficking programmes from anti-immigrant policies. Funding priorities, the role of the survivor advisory group, even inclusion of LGBTQ communities in the TIP Report – all of those things continued through the transitions from Obama to Trump and then to Biden. We’re not seeing that in this second Trump administration.
Instead, we’re seeing some chickens come home to roost. Back then, people with anti-immigrant or anti-women priorities were prevented from cutting victim care, or treating trafficking as a niche impediment to ‘real’ diplomacy. But now they have an unfettered hand, and evidently long memories.
In the first round of cuts, which were done by the administration under the guise of the Orwellian-named ‘Department of Government Efficiency’, the TIP office was not targeted the way USAID and ILAB were. It was not eliminated, as USAID was. But then, another round of personnel cuts made it clear that TIP was not immune to severe layoffs. What I’m hearing from the inside indicates that this happened as much because of resentment over the office’s successes and its reputation as a killjoy within the national security establishment, as because of any policy priorities or cost-savings rationale.
It may come as a surprise to those who saw the TIP Office as an instrument of US neoliberal foreign policy, but traditional foreign policy elements had been trying to kill the office from its inception. They saw it as a killjoy and raiser of inconvenient truths. This time, they almost succeeded.
> The TIP office might still exist, but it isn’t out of the woods
I’m glad that the office has survived (though diminished), and that this autumn it put out what appears to be an accurate and well-researched TIP Report. But decades of experience have been lost. It’s not just about TIP though: without the office’s agency partners, the whole effort doesn’t work. Let me give you an example.
From a programmes perspective, the other agencies were where the real money was. Their projects were multi-million-dollar, multi-year programmes. When I worked in the TIP office, it would receive $15-25m to spread across a funding cycle. Its grants were small – around the $250,000-$750,000 mark – and it had to make a lot of trade-offs. If you did something in Belize, that meant you didn’t do something in Burundi.
ILAB and USAID were doing the long-term projects of developing structures and monitoring programmes, which freed up the TIP office to work more nimbly. It could tackle acute problems *now*, like mining camps in northeastern Peru, because it wasn’t focussed on creating the long-term, sustainable change that large development projects hope to achieve. TIP could move quickly to an emerging problem, and through a combination of diplomacy, convening, and seed funding, start an intervention that would be incorporated later on into the slower-moving but deeper institutional approach of traditional development funders. With the latter’s funding and staff cut, that model breaks down.
The TIP office might still exist, but it isn’t out of the woods. It’s been announced that it’s moving to another part of the State Department, which is not cool. Thankfully that is the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, rather than the Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration. If that had happened, it would have revealed a fundamental misunderstanding on the part of this administration about the concept of ‘trafficking’. Anti-trafficking is about civil and human rights, not population management or immigration enforcement.
The new organisational chart, which has the ambassador reporting to an assistant secretary instead of being their equal, is a real down-grade. It will weaken the office’s ability to stand up to the regional bureaus and those who practice foreign policy expediency. Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have expressed concern about the organisational changes, the loss of experienced staff, and the funding cuts. We’ll have to see where that goes.
**Joel: You make it sound like the first Trump administration was more serious when it came to trafficking. But Trump was** [**telling reporters in 2019**](https://edition.cnn.com/2019/01/27/us/human-trafficking-fact-check?ref=opendemocracy.net) **that America needs a wall because bound women were being smuggled over the** [**border with blue tape over their mouths**](https://newrepublic.com/article/154119/white-moms-burden?ref=opendemocracy.net)**, which was both memorable and fantastical. Trump 1.0 was also inviting vigilante rescue groups to White House anti-trafficking events. From the outside, it seemed demonstrably unserious.**
**Luis:** There are warring impulses in any American administration. And whether it’s 1890 or 2020, different voices in government have always raised the alarm by pushing sensationalist versions of trafficking. This was the case in the first Trump administration, but also in the Biden and Obama administrations.
It’s easy for critics of the entire anti-trafficking enterprise to point to those voices and say, “that’s what anti-trafficking is for the US government.” And to the casual observer, the work of the senior policy operating group, the anti-trafficking task force, and much day-to-day work on human trafficking probably does look like an awful lot of taped mouths.
But within this ecosystem, there are political performers, and there are the career people and experts. The latter generally want the former to stop taking up their time, so they can get back to work. To the people doing direct service provision and working on cases, the theatrical stuff is off to the side.
The critics have been saying for 20 years that it’s all just flash and fluff. But a lot of us doing the work didn’t pay any attention to the flash and fluff. It existed so that certain groups on Capitol Hill and in civil society would keep supporting us. And when we got in the room with those groups of people, rather than blackballing them for their clumsy, sexist, racist posters, we’d talk to them about best practices. We’d back up those conversations with materials written by folks who are critical of the movement. It all looked very different from the inside.
My worry now is that, with this new administration and with these new bureaucratic changes, there’s a danger of it actually becoming all flash and fluff. Trump might make that long-standing accusation finally come true. Hopefully the remaining career people can make sure the work still gets done. But everybody is going to have to band together to stand up against the ridiculousness. Or all we're going to have is celebrity, rescue-style stuff coming out of this administration.
**Joel: Let’s talk about that ‘real’ work, which for much of your career has focused upon criminal prosecutions. Critics often say that government anti-trafficking work is sold as human rights, but it’s really about criminal justice. That comes with limitations. Criminal justice isn’t good at upstream interventions, but instead focuses on the downstream mess. And prosecutions don't effect the structural changes needed to deal with why people are marginalised, exploited, and vulnerable. How much of the now familiar critique of criminal justice lands from your perspective?**
**Luis:** I was the Involuntary Servitude and Slavery Coordinator and a lead prosecutor in the late 1990s, when the US Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) and the UN Trafficking Protocol were both being written. I’ve prosecuted many, many traffickers. And there are over 25 years of recorded statements of me saying, “we cannot prosecute our way out of this.”
That’s why we set up the 3P framework for trafficking: prevention, protection, prosecution. It was revolutionary at the time to not just default to prosecution only, but to conceive of the protection and prevention goals as being equally important, and we did it despite facing opposition. I remember one focus group in 1998 that illustrates the gravitational pull of the “prosecution P”. Through the Justice Department’s Office of Violence Against Women, we brought in some victims and groups working with them to specifically explore what prevention could entail. But their interventions kept returning to how they wanted more prosecutions with better outcomes.
There was a reason for this. The front-line participants kept saying that unless a crew leader goes to jail, unless a pimp goes to jail, then nobody is going to believe that victimised people have rights in America. If your position is that people have the right to not have this happen to them, then those who have impunity have to be seen as punishable. I jokingly say we sent them home without cookies because we weren’t able to leave those two days with a clear vision for the protection P,” but the reality is that many of the people at that gathering became key voices for the modern approach. Some of them founded the Freedom Network of service providers, worked on legislation and implementation, and pioneered prevention efforts such as the Fair Food Program.
Prevention has always been tricky, and a lot of clumsy things attach themselves to it as a result. Things like changing the definition of trafficking to incorporate men who go to prostitutes, as the demand-side ‘abolitionists’ have tried to do. Or corporate social responsibility (CSR) elements that look like prevention, but can then be neutralised by tame auditors or bad multi-stakeholder initiatives. It’s a real mixed bag, I think part because people are simply thinking, “well, we’ve got to try something.”
> This is an ecosystem and we need everybody and every solution in it
In the meantime, people with power are committing crimes against people without power. The only entity that can change that power structure is the state. I, and everybody who worked for me on the criminal justice aspects of the issue, always felt that our involvement effected the ultimate power shift.
You have somebody who says, “We don't have any power against the boss because he knows people in the United States. We don't have our documents, we don't know where we are, and we don't know who we can go to.” The boss knows this, and uses it to take advantage of them for a long time. Then one day, the government comes and stands, not with the boss, which is what everybody expects, but with the workers.
To me, that was the criminal justice response we aspired to with the TVPA and the UN Trafficking Protocol. We always knew that it was going to be a really heavy lift getting others on board. How to take that to the Malaysians, or to the Singaporeans? They were still using laws that weren’t on the side of workers. And we wanted to convince them of a post-2000 concept of criminal justice that did the opposite.
**Joel: I’m not questioning your personal motivation, but I tend to get anxious whenever it feels like the state is being positioned on the side of the angels. Look at tied visa schemes for migrant workers. These schemes ensure that workers can’t access rights, can't organise, and have no remedy for wage theft or sexual exploitation. Yet states around the world are setting them up and enforcing them. There is plenty of evidence out there that the state – including the US government – routinely stands with oppressors and exploiters.**
You’re talking about civil law, but they’re all the same system. They all depend upon state violence channelled through the justice system. Because that's what the justice system is. Whether you're doing it in the context of a criminal case, a civil case or an administrative case, lurking in the background of all of it is the power of the state, right?
There are a lot of things we would like to see states stop doing, or areas in which we’d like to see states transfer some of their power over to workers. We push for those things – and that’s beyond just the trafficking world or my old offices. It includes all of us who want have these things.
But we also have to deal with some of the crisis today. When it rains, it’s suddenly an imperative to fix the hole in your roof. You can’t be sitting back and saying, “you should have fixed the hole in the roof before today.”
We need to make sure people can come forward and report a labour trafficking problem, so we can put some of these bad farm labour contractors into the system and start suing them for wages. And that continues to be a challenge.
Everything works together in a systemic way, and you try to add more stuff to make things better for different groups of people. Then you go back and recalibrate. And we have to ask ourselves, is this a moment where we can push to organise new work sites? Or would having a new ILO convention help? For example, the domestic servant convention gives us the tools to support abused domestic servants that we just don’t have with the Palermo Protocol, EU conventions or even national laws. This is an ecosystem and we need everybody and every solution in it.
> It’s messy, but that’s the reality of working on this stuff in government
Organisational charts can get in the way of things too. Sometimes we’d end up speaking to people from the wrong ministry at meetings with other governments. It seemed like the right ministry in that these were the people who cared, but they didn’t have the power to get anything done. We really needed instead to speak to somebody from the Ministry of Justice or Ministry of Interior, because the US or European diplomats and I weren’t going to get anywhere trying to empower the Ministry of Labour or the Ministry of Women and Children, whether in southeast Asia or in the Gulf.
Working with a government on this stuff is messy. I might be there on Monday to say people need their passports. The folks from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour (DRL) come the next day to talk about disappearances. On Wednesday, somebody else is there to talk about refuelling US Navy ships. And on Thursday, somebody else arrives to talk about soybean production. And what we and DRL were raising earlier can and does create tensions that place these important military and economic conversations at risk. It’s messy, and I see this more now I'm out. But that’s the reality of working on this stuff in government. When the people with contradictory impulses work in the same building, you have to go up against them every day.
I try to get it through to my students that you can't over or under attribute things to states, because states are so many different things simultaneously. What we can know is that, at some level, states are going to act in their self-interest. So if you're there to do human rights work, you're going to have to grab as much leverage for that every time you can.
**Joel: No one really thinks we have an international rules-based order anymore, if we ever did – especially when it comes to US policies. How can you engage in trafficking advocacy from a US vantage point, when it's clear that a callous indifference to systems and humans is now firmly established as the operational default?**
**Luis:** There’s been a big loss of trust, which is a grave danger. The notion of American expertise largely comes from the fact that the US never stopped doing these cases, going all the way back to 1865 but especially since the 1930s. In the early years of the TVPA, we had two or three generations of lawyers who'd been doing the cases, myself included. Now we've got people in the US government who basically want to get rid of the experts.
So we’re left asking ourselves, now what? Everything that you see, from fake multi-stakeholder initiatives to whitewashing auditing, shows that you can't trust businesses to self-police. And a lot of the workers’ groups exist on the sufferance of their governments – when they get too effective, they get shut down.
All of us are going to have to come together to figure out what fighting trafficking should actually look like. Even if the US or the EU aren’t looking good at the moment, without them what do we have? Because if it's going to devolve to Riyadh or Kuala Lumpur, then those states will act in ways that – at the very least – aren’t as internally contradictory as the US or EU, and that won’t help anybody.
**Joel: Let’s step back to look at the sector as a whole. It feels to me like anti-trafficking has become increasingly incoherent over time. This work now covers supply chains, child soldiers, migrant domestic workers, various forms of commercial sex, and a host of others. And much of this expansion can be traced back to funding. There's this perception that if you can reconfigure your existing portfolio and make it an anti-trafficking project, you’ll get visibility, resources and access that you wouldn't otherwise have had. If the money disappears, does it all fall apart?**
**Luis:** That assumes there's trafficking money. What countries call “trafficking money” is often actually pre-existing programmes for labour or women's rights. They tack the word trafficking on so the US will give them credit for it, or so they can put it in their reporting.
Congress started doing that a long time ago so that they wouldn't have to actually spend money on trafficking. And that’s partly because the money is not there, it’s in labour. Budgets at the DOL and ILAB didn’t increase because the word trafficking came in. ILAB’s budget was around $30m after it was set up, and it expanded under Obama. Internally, there are decisions to call it anti-trafficking money, which then needs to be spent on trafficking projects – or on good prevention work.
The reality is that the philanthropic funders have largely left over the past ten years. There were a lot of people who unfortunately heard the critiques and walked away. They decided to spend the money on climate or other projects instead of working in an area that seemed consumed by internal fights.
> It’s always assumed there’s a Mr. Big of international trafficking out there. That just isn’t true
Just to give one example of how tensions and turf come together to put grit in the gears: in the 1990s, the word trafficking basically got grafted onto efforts against forced labour – called involuntary servitude and slavery in the US – over the protests of those of us who were working on those cases at the time. Most of the cases were forced labour, because forced prostitution was handled by a different regime that focused on movement and morality instead of human rights or labour rights.
From my point of view, if acquiescing to the term “trafficking” was the price of including people in forced prostitution in the protections of Article IV or the 13th Amendment, as opposed to arresting them as immoral or migrant prostitutes, so be it. But then it felt that self-identified “forced labour people” started accusing “trafficking people” of being more carceral than they actually were, or of not understanding the traditional ILO tripartite approach, or of having all the money. And everybody in the real trafficking world of victim care and investigations, trying to make ends meet, is going, “we don't understand how that's the case.”
**Joel: You're talking about international development aid and humanitarian assistance, but there are other funding pots. There’s a huge amount of cash for anti-trafficking service delivery and psychosocial support within the US and elsewhere.**
**Luis:** There's cash circulating there, but it's dwarfed by the amount that circulates in child protection or combatting domestic violence. In 2023, the Department of Justice and Health and Human Services got roughly about $125m for victim programmes. That sounds like a lot, until you realise that’s serving 57 states and territories as well as hundreds of tribal governments.
The anti-trafficking world might look at the anti-trafficking spend in the US and say, “wow, that's a lot.” But this is only a small percentage of the tens of billions of dollars that get assigned domestically to tackling violence against women or to child protection. Without labelling it as such, trafficking victims would still be getting subsumed into the broader victimised population, and wouldn’t get services that are optimised for their experiences or the legal avenues provided by the trafficking law.
When trafficking money isn’t interrogated, it becomes easy for governments to say they're spending money on trafficking by claiming credit for everything they are doing for victims of violence or other social harms.
Governments would try to get credit for general anti-poverty or education campaigns as anti-trafficking spend. They’d claim they’d made a choice to address root causes as opposed to investigating cases; meanwhile the country was out of compliance with Palermo and neither serving survivors or dismantling slavery/trafficking operations. Their “root cause” spending was only tangentially related, such as a water project or school funding that was going to be done regardless of whether it was labelled as a trafficking response. We sometimes had to fight internally with those in the State Department’s regional bureaus, who wanted to let “their” countries off the hook in that way.
But rather than recognising that countries might be wildly overstating their spending on trafficking, there was a ‘how-dare-trafficking-be-so-well-funded’ response from some people in the movement. I heard this a lot.
**Joel: We've talked about anti-trafficking being an ecosystem, and that feels useful for analytical purposes. But a lot of people want it to be a social movement. Is it?**
**Luis:** I’ll start with how trafficking itself is organised, because there are a lot of similarities. We’ve found that the top down, hierarchical structure is a thing of the past now. Traffickers can pick up the phone and send migrants somewhere, or advertise for workers in a multitude of different ways.
Labour recruiting in organised crime has changed. It’s always been assumed there’s a Mr. Big of international trafficking out there. That just isn’t true, because everybody's more networked now.
It’s the same in counter-trafficking – we’re a network rather than a triangular structure of organisations. It's a community because of the work. And as more people are doing the work, more people are reading each other's stuff and getting to know and trust each other. The work is the driver, rather than some pinnacle of organisation.
> A lot of people believed slavery ended in 1865, but really, that was just the beginning of enforcing it
Let’s say there was some hierarchical “Global Commission on Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking” that suddenly decided everyone should now use a particular word, or a particular verb tense. Of course that doesn't work. People just use whatever word they want, and what they need to get the job done. I would love it if we could all get together in a room and hash things out and make those connections, but this is way more than just 20 people.
Thankfully, these days a movement doesn't have to be hierarchical to be a movement. What’s important are the voices and the ideas, respect, and a shared end. That’s why the creation of Beyond Trafficking and Slavery was so important. From my perspective within government, BTS posts gave voice to things that we were seeing on the ground, and provided a way to bring concerns into the policy and advocacy space.
I thought about that when you ran the interview with Humanity United titled “[Why do anti-trafficking donors fund their critics?](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/why-do-anti-trafficking-donors-fund-their-critics/)” I think that contributors to BTS underestimated just how much their insights were influencing and advancing those of us in government who were trying to move past the ideological traps of the Bush Administration’s initial implementation of the TVPA and Palermo Protocol.
**Joel: There's a lot of chasing the next big thing in anti-trafficking. There's this attitude of, ‘I don't want to wait. I want it solved now.’ It seems like it makes people chase rabbits down holes.**
**Luis:** Is it solvable, though? I never want to give up on this, and maybe it's because I was tasked with enforcing the end of slavery in the US. At that point, a lot of people believed slavery ended in 1865, but really, that was just the beginning of enforcing it.
So you end up having to do your time in the trenches and then pass it off to somebody else. And this is a place where a carceral lens can actually be helpful. I came out of working in the women's movement and on Latino civil rights. Not one of my colleagues there ever said anything like, “we are going to end violence against women” or “we are going to end racial violence.” Because they know there’s a man who was born today who will end up raping somebody 30 years from now, and there is somebody who will murder somebody else 30 years from today because of racial animus.
In the same way, there is somebody who will force somebody else to work against their will 30 years from now. And when that happens, I want somebody to do the things that we developed to be effective for that person.
Ideally, very few people will need that intervention. But it’s a complex task. We’re trying to make it so that somebody born today into a patriarchal, racist, capitalistic society is not going to manifest those ills onto somebody else 30 years from now.
I don't even think I would have said it was solvable when I was young and hungry. It's much more the case that we do a good job fighting against this tragedy, but we also know there's going to be another murder, another enslavement. And maybe we just do better for the victim, or their family, or we forge a better society which makes it less likely to happen. I don't think that's giving up. But this is endemic, because we're talking about humans and humans do bad things to each other.
**Joel: Anti-trafficking was slipping even before Trump. Where do you think we’re going, and where should we be trying to go if we have any say in the matter?**
**Luis:** There’s a pessimistic version and an optimistic version – and maybe we can end up in the middle. Funding comes and goes, and we have to fight to restore it, but anti-trafficking is not and should not be reduced to just a funding pattern. It is a manifestation of a core human right, whether articulated in Article IV, in ILO conventions, the Palermo Protocol, or domestic laws.
So we have to look at how those are being implemented, and what is happening to those concepts. In the US over the last 150 years, we’ve seen how strong protections for workers and excluded communities get ‘lawyered down’ and weakened in furtherance of the bosses’ interest and the interests of the dominant community, only to see renewed enforcement and action a few decades later.
The cycle repeats in generational intervals, and since the 1990s we’ve been lucky to have prolonged the backlash. So at this juncture, at my most pessimistic I see courts preventing people from bringing cases further down into the supply chain, and starting to chip away at the understanding that servitude can be the result of psychological, not just physical, coercion.
It goes in both directions, by the way. Not just narrowing the definitions, but expanding them to cover other social harms: the slipperiness of the legal terms and definitions is a feature that can be harnessed by smart people for outcomes that were not contemplated or intended when we were negotiating the TVPA and the Palermo Protocol. We’ve seen this with the Jeffrey Epstein lawsuits and the prosecution of Sean Combs. The “trafficking” term has bled over into general sexual assault or misconduct, when in 2000 they were really meant to apply to coerced commercial sex.
I don’t normally fight over the definitional stuff. But I think there's enough slipperiness in the US definition of sex trafficking that it has allowed for a wider application. The reality is that good lawyers will use whatever tools they have to fight for their client.
This is how Common Law comes to exist – over the centuries, people use statutes and concepts in ways that eventually clarify what those concepts are. And the intentions we had in writing and negotiating those instruments don’t necessarily match what you now see in practice. Lawyers will continue to use them in different ways if the courts say, “yes, that is an effective way to use them.” The silver lining is that the trafficking statutes can thereby help vindicate those who have suffered. But maybe that comes at the cost of definitional clarity.
I might be over-thinking it though; the jury in New York acquitted Sean Combs of sex trafficking but convicted him under the pre-2000 statute that criminalised transportation for prostitution or illegal sexual activity. So they were able to see the difference between the two concepts.
> Right now, we’re good at identifying shortcomings, but it’s unclear whether we can come to a consensus on best practices
Switching over to optimism, this is how we end up with innovative approaches we haven't thought about yet. There are ways of using technology and community building skills such that workers and survivors get a voice. And I don't mean a tokenistic attempt at inserting a ‘worker voice’. I get annoyed by that term, because a lot of that is simply an attempt to outsource auditing functions and make the workers do what the company should have been doing anyway. But rather, if we can do things that actually support people and get day-to-day workers involved in this – especially the folks in the global migrant worker community or the sex worker community – then things that we haven't thought of will emerge.
You'll notice that I didn't answer your question by predicting what governments will do. I'm an American who played a very key role in this. I do believe that having a big, wealthy country who can and will act against its own rabid self-interest is a very valuable thing. There are limits to that, but compared to a lot of other governments I’ve worked with, the US actually does a lot of stuff that leaves people asking, “what's their angle?” And it turns out they don’t actually have an angle; the folks who work on childhood education in-country actually want kids to be able to read better, for example.
US leadership on this is important, because the US is capable of working in 190 countries simultaneously in a way that almost nobody else is. But we are currently being forced to re-think our reliance on the US as the central actor that funds and organises this. That would still be a valid concern even if the Trump administration disappeared tomorrow.
Right now, we've got a good mechanism for identifying shortcomings, but it’s unclear whether we can come to a consensus on best practices. I've fallen into that trap, especially when teaching my class on slavery in the built environment. It’s really easy to say, “here are all the problems with the architecture, construction and engineering sectors, here's why multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs) and auditing sucks.” But then I risk creating a bunch of nihilists in my class – so I've been wrestling with that. We can't always point to the exact same three organisations that have made positive change, as much as I might be inspired by them and want to see them scale. If we’re serious about prevention, we have to continue to push to identify and scale what works.
This has been tough for us as a community/movement. It's been tough for the funders who scratch their heads and say, “we don't know what works and doesn't, because you guys can't get your act together.” And we're saying, “this is really hard.”
**Joel: Let’s say anti-trafficking is a super tanker. Can you steer the super tanker in more productive directions, or would it would be better to just jump off and start swimming in another direction?**
**Luis:** The problem is, there's still going to be a super tanker, and it's heading towards town. So, do they find your skeleton in the wreckage having tried to pull the wheel as far over as you can? Or do you jump off knowing that downtown is toast? I know you guys have written about this kind of problem in the last few months. It takes a lot to choose to stay and try to keep the super tanker from hurting people.
Even when states help people, they're like elephants in a room full of mice. They hurt people just by being there. My choice is to be in the middle of that. Being from a colonised community that then gets regenerated through immigration gives me a particular perspective. I see the opportunities that my family gained by being in New Mexico in the US, as opposed to Guadalajara in Mexico itself. My family lived with a higher level of services and less corruption as a result of my great, great-grandparents being colonised. We’ve also lived with generational trauma since then. Both of those can be true simultaneously.
So I look at that and I see how states hurt people, and specifically how the US hurts people. But I also see how it doesn't hurt people. My decision was to be part of that, to try to steer the super tanker and minimise the hurt and maximise the good it can do.
To circle back to your earlier question, if you put a gun in my head and said, “is there a trafficking movement?” I’d say I think there probably is one, but it's more of a community. And the more we try to make it a movement, we put stresses on it that it doesn't deserve. What I see is a whole bunch of really good people who are running towards the problem with whatever solution they can offer (with the exception of a few people, who can hopefully be steered away from counterproductive approaches).
All the critiques and proffered solutions tend to establish to me that this actually is a community, because we all care about the same thing. The focus is the underlying right to be free from compelled service. Once people get to the point of caring for some of the affected communities, then we can knit everyone into something that might not look like a movement, but certainly looks like a community.
**Joel: I feel like you're presuming too many people are operating in good faith.**
**Luis:** I've been in law enforcement and a diplomat for my entire career, so I do not presume anything about people or countries behaving well. But I want to live in that world.
The White House is dangerously close to making anti-trafficking what the critics always said it was: flash and fluff
### Yet another government has failed to deliver for Disabled people
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rachel-reeves-budget-fails-disabled-people-labour-party/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:35:07.000Z
We are living in an era of sickness caused by political choices, and Disabled people in particular are paying the price. Many of us are getting incredibly ill under the weight of poor working conditions, precarious housing and overstretched health services.
The fault lies with successive governments that have chosen profit over people. Yet another chancellor just failed to acknowledge this, squandering another chance to make meaningful improvements to our lived realities.
This year's budget should have been a reset, a move away from the years of decline that have left millions of us facing exhaustive barriers to get a GP appointment, worrying about being late for work because of our unreliable and underfunded public transport, and freezing in old, mouldy homes.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Ecuador referendum: No more blank cheques for President Noboa
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ecuador-daniel-noboa-referendum-foreign-military-bases-warmongering-speech/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:35:18.000Z
This month, Ecuadorian citizens answered unexpectedly decisively in a four-question referendum proposed by president Daniel Noboa, defying all polls to deliver his government's first electoral defeat.
Voters were asked whether they supported building [foreign military bases](https://gk.city/2025/06/05/bases-militares-extranjeras-debate-soberania-seguridad-ecuador/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Ecuador, [cutting state funding for political parties](https://gk.city/2025/09/18/fin-financiamiento-estatal-partidos-politicos-ecuador/?ref=opendemocracy.net), reducing the number of assembly members, and convening a[ constituent assembly](https://gk.city/2025/09/18/daniel-noboa-propuesta-asamblea-constituyente-ecuador-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to draft a new constitution.
They voted [no on all four counts](https://resultadoscp2025.cne.gob.ec/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
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### Israel increasing violence in Palestine despite Trump’s ‘peace’ deal
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/israel-gaza-donald-trump-peace-deal-attacks-kill-palestinians-hezbollah/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:35:29.000Z
After protracted negotiations, the UN Security Council voted last week to support Donald Trump’s plan for Gaza. The proposal, which was [passed 13-0](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/nov/18/un-security-council-votes-to-endorse-donald-trumps-gaza-plan?ref=opendemocracy.net), with Russia and China abstaining, includes the disarmament of Hamas and demilitarisation of Gaza, provision for an international stabilisation force, the rebuilding of Gaza and its control by an appointed body that includes Palestinian technocrats.
States supporting the motion viewed it as an uncomfortable compromise, agreed primarily to allow some further progress to be made. There is also a more general belief that the worst is over, with aid agencies reporting a drop in public interest. The reality on the ground tells a very different story, though.
Israel remains in firm control of Gaza and is increasing its violence in the occupied West Bank, as well as expanding its war against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon.
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### Clover in South Africa: where workers’ rights met Palestine solidarity
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/clover-in-south-africa-where-workers-rights-met-palestine-solidarity/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:35:39.000Z
From 2021 to 2022, workers from the Clover dairy company went on strike across South Africa. The trade union GIWUSA supported rank and file activists to demand fair pay, better working conditions, and worker protections. Striking workers were also joined, somewhat unusually, by Palestine solidarity activists.
The latter joined the campaign because Clover is in part controlled by Milco, an Israeli company. Their inclusion made the fight for more decent work at Clover a unique space for solidarity across many lines. Many (though not all) of the Palestine solidarity activists were middle class, Muslim, and Indian South African. Most of the workers were Black and working class, as were many (though not all) of the trade unionists who supported them.
An important contingent of the Palestine solidarity activists were young people who identified as queer. They connected their activism in the Clover strike to broader struggles for social justice, and to their belief in queer solidarity and care.
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### Ecuador: No más cheques en blanco para el presidente Noboa
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ecuador-daniel-noboa-consulta-popular-bases-militares-extranjeras-discurso-belicista/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:35:50.000Z
Este mes, la ciudadanía ecuatoriana participó en un referéndum propuesto por el gobierno de Daniel Noboa. El resultado fue inesperadamente contundente, desafiando todas las encuestas: [el No fue mayoría en las cuatro preguntas](https://resultadoscp2025.cne.gob.ec/?ref=opendemocracy.net) planteadas, constituyendo la primera derrota electoral del gobierno.
Las preguntas sometidas a votación incluían temas cruciales como la instalación de [bases militares extranjeras](https://gk.city/2025/06/05/bases-militares-extranjeras-debate-soberania-seguridad-ecuador/?ref=opendemocracy.net), la [eliminación del financiamiento estatal a los partidos](https://gk.city/2025/09/18/fin-financiamiento-estatal-partidos-politicos-ecuador/?ref=opendemocracy.net), la reducción del número de asambleístas y la convocatoria a una [asamblea constituyente](https://gk.city/2025/09/18/daniel-noboa-propuesta-asamblea-constituyente-ecuador-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net) para redactar una nueva carta magna.
El llamado a la consulta popular se dio días después de que Noboa emitiera un decreto que removió los subsidios al combustible e incrementó el precio del diésel.
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### A bizarre new alliance is coming after sexual freedoms. We’re ready
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/a-bizarre-new-alliance-is-coming-after-sexual-freedoms-were-ready/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:36:01.000Z
Regular readers of BTS will be familiar with the[ stark divide](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/the-false-feminism-of-criminalising-sex-workers-clients/) amongst women’s rights organisations on the issue of sex work and trafficking.
Feminist organisations like the [Global Alliance against Traffic in Women](https://gaatw.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (GAATW) [argue](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/sex-workers-organising-for-change/) that sex workers’ agency should be respected, and that human trafficking laws should not be misused to abolish sex work or censor sex workers.
Their political opponents argue that sex work is inherently exploitative and should never be treated as legitimate work. These actors, who often identify as ‘radical feminists’, have long-utilised anti-trafficking legislation to push for restrictions on sex work. Fighting [“sex trafficking”](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/dont-call-it-sex-trafficking/) is also a popular crusade for conservative Christian groups, who view sex work as depraved moral behaviour. Since the 1990s, they too have used the legal framework of trafficking to argue for the abolition of sex work. At times, these two groups have joined forces in an “[unlikely alliance](http://www.jstor.org/stable/25682362?ref=opendemocracy.net)” to pursue these ends.
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### Russia refracted
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/russia-ukraine-war-society-opinion-economic-winners-middle-class-putin/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:36:10.000Z
- *This piece originally appeared in* [*The Ideas Letter*](https://www.theideasletter.org/essay/russia-refracted/?ref=opendemocracy.net)*. It has been edited for length and clarity*
The Russian war in Ukraine has turned Russian society into the subject of heated political discussion and much speculation. Does ‘society’ support Vladimir Putin and his war? Does ‘society’ share the Kremlin’s imperialism? Are Russians simply conformists? Or are they resisting militarism on an everyday, rather than openly political, level? At bottom, the war raises an awful question: what kind of society would allow such a conflict to occur?
Today, there are two popular images of Russian society.
One, drawn by the Kremlin, presents a people united around the state, supporting the ‘special military operation’, demanding victory over Ukraine, and proclaiming the advent of a new era and a new world order. The other, deriving from the most radical part of the liberal class, depicts a fragmented and intimidated population mired in cowardly opportunism.
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### Notes on how to survive a war
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ukraine-russia-indentity-philosophy-war/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:36:19.000Z
This spring, a Russian missile slipped through Ukrainian air defences and crashed into a three-storey building, killing 13 members of an extended family, save for a young girl who was pulled free from the wreckage.
When I arrived a few weeks later, an area the size of two tennis courts was flattened into rubble, the windows of every apartment looking out into the blast zone were blown out by the explosion and now boarded with plywood, parked cars were mangled out of shape, the paint burnt off their chassis. Somehow, amidst all this wreckage, a few walls of the building were still standing, wallpaper intact, fittings still protruding from the upright surfaces.
On a small rectangle of grass, not far from the blast site, neighbours had assembled a small shrine to the dead: photographs, bouquets of red plastic flowers, two basketballs scribbled with messages of condolences, dozens of stuffed toys, and a large plastic flask of drinking water.
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### Exclusivo: El abuso es la norma en el centro de entrenamiento adolescente del ejército británico
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ejercito-britanico-ninos-soldados-abuso-violencia-salud-mental/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:36:27.000Z
El ejército británico es el único de Europa que sigue reclutando a adolescentes de 16 años.
Esa era la edad de Hamish\* cuando se alistó el año pasado. Como se exige a todos los reclutas de 16 y 17 años, que para la ley siguen siendo menores de edad pero reciben el título de ‘soldados junior’, Hamish se mudó a la academia Army Foundation College (AFC) en Harrogate, ciudad del norte de Inglaterra, para comenzar su entrenamiento.
“Las primeras semanas son geniales”, dijo Hamish. La mayoría de los reclutas adolescentes “lo ven como una forma estupenda de ganar dinero”, sobre todo “si no te graduaste en secundaria”.
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### End Times with Renata Salecl: What Post-Socialist Societies Teach Us About Today
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/end-times-renata-salecl-post-socalist-societies/
Last updated: 2026-08-10T15:40:27.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
We’ve normalised the idea that the world is ending, that society is tearing itself apart, that our countries — wherever we live — are falling apart. But what does that really look like? What does it feel like? What emerges in the aftermath?
In this episode host Aman Sethi speaks to Renata Salecl, a Slovenian philosopher, sociologist and political theorist to decode how the experiences of post-socialist countries can help us understand the crisis gripping the West.
A Passion For Ignorance - https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780691240992
The Spoils of Freedom - https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780415073585
On Anxiety - https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9780415312769
The Tyranny of Choice - https://uk.bookshop.org/a/8711/9781846681868
In Solidarity is openDemocracy’s podcast about people, power, and politics. Support the show by visiting [https://www.openDemocracy.net/donate/](https://www.opendemocracy.net/donate/)
**Credits:**
Presented by Aman Sethi
Story production by Ayodeji Rotinwa
Audio engineering by James Battershill
Theme song ‘Odyssey’ performed by Edward Abela
—
**Chapters:**
00:00 Introduction
02:30 Post socialist societies
07:22 The modern respect for cunning
08:45 Lessons from pop culture
10:16 The (mis)use of fake news
13:53 On accelerationism
16:11 The dissolution of societies
18:53 Times when nothing and everything changes
20:50 Those that enjoy life the wrong way
22:24 Neoliberal collapse
---
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### La gente exige un lugar en la negociación climática. Es hora de dárselo
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cop30-cambio-climatico-gente-negociaciones-justicia-climatica/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:36:48.000Z
BELÉM, Brasil - Cuando tenía 18 años y tomaba el autobús para ir a la universidad desde mi barrio en Realengo, Río de Janeiro, noté la marcada ausencia de árboles y espacios verdes. Los espacios públicos comunes, parques donde los niños pudieran jugar o las familias pudieran reunirse, no existían. Era una señal de que algunas vidas, algunas comunidades, están sistemáticamente excluidas de las decisiones sobre el mundo en el que viven.
Yo, como muchos jóvenes de mi comunidad, me negué a aceptarlo. Luchamos para transformar una fábrica de municiones del ejército abandonada en el[ Parque Realengo Susana Naspolini](https://archello.com/es/project/realengo-park-susana-naspolini?ref=opendemocracy.net), un lugar donde se cruzan la cultura, la comunidad y la naturaleza. Eso me llevó al activismo climático y, finalmente, a que me nombraran campeona de la Juventud de la Presidencia de la COP30, la conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre cambio climático que se celebra desde el 10 de noviembre en Belém.
Mi trayectoria me ha demostrado que el cambio real se produce cuando las personas tienen el poder de actuar, cuando sus voces dan forma a las políticas que afectan sus vidas.
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### ‘I’ll die as a gay man’: LGBTQ+ rights in a time of war
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ukraine-russia-war-lgbtq-rights-azovstal-kharkiv-kyiv/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:37:00.000Z
“If I die, I’ll die as a gay man. And if I survive, I won’t hide it anymore.”
This was how Oleksandr Demenko came out to his mother. It was spring 2022, and the soldier, now aged 26, was fighting to defend the [Azovstal plant](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-61529877?ref=opendemocracy.net) in Mariupol. Russian troops were close to capturing the steel plant, and communications were about to go down. Determined not to die without telling his mother who he really was, Demenko used those final moments of contact with the outside world to call her and speak his truth.
Then, the phones were cut off. Russia seized the plant and occupied the city of Mariupol. Demenko was held captive as one of the [Azovstal Defenders](https://www.savemariupolheroes.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) for 20 months, a gay prisoner of war of a regime that has banned the “LGBT movement”, labelling it “[extremist](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/feb/01/russia-hands-out-first-convictions-in-connection-with-anti-lgbt-law?ref=opendemocracy.net)”.
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### One in 10 rescued Ukrainian children sexually abused, warns NGO
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ukraine-russia-child-abductions-abuse-kyiv/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:37:12.000Z
In the suburbs outside Kyiv, a four-year-old boy whizzes up and down a shared garden on his bike as his father watches from a wheelchair. The man is a double amputee, having lost both legs in a Russian drone strike on their home in Kherson. The same strike killed the boy’s mother.
Nearby, a slightly older child sits outside a modular home. He has the chubby cheeks of most boys his age, and a shock of thick black hair that matches his black eyes. It's his pose that catches your attention, though; his arms wrapped tight around his legs, his chin resting on his knees as he huddles himself up to try and keep out the threats of a dangerous world.
Almost all that either child has ever known in their short lives is war: sirens, shelling, violence and fear.
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### From frontlines to coal mines, trade unions are fighting for Ukraine’s future
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/from-frontlines-to-coal-mines-trade-unions-are-fighting-for-ukraines-future/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:37:23.000Z
“Kharkiv is wounded,” says Igor Prikhodko, “but it is alive and refusing to surrender.”
Prikhodko is the director of Kharkiv’s Specialised Sports College, an elite training centre less than 30 kilometres from Ukraine’s border with Russia, whose graduates include Olympians and world champions. On 26 March 2024, the college was hit by short-range Iskander ballistic missiles – the third time it had come under attack. The assault has since been [documented](https://gwaramedia.com/en/national-police-russians-attacked-dormitory-in-kharkiv-with-missile/?ref=opendemocracy.net) as a war crime by the city’s branch of Ukraine’s National Police Investigation Department.
Now, in November 2025, Prikhodko and I are standing on the college’s roof, having picked our way through broken glass and rubble, past rooms too unsafe to enter. Above us is Kharkiv’s grey autumn sky. At our feet is a large crater, where the most recent attack led the roof to collapse inwards. Through the gaping hole, we can see the destroyed ruins of what were once students’ dormitories.
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### People are demanding a seat at COP30. It’s time they get one
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cop30-climate-change-people-seat-negotiations-climate-justice/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:37:35.000Z
BELÉM, Brazil - When I was 18, taking the bus from my neighbourhood in Realengo, Rio de Janeiro, to university, I noticed the stark absence of trees and green spaces. What should have been ordinary public spaces, parks where children could play or families could come together, didn’t exist. It was a sign that some lives, some communities are systematically excluded from decisions about the world they live in.
I, like many young people in my community, refused to accept it. We fought to transform an abandoned army munitions factory into [Parque Realengo Susana Naspolini](https://archello.com/es/project/realengo-park-susana-naspolini?ref=opendemocracy.net), a place where culture, community and nature intersect. That pulled me into climate activism and eventually led to my appointment as the Presidency Youth Champion for COP30.
My path has shown me that real change happens when people have the power to act, when their voices shape the policies that affect their lives.
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### Why can't anti-trafficking be more radical?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/why-cant-anti-trafficking-be-more-radical/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:37:45.000Z
Several months back, the two of us took part in a group discussion with anti-trafficking professionals about the ways anti-trafficking must course-correct to meet the present moment. We found ourselves once again beating the “[cross-movement partnership](https://collectivethreads.org/glossary/glossary/definition/cross-movement/?ref=opendemocracy.net)” drum. We said we do not work in any one movement – our work to end exploitation *must* partner with related movements like those focusing on feminism, labour rights, migration, child rights, and anti-colonial systems. This is a core principle of the Collective Threads Initiative, a project dedicated to fostering movements for social change that we co-founded in 2024.
As we spoke, another attendee nodded in agreement. “Yes,” she said. “They still have money.”
It was a short sentence, spoken off the cuff and maybe later made that person cringe. Yet it exposed something about the way the anti-trafficking sector operates. It is largely dependent on development funding, struggles to see the intertwined nature of oppression, and struggles to practice the intertwined path to liberation. Anti-trafficking engages with other movements in transactional, self-serving ways. It seeks to train them rather than partner with them, and to attach itself to funding streams wherever they are found.
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### Indigenous women leaders: ‘Climate finance is a right, not a favour’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cop30-indigenous-women-belem-brazil-access-to-climate-finance-un-funding/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:37:57.000Z
BELÉM, Brazil – Indigenous women who gathered at a summit on the fringes of COP30 have called on governments to end discrimination, respect self-determination and provide direct access to climate finance.
Between 12 and 14 November, 200 delegates met for the Global Summit of Indigenous Women and Youth at the Emílio Goeldi Museum in Belém do Pará, the northern Brazilian city where the United Nations Climate Change Conference is being held.
“The climate crisis is fundamentally a crisis of rights, justice and life, rooted in colonialism, exploitation and structural inequality,” reads their political declaration, which openDemocracy has obtained. “Climate finance is a right, not a favour.”
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### COP30: Mujeres indígenas reclaman acceso directo al financiamiento climático
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cop30-brasil-cambio-climatico-mujeres-indigenas-financiamiento-equidad-genero/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:38:09.000Z
BELÉM, Brasil - Mujeres indígenas reunidas en el marco de la Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático, COP30, reclaman a los gobiernos el fin de la discriminación, el respeto a la autodeterminación y acceso directo al financiamiento climático.
“La crisis climática es, fundamentalmente, una crisis de derechos, justicia y vida, arraigada en el colonialismo, la explotación y la desigualdad estructural”, dice la Declaración Política de la Cumbre Global de Mujeres y Juventudes Indígenas, que se llevó a cabo entre el 12 y el 14 de noviembre en el Museo Emílio Goeldi de Belém do Pará, ciudad del norte de la Amazonía brasileña donde se desarrolla la COP30.
“El financiamiento climático es un derecho, no un favor”, agrega el documento al que tuvo acceso democraciaAbierta.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### EU ‘strips’ anti-abortion charity of funding after openDemocracy exposé
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/eu-strips-anti-abortion-charity-world-youth-alliance-funding-education-disinformation/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:38:18.000Z
A US charity is set to lose its European Union funding after [openDemocracy revealed](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/anti-abortion-ngo-eu-funding-reproductive-health-programme/) it received money to run a programme educating girls and young women on sexual and reproductive health despite promoting anti-abortion disinformation.
Our investigation, published in October last year, found [the EU gave the World Youth Alliance €1.2m](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/eu-funding-anti-abortion-charity/) for a number of youth training and educational programmes after the charity made false claims about abortions, including that they cause health complications.
This money included [€400,000 to deliver ‘Women’s Health Goes Digital’](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/anti-abortion-ngo-eu-funding-reproductive-health-programme/), which aimed to “design and deliver innovative training programmes in the field of women’s mental and reproductive health and rights”.
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### As drug users, solidarity isn’t just important – it’s survival
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/as-drug-users-solidarity-isnt-just-important-its-survival/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:38:27.000Z
Four years ago, Anastasia Ryan argued in an [openDemocracy article](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/the-common-cause-of-drug-reform-and-sex-workers-rights/) that supporting sex workers’ rights shouldn’t feel like a stretch for the drug reform movement. She stated that there were many obvious overlaps between the movement for the decriminalisation of sex work and the movement for drug reform, and asked us to consider “why a shared platform of advocacy for rights, recognition and respect has not emerged within the landscape of UK activism.”
While we take seriously Ryan’s call to broaden solidarity and join together in struggle, we think she missed something important. The parallel to the movement for sex workers’ rights isn’t the “drug reform movement” – it is the drug *user* movement. It is here that real questions arise of bodily autonomy and medicalised dehumanisation caused by public health strategies seeking to win short-term policy gains.
Those strategies hinge on conveying us – drug users and sex workers alike – as vectors of disease and public health threats, which are used to justify the criminalisation of survival activities. The movement for drug policy reform may touch on some of these same points, but the key difference here is that their main advocates aren’t organising while navigating related risks in real time.
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### Exclusive: The Scandal of the British Army's Child Soldiers
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletter-scandal-british-army-child-soldiers/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:38:36.000Z
When I interviewed for my role at openDemocracy, I was asked to pitch an idea for an investigation. I knew exactly what I wanted to look at: abuse within the British military.
I got the job and I got to work. Since then, I have exposed a range of abuses, from the military justice system letting down rape survivors to the Royal Military Police failing to properly investigate allegations of non-recent child sex abuse, and the continuing abuse of sex workers by soldiers stationed overseas.
Almost a year ago, I turned my attention to the abuse of child recruits at the Army Foundation College in Harrogate. I teamed up with Children’s Rights International (CRIN) to pool resources and data. We were shocked by what we learnt.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### How one case made unlikely allies of police and sex workers
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/how-one-case-made-unlikely-allies-of-police-and-sex-workers/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:38:46.000Z
For most sex workers, law enforcement isn’t a source of protection – it’s a source of harm. I’ve lived that truth. The man who assaulted me wasn’t some anonymous predator – he was a cop. And the client who stalked me? He was a bondsman who bailed me out of jail in exchange for a blowjob.
That wasn’t protection. That was coercion dressed up as a favour. He knew he had power over me, just as he knew that when he threatened me at work, I wouldn’t go to the police. Not because I didn’t want justice, but because of how the system would treat me if I did. I’d be the one interrogated, blamed, criminalised. I was a sex worker. He knew I had no credibility.
At SWOP Behind Bars in the US, I hear stories like mine every single day. Letters from jail, quiet calls from motel rooms, survivor voices all repeating the same hard truth: “He hurt me, but if I go to the cops, they’ll arrest me instead.” This isn’t paranoia. It’s a pattern. It’s how we survive, passed down like scripture in our community: *Don’t call them. They won’t help you.*
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### The most dangerous ‘school’ in the UK: Army must end child recruitment
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/british-army-must-end-child-recruitment-afc-harrogate-abuse-revealed/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:38:56.000Z
As a parent, you trust your government not to lie to you when it tells you that your children are safe. When you see Ofsted, the English education watchdog, has inspected a school, you trust that the grading awarded reflects the reality of school life.
But the government is lying to the parents of children at the Army Foundation College in Harrogate, the UK Armed Forces’ main training establishment for 16- and 17-year-olds.
An average of [2,380 children](https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2025-10-13/81721?ref=opendemocracy.net) have trained at AFC Harrogate each year for the past five years. Its [brochure](https://www.amazingapprenticeships.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/AFC-Harrogate-A5-Brochure-1.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) tells would-be recruits and their parents of “world-class” opportunities, “lifelong friendships” and “unforgettable memories” and boasts that Ofsted has repeatedly awarded the college [an ‘Outstanding’ grade](https://hansard.parliament.uk/Lords/2023-05-11/debates/ADD6D785-B07B-4B5D-AE36-C63EC442534A/ArmyFoundationCollegeWelfareInspectionRegime?ref=opendemocracy.net) for welfare and duty of care since 2012.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Inside British Army’s child training college where violent abuse is the norm
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/british-army-child-soldiers-abuse-violence-mental-health/
Last updated: 2026-08-06T08:28:04.000Z
The British Army is the only military in Europe that still recruits 16-year-olds.
That’s how old Hamish\* was when he joined last year. As is required of all 16- and 17-year-old sign-ups, who are legally still children but are given the titles of ‘junior soldiers’, he moved into the residential Army Foundation College Harrogate in the north of England to begin his military training.
“In the first couple of weeks, it’s brilliant,” he said of his early days in the army, explaining that most teenage recruits “see it as a brilliant way of earning money”, particularly “if you haven’t really got any GCSEs”.
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### La financiación climática exige una nueva economía
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cop30-crisis-climatica-financiacion-desarrollo-deuda-brasil-neoliberalismo-lula/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:39:19.000Z
Mientras se lleva a cabo la cumbre sobre el cambio climático COP30 en Belém, Brasil, resulta evidente que la financiación climática se encuentra en una encrucijada. El aumento de las temperaturas globales, la desigualdad creciente y la insostenible carga de la deuda en países en desarrollo convergen en una realidad común: la cuestión ya no es si se necesita una movilización masiva de recursos, sino cómo, para quién y con qué fines.
Desde la perspectiva del Sur Global, hay tres reflexiones esenciales: la necesidad de vincular la financiación climática al desarrollo, la importancia de hacer frente a los mitos sobre la deuda y las finanzas públicas, y la oportunidad de replantearse el propio modelo económico.
En primer lugar, la financiación climática debe vincularse a una estrategia de desarrollo clara. Con demasiada frecuencia, en los debates y las negociaciones sobre el clima, el desarrollo se trata como algo secundario, o incluso como algo indeseable. Esta visión no es ni realista ni justa, especialmente para los países en desarrollo, donde la reducción de la pobreza, la creación de empleo y la estabilidad social siguen siendo prioridades urgentes.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Climate finance calls for a new economy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cop30-climate-crisis-finance-development-debt-brazil-neoliberalism/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:39:29.000Z
As the climate change summit COP30 unfolds in Belém, Brazil, it is clear that climate finance stands at a crossroads. Rising global temperatures, widening inequality and unsustainable debt burdens in developing countries have converged into a single reality: the question is no longer whether massive resource mobilisation is needed, but how, for whom, and toward what ends.
From a Global South perspective, three reflections are essential: the need to link climate finance to development, the importance of confronting debt and fiscal myths, and the opportunity to rethink the economic model itself.
First, climate finance must be tied to a clear development strategy. Too often in climate discussions and even negotiations, development is treated as secondary – or even as something undesirable. This view is neither realistic nor fair, particularly for developing countries where poverty reduction, job creation, and social stability remain urgent priorities.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### COP30: It will take disaster in Global North to bring real climate action
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cop30-climate-action-catastrophe-disaster-global-north-south-deaths-extreme-weather/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:39:39.000Z
With COP30 well underway in Brazil, the global fossil fuel lobby is working hard to preserve its industries. Coal, oil and gas giants are once again joining producer states in actions that are typically most evident at the annual climate summit.
[More than 5,000 fossil fuel lobbyists have had access to UN climate talks](https://www.democracynow.org/2025/11/10/nina%5Flakhani?ref=opendemocracy.net) over the past four years. Their roles are less about the open denial of climate change than advocating for market-oriented solutions, such as carbon capture and storage, whose impact would be minimal over the timescale needed to prevent climate breakdown.
This lobbying follows decades of more direct actions by some of the world’s major oil companies, with Texas-based Exxon being a leading actor. Exxon has especially focused its efforts on influencing governmental and public attitudes to climate change across the Global South.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Minerales críticos: La pieza que falta en el plan climático de la COP30
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/cop30-crisis-climatica-minerales-criticos-mineria-brasil-belem/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:39:54.000Z
Esta semana, miles de activistas, políticos y científicos han llegado a Brasil para asistir a la COP30, la cumbre anual sobre el clima. A medida que aumentan las temperaturas globales y el mundo sufre inundaciones repentinas, los líderes reunidos en la ciudad amazónica de Belém están obligados a elaborar un plan unificado que ponga fin a la crisis climática.
Pero, aunque la mayor parte de la COP se centrará, como es lógico, en los efectos de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero sobre el calentamiento global, aparece una cuestión que se había pasado por alto: la extracción de minerales esenciales para la transición ecológica.
Una década después del Acuerdo de París, el abandono de los combustibles fósiles ha desencadenado una nueva carrera global, esta vez por los minerales críticos que sustentan las tecnologías renovables.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Abortion decriminalisation now | With Louise McCudden
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/abortion-decriminalisation-now-louise-mccudden-podcast/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:40:08.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Earlier this year, Labour overwhelmingly voted in favour of an amendment that would end the criminalisation of women and pregnant people seeking abortions outside the 1967 Abortion Act exemptions. As the debate went through the Lords, we sat down with MSI Reproductive Choices’ Louise McCudden to discuss why we need decriminalisation now - and what this win means amid a global backlash against abortion rights.
In Solidarity is openDemocracy’s podcast about people, power, and politics. Support the show by visiting [https://www.openDemocracy.net/donate/](https://www.opendemocracy.net/donate/)
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### Remembering Geoffrey Bindman and his pursuit of justice for all
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/geoffrey-bindman-obituary-tony-blair-race-relations-gaza-legal-aid/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:40:22.000Z
Geoffrey Bindman was unassuming in his demeanour and as sharp and hard as a nail in his decision-making. While he was alive I always knew that if I got into trouble with the law, or needed legal help, I’d have advice that would be clear, realistic, tough and also, and this was important, kind – while being up for whatever fight was necessary.
He died on 4 November. He was 92\. In this short, personal tribute, I’d like to salute what he stood for as well as his little-known but important contribution to openDemocracy, writing over [40 articles](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/author/geoffrey-bindman/) for us from 2003 to 2010, and chairing the independent charity [the Open Trust](https://theopentrust.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net).
In 1974, at the age of 31, Geoffrey started Bindmans, a firm of solicitors whose purpose was “protecting the rights and reputations of local Londoners”. Two principals were embedded in this apparently modest objective, from which the firm has never deviated, making it today one of the most important legal partnerships in the country.
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### ‘An indictment of the trade union movement’: Why no one is organising seasonal workers
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/an-indictment-of-the-trade-union-movement-why-no-one-is-organising-seasonal-workers/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:40:35.000Z
Since arriving in the UK more than two years ago, Julia Quecaño Casimiro has been working hard, but not in the way she expected.
Julia, originally from Bolivia, came to work at a farm in Herefordshire after a recruiter promised she would earn £500 per week picking fruit. But, in her first fortnight on the farm, she was paid £150.
This meagre pay and other poor working conditions pushed her and [90 colleagues to go on strike](https://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/stories/2023-10-22/all-that-is-missing-is-a-whip-home-office-ignored-migrant-worker-abuses-on-farms?ref=opendemocracy.net) – the first industrial action of its kind to get UK media attention.
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### The missing piece in COP30’s climate plan
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/cop30-climate-crisis-critical-minerals-mining-missing-from-plan/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:40:45.000Z
This week, thousands of activists, politicians and scientists have arrived in Brazil for COP30, the annual climate summit. As global temperatures rise, and the world experiences flash flooding, the pressure is on for world leaders in Belém to forge a unified plan to stop the climate crisis.
But while most of COP will rightly focus on the effects of greenhouse gas emissions on global warming, a new issue is emerging that has, as yet, been overlooked: the mining of critical minerals that are key to the green transition.
A decade after the Paris Agreement, the world’s shift away from fossil fuels has triggered a new global race; this time, for the critical minerals that underpin renewable technologies. From electric vehicles to wind turbines, minerals such as nickel, cobalt, and lithium are essential to manufacturing these technologies. But unless mineral extraction is governed in line with climate, environmental and human rights goals, the so-called ‘green’ transition risks deepening inequality, driving deforestation, and undermining the very climate objectives it seeks to achieve.
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### How Wages for Housework sparked an international solidarity movement
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/how-wages-for-housework-sparked-an-international-solidarity-movement/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:40:58.000Z
The first thing to know about the international Wages for Housework campaign that began in the 1970s is that you shouldn’t take the name at face value. This wasn't some single-issue movement committed to putting pennies in pockets of frazzled, overworked housewives. Wages were just one of six demands contained in the 1972 pamphlet [Women, the Unions and Work, Or… What Is Not To Be Done](https://crossroadsbooksonline.net/collections/selma-james/products/women-the-unions-and-work-and-the-perspective-of-winning?ref=opendemocracy.net)*;* others ranged from full bodily autonomy to the right to work less. These were radical demands rooted in a revolutionary feminist reframing of work itself, an analysis of how capitalism *needs* the unpaid labour of women to survive.
These were the ideological seeds of Wages for Housework. They snowballed throughout the 1970s into a broad, intersectional and international network of organisations fighting for the rights of lesbians, sex workers and Black women. These feminists marched for equal pay, for free childcare, for birth control and on-demand abortion. They fought the criminalisation of sex work, discrimination against lesbians, and the stereotyping of Black mothers claiming welfare – the so-called [“welfare queens”](https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2013/12/20/255819681/the-truth-behind-the-lies-of-the-original-welfare-queen?ref=opendemocracy.net) derided by US media.
There were bumps along the road, like [interpersonal squabbles](https://www.theguardian.com/society/2025/feb/07/wages-for-housework-movement-still-controversial-40-years-on?ref=opendemocracy.net)**,** [documented instances of racism](https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lsehistory/2024/07/24/they-say-it-is-love-we-say-it-is-unwaged-work-wages-for-housework/?ref=opendemocracy.net), and widespread confusion over what the movement should be fighting for. But especially as the movement spread beyond borders, Wages for Housework became a global phenomenon rooted, first and foremost, in an ethos of solidarity. We should learn from it.
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### Thirty years after execution of the Ogoni Nine, the fight for justice continues
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/thirty-years-after-deaths-of-the-ogoni-nine-the-fight-for-justice-continues/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:41:10.000Z
As global leaders prepare for [COP30](https://cop30.br/en?ref=opendemocracy.net), they must remember the legacy of the Ogoni Nine, a group of activists executed by the Nigerian state 30 years ago for demanding what should be sacrosanct: the right to live in a clean, healthy and sustainable environment.
The Ogoni Nine were leaders in the [Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People](https://www.mosop.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (MOSOP), a nonviolent, grassroots campaign to resist and demand accountability for the environmental and human rights abuses being committed by Shell and the Nigerian state in [Ogoniland](https://www.unep.org/topics/disasters-and-conflicts/country-presence/nigeria/about-ogoniland?ref=opendemocracy.net), a kingdom in the richly biodiverse and oil-producing Niger Delta region.
The ecological integrity of the Niger Delta has been under threat since Shell discovered commercial oil in 1956, having gained control over Nigeria’s emerging industry, backed by British colonial laws and government support. By 1995, Shell was the largest and most prominent oil operator in the Niger Delta, pumping almost a million barrels of crude oil a day and contributing significantly to Nigeria’s foreign earnings, [95.7% of which came from crude exports.](https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr44/7393/2017/en/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
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### War And Regime Change in the Americas
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/newsletter-americas-war-regime-far-right-latam-latin-america/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:41:19.000Z
There is talk of regime change in Venezuela. US military aircraft are flying missions out of El Salvador. About 10,000 American troops have amassed in the region, alongside drones, bombers, and half a dozen warships. A US aircraft carrier has left the Mediterranean and is headed to the Caribbean Sea, where US gunships have killed at least 70 “suspected drug smugglers”, essentially civilians, since September.
Latin America has long been the laboratory where the United States installs friendly right-wing autocrats to stamp out the contagion of freedom and revolution before it reaches US shores, and where dictators wear the guise of leftist revolutionaries to oppress their own people. The people organise and fight to get power, only to see their leaders toppled and their dreams and economies shattered.
“Power, they say, is like a violin,” Uruguayan author Eduardo Galeano once wrote, recounting an Argentinian joke from the 1970s. “It is held by the left hand and played by the right.”
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### We fight for sex workers’ rights. This is what solidarity looks like
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/we-fight-for-migrant-sex-workers-rights-this-is-what-solidarity-looks-like-us-canada/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:41:26.000Z
In the past several years, there has been a surge in anti-migrant rallies, racist policies and anti-rights movements, alongside a broader pushback against diversity, equity, decolonisation, and inclusion.
These forces promote racism, xenophobia, transphobia, nationalism, colonialism, and imperialism. Racialised and low-income communities, especially migrants, are being further scapegoated: not only blamed, but also criminalised, arrested, detained, incarcerated, and deported. All this fuels the expansion of state violence and intensifies marginalisation and oppression.
At the same time, fascism, right-wing nationalism, and imperialism are gaining ground both in the US and globally. This lurch to the right is creating widespread frustration and fear that erode hope and collective power. In such difficult times, building collective strength – rooted in love, care, and mutual support – is all the more vital.
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### Solidarity beyond silos is our best bet for fighting exploitation
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/solidarity-beyond-silos-is-our-best-bet-for-fighting-exploitation/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:41:34.000Z
Hatred of migrants and outsiders is a defining feature of our current political moment. Far-right racists are gaining power by blaming outsiders for deeply rooted social and economic problems, while social media algorithms fuel our divisions to [profit off our attention](https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/08/uk-big-tech-platforms-play-an-active-role-in-fuelling-racist-violence/?ref=opendemocracy.net). Budgets for detention, deportation, and surveillance [increase](https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigration-enforcement-spending-rising?ref=opendemocracy.net) year on year, and well-connected companies and political cronies [get fat on government contracts.](https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2025/07/ice-budget-immigration-enforcement/683678/?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Donald Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill” allocated $170bn towards deportation. This includes $27.7bn – up from $8.7bn – for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), an increasingly lawless agency currently terrorising communities across the US. This is more than many countries [spend on their militaries](https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/ice-funding-world-militaries-b2790466.html?ref=opendemocracy.net). In 2025, the European Union [tripled](https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/immigration-enforcement-spending-rising?ref=opendemocracy.net) its migration management budget and allocated €12bn to Frontex, its own border guard dog.
Meanwhile, self-appointed vigilantes have been [causing chaos](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/aug/30/europe-anti-migrant-vigilantes-spain-poland-netherlands-iceland-northern-ireland?ref=opendemocracy.net) from Iceland to India. In South Africa, Operation Dudula has been conducting [illegal raids](https://www.dw.com/en/south-africa-operation-dudula-hunts-down-illegal-migrants/a-74199726?ref=opendemocracy.net) upon local businesses looking for foreign workers. They have repeatedly [blocked](https://www.msf.org.za/news-and-resources/press-release/xenophobic-attacks-endanger-non-sa-patients-msf?ref=opendemocracy.net) non-South Africans from accessing public health facilities in [direct violation](https://groundup.org.za/article/operation-dudula-blocks-babies-from-getting-vaccines/?ref=opendemocracy.net) of the South African constitution. "Dudula" means to "force out" or "knock down" in isiZulu, and the party’s [next target](https://eelawcentre.org.za/operation-dudula-under-fire-for-campaign-to-ban-foreign-children-from-public-schools-in-2026/?ref=opendemocracy.net) is preventing non-South African children from attending school.
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### Right-wing Stalinists and hydroponic lettuce: Inside Chile’s pivotal election
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/chile-general-election-presidential-jose-kast-gabriel-boric-jeanette-jara-far-right/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:41:42.000Z
A few years ago, Cristopher Rojas would have been an unlikely political organiser. Today, he is a figure that will be instantly familiar to anyone following the rise of right-wing politics across the globe: a young, male TikToker from a working-class background who uses his platform to espouse far-right views on immigration to his tens of thousands of followers.
“In recent years, Chile has lost control of its borders. \[Immigrants\] were no longer just families in search of opportunities, but drug traffickers, criminals, criminal gangs... even hitmen,” 28-year-old Rojas says over dramatic music in one video.
“How much longer can Chile hold out?” he asks, reaching his punchline: “This is why we need the shield.”
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### In Latin America, people’s movements are democracy’s last defence
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/latin-america-far-right-resistance-protest-brazil-bolsonaro-milei-argentina/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:41:52.000Z
In recent months, various Latin American presidents have made headlines for defending democracy, denouncing war crimes in Gaza and standing up to Donald Trump. An onlooker might think the region is a stronghold against the authoritarianism popping up around the world – but they’d be wrong.
It’s true that Latin America still has some governments that respect the rule of law and the separation of powers, several of them progressive or centre-left, such as the administrations in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Uruguay.
But elsewhere in the region, far-right forces and authoritarian impulses have grown in recent years, and their influence is continuing to spread.
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### Ecuador: When legitimate protest becomes ‘terrorism’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ecuador-protest-fuel-subsidies-price-increase-daniel-noboa-terrorism-indigenous-leaders/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:42:01.000Z
Recent years have seen Western governments extoll their democratic values while leading increasingly harsh crackdowns on dissent, with activists arrested and accused of terrorism.
Now, Ecuador has gone even further. President Daniel Noboa’s far-right government met recent nationwide anti-austerity protests with a brutality that has left two protesters dead, 473 injured, 12 missing, and 206 detained, according to the Alliance of Human Rights Organisations of Ecuador.
A 31-day national strike erupted on 22 September, nine days after Noboa removed fuel subsidies, raising the price of diesel by 55% from $1.80 to $2.80 per gallon. The demonstrations, which disrupted the movement of goods and people across the country as protesters blocked main roads, were led by Ecuador’s largest Indigenous organisation, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities, which represents many of the people who will be the hardest hit by the price hikes.
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### One month into Gaza ceasefire, what does Palestinians’ future look like?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/one-month-gaza-israel-ceasefire-palestinians-future-binyamin-netanyahu-hamas-donald-trump/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:42:11.000Z
Less than a month ago, received wisdom was that Donald Trump was so angered by the Israeli bombing of Hamas negotiators in Qatar that he had forced Binyamin Netanyahu to agree to a peace deal. The first stage of that deal was a ceasefire, which took effect, and the Israeli prime minister appeared humbled.
But was he?
Remember that before the 10 October ceasefire, the far-right parties in Netanyahu’s government saw a clear future for Israel. The war would continue until Hamas had been eliminated, and Gaza would then be cleared of Palestinians. Where they would go was far from clear, but there was talk from Netanyahu’s people of the “international community” picking up the pieces.
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### Kast y la extrema derecha chilena ponen a prueba su músculo territorial
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/chile-kast-ultraderecha-elecciones-kaiser-territorios-jovenes-inmigrantes-miedo/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:42:22.000Z
En su perfil de TikTok, el rostro lampiño del *influencer* Cristopher Rojas se reproduce en un mosaico de selfies. De 28 años y oriundo de Cerro Navia, una comuna popular alejada de los circuitos turísticos de la capital chilena, Rojas es uno de los principales promotores digitales del candidato de ultraderecha José Antonio Kast.
Su contenido, [volcado](https://www.tiktok.com/@cris.%5Frojas?ref=opendemocracy.net) en TikTok y replicado en Instagram, combina dardos a la izquierda chilena y alabanzas a diferentes íconos de derecha, desde Kast hasta Charlie Kirk, el *influencer* trumpista recientemente asesinado.
Rojas acumula 75.000 seguidores y más de dos millones de me gustas en TikTok, indicadores de un perfil en ascenso, no del todo famoso pero con un puñado de videos virales.
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### Even shots on British nationals won’t stop UK’s border expansion
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/even-shots-on-british-nationals-wont-stop-uks-border-expansion/
Last updated: 2026-06-23T16:42:32.000Z
When an EU-funded Libyan Coast Guard patrol boat unleashed a [hail of bullets](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/rescue-ship-shooting-where-is-the-eus-red-line-with-libya/) at the rescue ship *Ocean Viking* in the Mediterranean Sea in August, it seemed very far away from Britain. But in the weeks that followed, it became clear how the attack – and others like it – had in fact struck close to home.
There were two British citizens on board the Viking. In another attack a month later, there were [three](https://www.politico.eu/article/libya-militia-sea-watch-migrant-rescue-ship-eu-tensions/?ref=opendemocracy.net). But despite evidence that the UK’s European allies financially support the forces attacking British citizens in international waters, Yvette Cooper, the recently installed foreign secretary, has remained silent. When questioned whether she had discussed the attack with Europe, her department dispatched a junior minister to curtly reply “[no](https://www.theyworkforyou.com/wrans/?id=2025-10-10.78855.h&ref=opendemocracy.net)”.
This is not because Cooper isn’t paying attention. Preventing migration is at the top of the UK political agenda. Last year she accepted an invitation to attend a festival [organised](https://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/yvette-cooper-home-secretary-italian-channel-steve-bannon-b1199977.html?ref=opendemocracy.net) by Italy’s far-right, and she and Prime Minister Keir Starmer have both praised Italy’s “[remarkable progress](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/live/cvgddpq44qjt?ref=opendemocracy.net)” on migration. Such “progress” includes donating the [very boat](https://euobserver.com/migration/ara9e9665d?ref=opendemocracy.net) involved in the assault on the *Viking*, along with many others.
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### When will Sierra Leone match Liberia’s courage on FGM?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/when-will-sierra-leone-match-liberias-courage-on-fgm/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:11:55.000Z
At the UN, in September, Liberian president Joseph Nyuma Boakai Snr [announced a permanent ban on Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)](https://liberianinvestigator.com/news/boakai-bans-harmful-practices-8-3b-gender-equality-agenda-un/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in his country, along with an ambitious gender equality agenda worth $8.3bn. Listening to his speech, I felt a mix of emotions: pride in my neighbours and disappointment in my homeland of Sierra Leone, which is retreating from its responsibilities towards women and girls like myself.
I was cut when I was a child. I remember being blindfolded and pinned down. I remember the pain and the blood. I remember the cousin who did not survive the ordeal. Too many Sierra Leonean girls still have the same experience in 2025\. They suffer lifelong health problems, complications in childbirth, infection and trauma. Some even meet the same fate as my cousin.
Around 80% of girls and women aged 15 to 49 in Sierra Leone have undergone FGM, which is at the centre of the influential and secretive Bondo society’s initiation into womanhood. For decades, activists and survivors have spoken out against the practice. Civil society groups have worked in villages and towns, engaging with locals and *soweis* (the traditional female cutters), whom they offered other ways to earn income. They have provided alternative rites of passage, such as ‘Bloodless Bondo’, a strategy by my organisation, Amazonian Initiative Movement, which aims to keep other parts of the initiation process – home economics, grooming rituals, cooking lessons, and songs and ceremonies – while doing away with the blade.
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### Gran Bretaña: Una antigua estación de bomberos apaga las llamas de la radicalización juvenil de derecha
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gran-bretana-trabajo-social-hull-jovenes-varones-ultraderecha/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:12:14.000Z
Son las 10 de la mañana de un jueves y un grupo de chicos esperan inquietos frente a la puerta de una antigua estación de bomberos victoriana, en el centro de Hull. Adentro funciona The Warren (La Madriguera), un proyecto que ha apoyado a jóvenes de esta ciudad portuaria de East Yorkshire durante más de cuatro décadas.
Pero en los últimos años ha tenido que enfrentar un desafío nuevo y cada vez mayor.
“Siempre hubo presencia de la extrema derecha”, dice a openDemocracy el asistente social para jóvenes JJ Tatten. “Pero en los últimos seis o siete años hemos visto un aumento significativo de organizaciones de extrema derecha que apuntan de forma más directa a los grupos demográficos que quieren alcanzar”. Un sector particularmente vulnerable, dice, son los varones adolescentes.
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### Ghana and Trump are bargaining with lives. Ghanaians are pushing back
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ghana-and-trump-are-bargaining-with-lives-ghanaians-are-pushing-back/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:12:31.000Z
After they were captured by ICE, after they were booked for deportation proceedings from the US, and after they were put on a plane bound for the Ghanaian capital of Accra, the deportees arrived at what would be their temporary ‘home’ in Ghana: the Bundase Military Camp.
At the camp, an active military training base just outside Accra, none of the deportees had access to running water or bedding, women were denied sanitary products, and those who were sick were denied healthcare, according to Oliver Barker-Vormawor, a lawyer and the convener of Democracy Hub, a Ghanaian civil society organisation, who is representing 11 of the deportees in court. “The place was not designed to keep humans,” said Barker-Vormawor of the conditions the deportees told him they were held in.
Barker-Vormawore believes 42 deportees have arrived in Accra from the US in groups of around 10 to 15 over the past few weeks, after Ghana joined a growing list of African countries, including Eswatini, Rwanda and Uganda, to controversially agree to take in people deported by the US’s increasingly far-right-leaning government. The lawyer said the Ghanaian government’s secrecy makes it difficult to establish the exact number of arrivals.
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### Kavin came here to work. He ended up a modern slave
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/migrants-visas-modern-slavery-exploitation-hostile-environment/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:12:47.000Z
When Kavin\* travelled to the UK from Sri Lanka last year, he was excited for a fresh start. A keen sportsman who’d previously worked as a personal trainer, he’d secured a visa and a job in a convenience store in the north of England, and was full of hopes and dreams for his new life. But his reality quickly descended into a nightmare.
The shop’s manager, whom Kavin’s family had known in Sri Lanka and who had sponsored his visa, took away his phone, passport and visa when he arrived in the UK. He forced Kavin to work long hours without breaks or any possibility of time off. After a month of gruelling labour, Kavin was paid £100 – far, far below the national minimum wage.
But when Kavin raised these issues with his manager, he was threatened with losing his job – and his right to remain in the UK.
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### LGBTQ+ migrants at risk in UK detention centres due to poor staff training
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/migrant-rights-lgbt-edi-dei-immigration-detention-centres-training-serco-mitie/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:13:02.000Z
Private companies awarded lucrative government contracts to run immigration detention centres in the UK are failing to properly train staff on the needs of LGBTIQ+ migrants, new documents reveal.
openDemocracy has reviewed diversity and equality training slides for staff at immigration removal centres run by Serco and Mitie, two of the UK’s biggest immigration service providers. The slides wrongly refer to the migrant people who are held in the centres while awaiting deportation or release, many of whom are very vulnerable, as “prisoners”.
And while the training materials, which were obtained by London-based charity Rainbow Migration under Freedom of Information laws, educate staff on how to recognise and combat racism, they often fail to offer equivalent information on tackling homophobia or addressing the specific vulnerabilities of LGBTIQ+ detainees. Not all of the training materials are dated, but those that are say they were created between 2018 and 2024.
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### ‘No way out’: the closing spaces for Rohingya livelihoods
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/no-way-out-the-closing-spaces-for-rohingya-livelihoods-bangladesh-myanmar/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:13:17.000Z
Rohingya refugees are increasingly relying on informal work to survive on both sides of the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. Already tightly controlled, life both inside and outside refugee camps became more restricted after [renewed fighting](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/dec/21/myanmar-rebels-claims-control-over-major-western-military-headquarters?ref=opendemocracy.net) broke out between a rebel group and the Myanmar military in 2023\. Now that [US aid cuts have also come into force](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c4grl7nydyzo?ref=opendemocracy.net), the list of options for refugees in both countries has shrunk even further.
The economic crisis facing the Rohingya in Bangladesh and Myanmar is not just a result of poverty. It is a result of exclusion. In Bangladesh, refugees are banned from working formally and must rely on rations or precarious informal jobs. In Myanmar, livelihoods are disappearing under conflict, military restrictions, and growing distrust between ethnic groups.
Refugees are navigating the limited and precarious work opportunities available in both countries as best they can. Some jobs can still be found in sectors like small-scale farming and construction. A few have managed to open small businesses, while others have turned to family and friends abroad for help. Still others set their sights on migration, journeying to Thailand, Malaysia or other areas in Myanmar to try to find something better.
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### Ecuador: Cuando la protesta se convierte en ‘terrorismo’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/ecuador-protestas-indigenas-conaie-daniel-noboa-combustibles-subsidios-pobreza-terrorismo-persecucion/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:13:32.000Z
La [decisión](https://es-us.noticias.yahoo.com/protestas-aumento-precio-combustible-sumen-105514885.html?guccounter=1&guce%5Freferrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce%5Freferrer%5Fsig=AQAAAN7nbSqbe0lGhT73SjjuE5NlzZHHxSz4HTRQg6AIONM1EAcgJSn2nvQhSNkYkf0jEKQNOi07ITAFVxu3HABS-qHIkD2DiaXgS6zdgTZs7cfqthF%5FV8X%5F%5FrAcyFgyRsWCtIS3YZ-Bpmw2K0MmDmEofJxH%5FPgc5roj7Z6a%5FDHyMWaJ&ref=opendemocracy.net) del presidente Daniel Noboa de eliminar los subsidios al diésel, elevando el precio del combustible en 55% (de 1,8 a 2,8 dólares por galón) desató protestas masivas en Ecuador.
Al calificar de “terroristas” a los dirigentes indígenas que encabezaron las manifestaciones, su gobierno busca criminalizar la disidencia, militarizar el conflicto social y blindar el ajuste contra la resistencia popular. Pero la protesta no es terrorismo, sino la voz democrática de quienes más sufren la desigualdad.
El paro nacional que comenzó el 22 de septiembre, liderado por la Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas (Conaie) y que bloqueó las principales rutas del país, concluyó formalmente luego de 31 días, el 23 de este mes, con dos personas muertas, 473 heridas, 12 temporalmente desaparecidas y 206 detenidas, según el [último reporte](https://alianzaddhh.org/31-dias-del-paro-nacional-en-ecuador-2025-monitoreo-de-vulneraciones-de-ddhh/?ref=opendemocracy.net) de la Alianza de Organizaciones por los Derechos Humanos del Ecuador.
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### Neither student nor worker: how Rohingya youth rebuild in exile
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/neither-student-nor-worker-how-rohingya-youth-rebuild-in-exile-malaysia-refugees/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:13:46.000Z
Ayat was a teenager when he arrived in Malaysia. He had once imagined becoming a doctor – dreams formed back home in Myanmar, shaped by family, land and textbooks. But after fleeing violence and crossing borders, he found himself in a country that offered neither asylum nor access.
He applied for resettlement to the United States through UNHCR, a process that for most Rohingya in Malaysia means years – sometimes decades – of waiting without certainty. For Ayat it took nearly 15 years before he was offered a seat on a flight to California. Things were finally looking up. But just before he was due to leave, the Trump administration cut refugee admissions to historic lows, and his flight was cancelled. Ayat was stuck. Processing his disappointment, he said to me: “People forget we were someone before.” That moment stayed with me – not just for its grief, but for its clarity.
There are thousands like Ayat across Malaysia’s Klang Valley: Rohingya youth suspended in the legal and emotional purgatory of refugeehood. Young people entering adulthood with no right to study, no right to work, and no roadmap for the future. In Malaysia, being undocumented means being undefined. Not a student. Not a citizen. Not even a worker.
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### The world doesn’t care about Sudan. It’s up to us to rebuild
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-world-doesnt-care-about-sudan-war-refugees-its-up-to-us-to-rebuild/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:14:05.000Z
The war broke out towards the end of Ramadan. Most people across Sudan, including myself, were preparing for Eid. But instead of celebrations, on 15 April 2023, we woke to a full-scale war raging in the heart of the capital, Khartoum.
This war, which is still ongoing, has forced displacement, loss, and uncertainty onto the Sudanese population. But we were no strangers to these hardships, as Sudanese people were already living precarious lives on different scales before the shooting started in 2023, and also before the 2018 uprising that preceded it. The conflict is [rooted in layered and longstanding issues](https://www.thecontinent.org/%5Ffiles/ugd/287178%5Fa6e51c1ba1a74596b6a18ef39f70ef2a.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net), including chronic political instability, external interference and aggression, as well as a complex and rich history.
Sudan has endured harsh [economic sanctions](https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/sudan-sanctions-guidance/sudan-sanctions-guidance?ref=opendemocracy.net) for over three decades, and citizens have borne the greatest burden. The sanctions have excluded us from the global system, denying us access to opportunities and resources that others take for granted. Among other consequences, they fuelled economic migration and brain drain, creating a society where many households relied on family members working abroad long before the war.
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### ‘We can’t bring Agnes back. But we can protect other women’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/british-army-agnes-wanjiru-murder-cover-up-niece-story/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:14:25.000Z
Thirteen years and more than 6,000 miles from where Agnes Wanjiru was allegedly killed by a British soldier, her niece, Esther Njoki, sits in a wooden-panelled committee room in the Houses of Parliament. Portraits of long-dead dignitaries glower from the red, green and gold walls, as she addresses MPs, lawyers, journalists and campaigners for military justice. Her message for the British Army is clear: it must change its culture, so no more families suffer as hers has done.
“If we can change the culture of the army, we can protect future generations of women and girls,” she insists. “We can’t bring Agnes back. But we can protect other women.”
Wanjiru was 21 when she disappeared after leaving a hotel bar frequented by British soldiers based at the British Army Training Unit Kenya (BATUK), near the city of Nanyuki, in 2012\. It would be nearly three months before her family discovered her body in a septic tank. Seven years later, a Kenyan inquest ruled that a British soldier had unlawfully killed her.
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### How Labour is reducing consumer protections | With Ethan Shone
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/podcast-in-solidarity-ethan-shone-labour-cma-activsion-blizzard/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:14:45.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
When Labour came into power in 2024, they accused regulators like Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) of inhibiting growth and appointed influential figures from the business world into key positions and advisory roles. This includes a former Amazon boss being made the head of the CMA, or as one lawyer observed “A monopolist had been appointed to lead the anti-monopoly watchdog”.
In today’s episode Ethan Shone tells us what we can expect from a government that has put growth and prosperity for business ahead of the rights of everyday consumers.
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### Refugiados en Brasil: tejiendo resistencia colectiva donde las políticas fallan
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/refugiados-en-brasil-tejiendo-resistencia-colectiva-donde-las-politicas-fallan/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:15:10.000Z
Son las diez de la mañana en el centro de São Paulo, Brasil, y una fila ya empieza a formarse frente a la organización civil [Pacto pelo Direito de Migrar](https://www.instagram.com/pdmig%5Fbr/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (Pacto por el Derecho a Migrar, PDMIG). En ella esperan hombres, mujeres y niños de Angola, Venezuela, la República Democrática del Congo, Camerún, Afganistán y muchos otros países. Cada rostro cuenta una historia: carga su propio dolor, pero también esperanza.
Para muchos, el PDMIG se ha convertido en un punto de partida, un lugar donde comenzar de nuevo. Allí, las personas comparten relatos de hambre, guerra, persecución, violencia de género o desempleo. Encuentran respuestas, apoyo y acompañamiento mientras esperan la resolución de sus solicitudes de asilo o visado. A todos los une un mismo deseo: ser reconocidos, existir legalmente en una tierra ajena para poder reconstruir sus vidas.
## Un espacio seguro en un mundo hostil
Fundado en 2014 por migrantes y refugiados, el PDMIG nació con el objetivo de crear un espacio seguro y acogedor para quienes llegaban a São Paulo. Desde entonces, ofrece una amplia variedad de servicios orientados a la regularización migratoria, la integración social y el empoderamiento de las personas migrantes, tanto en el ámbito público como en el privado. Su labor destaca especialmente por acompañar a los migrantes en su inserción en el mercado laboral, un terreno lleno de obstáculos para el acceso, el reconocimiento y la inclusión.
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### Keir Starmer’s Labour is a lost cause. But there’s still hope for the left
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/keir-starmer-labour-jeremy-corbyn-zarah-sultana-zack-polanski-your-party-greens-big-business/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:15:34.000Z
Labour’s political position is increasingly the reverse of the ‘for the many, not the few’ policy pursued under former leader Jeremy Corbyn. [The party has embraced corporate capture and the main features of neoliberalism](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-competitions-and-markets-authority-pro-business-deregulate-corporate-capture-keir-starmer/), albeit with incredibly poor timing, as the neoliberal economic model drives runaway wealth that increases dissent across much of the world.
It is no coincidence that, at the same time, when it should be coasting along on a huge parliamentary majority won less than 18 months ago, Labour has been plunged into political disarray and seen its lead disappear in the polls.
By cosying up to big business and failing to offer anything to substantially improve the lives of ordinary people up and down the country, Keir Starmer’s New-New Labour has seen a collapse in its general support and, more significantly, its membership.
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### The hidden agenda behind Labour’s desperate efforts to woo big business
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-deregulation-pro-business-why-reform-uk-nigel-farage-competition-and-markets-defanging/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:15:56.000Z
It’s no secret that Keir Starmer, Rachel Reeves, and the rest of the Labour cabinet have been [captured by corporate interests](https://substack.com/@graceblakeley/p-170094449?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Health secretary Wes Streeting has received at least £372,000 in donations from sources with links to private healthcare since 2015, equivalent to around £10,000 per month. The international lobbying and PR firm FGS Global, which is owned by the private equity firm that pulled out of buying Thames Water in June, sent a member of staff to work in Reeves’ office during the election campaign. And the party [has received over £1m](https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/labour-received-gifts-worth-1m-from-betting-firms-hgq5w0g7z?utm%5Fsource=chatgpt.com) in donations from firms tied to the gambling industry in the past two years.
Labour’s links to big business and wealthy donors are concerning in themselves, but we now have direct evidence that they are being used to influence policy.
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### Inside Labour’s pro-business push to ‘defang’ competitions watchdog
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-competitions-and-markets-authority-pro-business-deregulate-corporate-capture-keir-starmer/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:16:14.000Z
As a former executive at one of the ‘Big Four’ management consultancy firms, Marcus Bokkerink is not an obvious champion for the rights of people over mega corporations intent on market domination. That was nonetheless the role he found himself playing at a parliamentary select committee hearing in May 2023.
Weeks earlier, Bokkerink had caused multi-trillion-dollar US tech conglomerate Microsoft to suffer what its president told the BBC was “the darkest day in \[its\] four decades in Britain”.
Bokkerink chaired the UK’s competition watchdog, which had recently blocked the tech giant from acquiring Activision Blizzard, a video game developer responsible for some of the most lucrative pieces of media created in the 21st century, including the *Call of Duty* franchise. The Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) argued that by making Microsoft the third-largest video game company in the world overnight, the deal might damage competition and negatively affect consumers. Among other things, it cited concerns that Microsoft would take advantage of its increased market dominance to raise the price of its Xbox Game Pass subscription, which the firm forcefully denied.
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### Refugiados en Brasil: amparados por la ley, pero marginados en la práctica
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/refugiados-en-brasil-amparados-por-la-ley-pero-marginados-en-la-practica/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:16:39.000Z
Brasil se ha convertido en un destino cada vez más frecuente para solicitantes de asilo de todo el mundo. Entre 2015 y 2024, el país [recibió más de 454.000 solicitudes de asilo](https://portaldeimigracao.mj.gov.br/images/Obmigra%5F2020/OBMIGRA%5F2025/Ref%C3%BAgio%5Fem%5FN%C3%BAmeros/Relato%CC%81rio%5FRefu%CC%81gio%5Fem%5FNu%CC%81meros%5F10%C2%AAedpdf.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) de personas provenientes de 175 países. Más del 82% fueron presentadas por ciudadanos de Venezuela, Cuba, Haití y Angola. Solo en 2024 se registraron más de 68.000 nuevas solicitudes, un 16,3% más que el año anterior.
Con la llegada de un número cada vez mayor de personas, resulta clave entender cómo – o si – los refugiados logran integrarse al tejido social y económico del país. Aunque el reconocimiento legal ha avanzado, la vida cotidiana de muchos de ellos sigue marcada por la precariedad, la informalidad y la exclusión.
La forma en que Brasil aborda la integración laboral de los refugiados revela profundas contradicciones entre los derechos reconocidos en el papel y las realidades que se viven en la cotidianeidad. Sin embargo, esta situación no es exclusiva de los refugiados: también afecta históricamente a los ciudadanos más marginados.
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### Sudanese in Uganda: ‘Life didn’t stop with the war’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/sudanese-in-uganda-life-didnt-stop-with-the-war/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:17:08.000Z
I fell asleep after a long Ramadan night in 2023\. A few hours earlier, I’d broken my fast with my girlfriend, who would later become my wife, at a restaurant in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan. We had then headed to Nile Street, which runs along the Blue Nile, to sit with others in an open-air cafe. A common Sudanese phenomenon during Ramadan, the women running the café had arranged plastic chairs in a circle and were serving tea and coffee from the centre.
We chatted about love and politics – political discussions run like blood through the veins of ordinary life in Sudan, especially after the December 2018 revolution. The revolution had given us a reason to believe that political change was on its way, especially since it resulted in the formation of a civilian government. We felt immense hope, yet also frustration at the significant challenges facing the movement. We knew that many, especially those in the former Islamic regime, were waiting for a chance to strike back.
That Ramadan night, we were particularly worried about the potential outbreak of war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Yet we clung to the hope of a political miracle. At the end of the night, my girlfriend and I went our separate ways. We woke up the next morning to the sounds of explosions and warplanes.
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### Brazil refugees: Forming collective resistance where policy fails
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/brazil-refugees-forming-collective-resistance-where-policy-fails/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:17:36.000Z
It is 10 a.m. in downtown São Paulo, Brazil, and a queue is already forming outside the civil society organisation [Pacto pelo Direito de Migrar](https://www.instagram.com/pdmig%5Fbr/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (PDMIG – Pact for the Right to Migrate). They are men, women, and children from Angola, Venezuela, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon, Afghanistan, and many other countries. Each face tells a story, carries pain, and holds hope.
PDMIG has become, for many, a place of new beginnings. People share their stories of hunger, war, persecution, gender-based violence, and joblessness. They have questions answered and draw on support while they await the outcome of their visa and asylum applications. One thing unites all who go there: the desire to be recognised, to legally exist in a foreign land so they may rebuild their lives.
## A safe space in a hostile world
Founded in 2014 by migrants and refugees, PDMIG was created to provide a safe and welcoming space for all those arriving in São Paulo. It offers a range of services focused on regularisation, social integration, and the empowerment of migrants in public and private spaces. It is especially active in helping migrants navigate the job market, where countless barriers to access, recognition, and inclusion exist.
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### Will global support for Palestine force Israel to honour ceasefire in Gaza?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/gaza-israel-palestine-ceasefire-global-protests-demonstations-trump-us/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:18:03.000Z
As senior officials from Donald Trump’s US administration travel to Israel to try to save the ceasefire in Gaza, the extent of the ongoing violence by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) is becoming clear. Israel has violated the 10-day-old ceasefire at least 80 times, killing at least [97 Palestinians and wounding 230 more](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2025/10/19/live-israel-kills-97-palestinians-in-gaza-since-start-of-ceasefire?ref=opendemocracy.net), according to the Gaza Government Media Office.
Two Israeli soldiers have also been killed, with Israel accusing Hamas of also violating the truce. The group has done so, despite its denials, though the presence of Israeli-backed Palestinian militia groups in Gaza makes it hard to know who is responsible for which violation.
Meanwhile, 10,800 Palestinians, including 450 children, are still being detained in Israel – around a third of whom are being held without trial. Israel is also still refusing to open the key border crossing from Rafah to Egypt and paused crucial aid deliveries into Gaza on Sunday 19 October over an alleged Hamas ceasefire violation (some crossings were reportedly reopened to aid convoys at around midday local time on Monday).
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### Refugees in Brazil: Marginalised despite legal protections
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/refugees-in-brazil-marginalised-despite-legal-protections/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:18:27.000Z
Brazil is increasingly becoming a destination for the world’s asylum seekers. Between 2015 and 2024, the country [received over 454,000 asylum](https://portaldeimigracao.mj.gov.br/images/Obmigra%5F2020/OBMIGRA%5F2025/Ref%C3%BAgio%5Fem%5FN%C3%BAmeros/Relato%CC%81rio%5FRefu%CC%81gio%5Fem%5FNu%CC%81meros%5F10%C2%AAedpdf.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) applications from people of 175 different nationalities. Over 82% came from Venezuelan, Cuban, Haitian, and Angolan nationals. The country recorded more than 68,000 new asylum requests in 2024 alone, marking a 16.3% increase compared to the previous year.
With more and more people arriving, it’s important to understand how refugees are – or are not – integrating into the country’s social and economic fabric. While legal recognition has expanded, the lived reality for many refugees remains shaped by precarity, informality, and exclusion.
Brazil’s approach to labour market integration in particular reveals deep contradictions between rights on paper and realities on the ground. This is not unique to refugees, however. This reality is also faced by historically marginalised citizens.
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### ¿Derechos de los padres o ultraderecha? Lo que revela un doble feminicidio en la Argentina de Milei
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/pablo-laurta-varones-unidos-femicidio-discursos-derecha-milei/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:18:42.000Z
Planeó cada detalle.
A comienzos de octubre, Pablo Laurta alquiló una cabaña en Salto, una pequeña ciudad del noroeste uruguayo separada de Argentina por el río Uruguay. Durante diez días practicó remo. Escondió su auto y, el 7 de octubre, se adentró en el río – de un kilómetro de ancho – en una canoa y remó hasta la ciudad argentina de Concordia.
Esa noche, el hombre de 39 años llamó a un chofer de Uber que conocía de Buenos Aires. Le ofreció unos 1.100 dólares para que manejara cinco horas hacia el norte, lo recogiera y lo llevara en un viaje de casi diez horas hacia el oeste, hasta Córdoba, la ciudad del centro de Argentina donde vivía su expareja, Luna Giardina, de 26 años, junto a su hijo de cinco.
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### He built a far-right men’s rights group, then he killed his ex
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/pablo-laurta-uruguay-murder-ex-partner-mens-rights-far-right-varones-unidos-father-son-custody/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:18:57.000Z
He planned every detail meticulously.
In early October this year, Pablo Laurta rented a cabin in Salto, a small city on Uruguay's north-west border that is separated from Argentina by the Uruguay River. For ten days, he practised rowing. He hid his car. Then, on 7 October, he entered the kilometre-wide river in a canoe and paddled across to the Argentinian city of Concordia.
That night, the 39-year-old Laurta called an Uber driver he knew from Buenos Aires, and offered him around $1,100 to drive five hours north to pick him up and take him nearly ten hours west to Córdoba, the central Argentine city where his ex-partner, 26-year-old Luna Giardina, lived with their five-year-old son.
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### ‘We are all Charlie Kirk,’ said Nairobi vigil’s organisers. Kenyans disagreed
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/we-are-all-charlie-kirk-said-nairobi-vigils-organisers-kenyans-disagreed/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:19:09.000Z
On 25 September, a memorial service was held in the Kenyan capital honouring Charlie Kirk, the American right-wing influencer and Donald Trump ally who had been assassinated at a rally in the US weeks earlier. The vigil itself was largely unremarkable and, based on video footage seen by openDemocracy, poorly attended. What was noteworthy about it, though, was that the social media posts promoting the event were quickly deleted after it took place.
The memorial appears to have been organised by three ultra-conservative organisations – the Kenya Christian Professionals Forum (KCPF), CitizenGo, and Pearls and Treasures – whose logos appear on the since-deleted X posts advertising it. The same groups were co-conveners – along with several US anti-rights groups – of a ‘[Family Values](https://www.socialprotection.go.ke/node/304?ref=opendemocracy.net)’ conference held in Nairobi in May.
The first, KCPF, a profit-making company, according to Kenya’s [Business Registration Service](https://brs.go.ke/?ref=opendemocracy.net), says it works to promote the “enhancement of family values in Kenya” and is perhaps best known for its annual anti-abortion ‘[March For Life](https://kcpf.or.ke/index.php/events/march-for-life-merch-voxcveb5?ref=opendemocracy.net)’ in Nairobi. CitizenGo, meanwhile, is a Spanish ultra-conservative online petition platform that [advances](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/pro-family-groups-african-women-coronavirus/) anti-LGBTIQ+ and anti-abortion agendas. A 2019 investigation by openDemocracy revealed the organisation [receives dark money from US and Russian allies](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/revealed-the-trump-linked-super-pac-working-behind-the-scenes-to-drive-europes-voters-to-the-far-right/). And Pearls and Treasures is a Kenyan [crisis pregnancy centre](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/explainer-crisis-pregnancy/) that discourages women from having abortions.
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### The former fire station fighting the far-right radicalisation of young men
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/youth-workers-hull-uk-far-right-radicalisation-fightback-andrew-tate-teenage-boys/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:19:25.000Z
It’s 10am on a Thursday, and young people are already eagerly waiting outside the front door of an old Victorian fire station in central Hull. Inside is the [Warren](https://www.thewarren.org/?ref=opendemocracy.net) youth project, which has been supporting young people in the East Yorkshire port city for more than four decades. In recent years, though, it’s faced a new and growing challenge.
“We’ve always had the far right,” youthworker JJ Tatten tells openDemocracy. “But in the past six to seven years, we have seen a significant rise in far-right organisations being more targeted in the demographics they’re trying to reach.” One demographic is particularly vulnerable to these groups’ grooming efforts, he says: teenage boys.
From the influence of toxic ‘manosphere’ influencers such as Andrew Tate, who tells followers that women should “[bear responsibility](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-64125045?ref=opendemocracy.net)” for sexual assault, to the rise of far-right groups including Students Against Tyranny, and the increasing attempts by Reform UK to woo [Gen Z male voters](https://www.dazeddigital.com/life-culture/article/63008/1/how-reform-uk-wooed-gen-z-men-britain-nigel-farage-general-election?ref=opendemocracy.net), concerns about the far-right radicalisation of young men in the UK are growing.
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### Kurds increasingly deported after Japan closes ‘loophole’ law
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/kurds-increasingly-deported-after-japan-closes-loophole-law/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:19:37.000Z
Since the mid-1990s, a small but steady number of Turkish Kurds have sought refuge in Japan. They arrived having fled political persecution by the Turkish authorities, forcible evacuation from their villages, and violence during conflict between insurgency groups and the government.
The majority of Kurdish people fleeing Turkey have [sought refuge in Europe](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2024/06/11/whats-behind-rise-turkish-citizens-seeking-asylum-europe-north-america?ref=opendemocracy.net). But a mutual visa exemption agreement between Japan and Turkey has seen Japan become an alternative destination for Turkish Kurds. In 2024, Turkish nationals accounted for [approximately 10% of the total 12,373 asylum seekers](https://www.moj.go.jp/isa/content/001434935.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Japan doesn’t grant refugee status in high numbers. To date, [only one Turkish Kurd has been granted refugee status](https://english.kyodonews.net/articles/-/34798?phrase=fina&words=&ref=opendemocracy.net). This person was initially denied refugee status, but the Sapporo High Court overturned the decision in 2022, and he was recognised as a refugee. This was due to several factors, including his well-founded fear of persecution, and recognition of the fact that the Turkish legal system cannot effectively prevent enforced disappearance or torture against those suspected of being PKK supporters.
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### Soundscapes of global production
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/soundscapes-of-global-production/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:19:46.000Z
What does global production sound like? Can the realities of work be captured not in reports, numbers or images, but through the everyday rhythms and sounds of the workers who stitch our clothes? Our [sound map](https://soundscapes.invisibleworkers.org.uk/?ref=opendemocracy.net) of Jordan’s largest industrial zone for clothing production, Al-Hassan, attempts this. We invite listeners to immerse themselves in the sonic environment of the almost 30,000 migrants working there.
The walled Al-Hassan industrial zone was established in northern Jordan as a result of US free trade policies. Inaugurated in 1998, it was the first so-called Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) under a scheme that extended US-Israel free trade advantages to extra-territorial production spaces in Jordan.
The idea was to foster Arab-Israeli normalisation through economic integration. Israel and Jordan had signed a peace treaty four years earlier, in 1994\. The hope was that, by attracting labour-intensive Israeli industries like clothing production, the two countries would become more closely knitted together.
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### Refugees caught in Jordan’s campaign against informal work
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/refugees-caught-in-jordans-campaign-against-informal-work/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:19:53.000Z
In late April 2025, the Jordanian Ministry of Labour [announced](https://www.jordanpulse.com/article/7728?ref=opendemocracy.net) that the government had deported over 3,000 foreign workers for violating labour laws in the country. This followed a wave of inspections targeting non-citizens working without permits in sectors such as domestic work, garment production, agriculture and construction.
The inspection campaign continues unabated. Exact numbers are difficult to establish, but based on our research, it is safe to assume that it has forced thousands of people out of work. Many businesses have closed.
The Bangladeshi owner of one unlicensed clothing workshop in Ad-Dhulayl, a town in northeast Jordan, recounted how he and other business owners were scared into temporarily shutting down earlier this year, after the Ministry of Labour announced it would fine companies 800 JOD (£833) per informal worker caught by inspectors.
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### Exploitation embedded in the business model of refugee support
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/exploitation-embedded-in-the-business-model-of-refugee-support/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:20:04.000Z
Hours after being sworn in for his second term as President of the United States, Donald Trump signed the executive order “Realigning the United States Refugee Admissions Program”. This indefinitely and immediately suspended refugee resettlement to the United States. Thousands of families who had already had their flights confirmed were stranded, and the dreams of thousands of others were upended as a result.
Another executive order signed that day was titled, “Revaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid”. This began the dissolution of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).
Trump was taking a sledgehammer to humanitarianism. But while his methods were spectacular, his goal was not unique. In recent years, many major donor countries have reduced their humanitarian aid programmes while increasing funding for anti-migrant initiatives. This has happened at a time when the number of forcibly displaced people has [doubled](https://www.unhcr.org/global-trends?ref=opendemocracy.net) over the past decade, from an already incredible 60 million in 2014 to an estimated 123 million in 2024.
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### Cries and silence: Latin American progressives divided on criticism of Israel
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/gaza-israel-genocide-latin-american-progressives-divided-criticism-south-africa-apartheid/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:20:15.000Z
Last month, Colombian president Gustavo Petro used a megaphone [to support](https://www.elcolombiano.com/internacional/petro-manifestacion-pro-palestina-nueva-york-roger-waters-KI29478507?ref=opendemocracy.net) pro-Palestinian protesters on the streets of New York while wearing a keffiyeh. Days earlier, his Chilean counterpart, Gabriel Boric, had [told the UN General Assembly](https://prensa.presidencia.cl/comunicado.aspx?id=303969&ref=opendemocracy.net) that he wanted to see Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu brought before the International Court of Justice.
These were powerful moments. But after two years and 67,000 Palestinians killed, Israel’s war on Gaza still has not elicited the same unanimous condemnation among Latin America’s progressive parties and governments as the South African apartheid did in the twentieth century.
While Petro and Boric, as well as Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Mexican foreign minister Juan Ramón De la Fuente Ramírez, denounced Israel’s attacks on Gaza as “genocide” at the UN last month, other leaders of the so-called regional progressivism have avoided using such language.
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### In Ghana, an Israeli attempt to whitewash Gaza genocide faces pushback
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/in-ghana-an-israeli-attempt-to-whitewash-gaza-genocide-faces-pushback/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:20:28.000Z
The heavy security leading to Silverbird Cinema in the Accra Mall was the first thing cinemagoers noticed. Over a dozen police officers stood, mostly in pairs and all armed with assault rifles, along the staircase running from the ground floor into the cinema. Their presence in the normally peaceful shopping centre in the Ghanaian capital was so unusual that people stopped to stare.
The protesters, though, found the scene ironic.
“This is a typical representation of \[Israel’s\] violent approach,” said one, Amma Gyan\*.
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### El desplazamiento desde Venezuela me enseñó que el clasismo no tiene fronteras
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/el-desplazamiento-desde-venezuela-me-enseno-que-el-clasismo-no-tiene-fronteras/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:20:39.000Z
Nos vimos obligados a abandonar nuestro hogar en Venezuela después de que simpatizantes del gobierno intentaran asesinar a mi madre. Interrumpí mis estudios universitarios y viajé a Alemania, donde busqué refugio.
Estaba decidido a seguir estudiando, convencido de que así saldría adelante. Pero el sistema alemán ponía muchas trabas para que alguien como yo pudiera estudiar.
Mi título de secundaria venezolano no era equivalente al alemán. Solo podía acceder a la universidad si cursaba un año preparatorio, para lo cual debía aprobar un competitivo examen de ingreso.
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### A diez años del éxodo: Venezolanos siguen enfrentando la precariedad en Colombia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/migracion-desplazamiento-venezolanos-siguen-enfrentando-la-precariedad-en-colombia/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:20:50.000Z
La crisis de desplazamiento venezolano es hoy una de las mayores del mundo. En los últimos diez años, casi [ocho millones de personas](https://www.unhcr.org/uk/emergencies/venezuela-situation?ref=opendemocracy.net) han huido de Venezuela debido al colapso económico, la violencia, la inseguridad y la represión política. La mayoría ha buscado [refugio en países de América Latina](https://www.r4v.info/es/refugiadosymigrantes?ref=opendemocracy.net), y Colombia – su vecino más cercano – ha recibido la mayor parte: [cerca de tres millones de personas](https://www.unhcr.org/uk/where-we-work/countries/colombia?ref=opendemocracy.net).
Un número significativo de colombianos que habían vivido en Venezuela también ha [regresado a su país](https://www.unhcr.org/uk/news/briefing-notes/years-progress-protection-and-integration-displaced-people-colombia-risk-unhcr?ref=opendemocracy.net). A esto se suma que Colombia alberga a más de siete millones de desplazados internos, [una de las cifras más altas](https://www.internal-displacement.org/countries/colombia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) del mundo.
La respuesta de Colombia a la migración venezolana [ha sido elogiada](https://www.unhcr.org/us/news/news-releases/unhcr-and-iom-welcome-colombias-decision-regularize-venezuelan-refugees-and?ref=opendemocracy.net) por su carácter progresista. Incluye un programa de protección temporal que otorga a los venezolanos un [permiso de diez años](https://www.cancilleria.gov.co/sites/default/files/FOTOS2020/ok.%5Fesp-%5Fabc%5Festatuto%5Fal%5Fmigrante%5Fvenezolano-%5F05mar-2021.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) y acceso al empleo formal, la educación, la salud y los servicios financieros. Sin embargo, la [inclusión legal](https://www.sdg16.plus/es/policies/estatuto-de-proteccion-temporal-para-migrantes-venezolanos-colombia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) no siempre se ha traducido en integración económica o social. Como suele ocurrir, la realidad sobre el terreno es mucho más compleja.
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### Daring to dream after two years under fire: Life in Gaza
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/gaza-ceasefire-israel-hamas-daring-to-dream-life-in-camp-palestine/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:01.000Z
Growing up in Gaza, my friends and I often heard older relatives’ stories of the Nakba; learning about the homes that Israeli troops forced them out of in 1948, and the keys they forever carried with them in hopes of returning. We never imagined that we would one day carry this pain ourselves.
For the last two years, history has repeated itself before the eyes of the world. Those of us in Gaza who have survived the Israeli genocide have lived a new Nakba, not knowing where to go or if we will ever return home.
This has not been one war, but multiple wars happening at once. It is the war of relentless bombing that destroyed homes and neighbourhoods, the war of forced displacement that has pushed hundreds of thousands into the unknown at a moment’s notice, and the war of tents that offer no protection from the scorching summer heat or the cold and rain of winter.
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### How Ukrainian refugees hit a glass ceiling working in Poland
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/how-ukrainian-refugees-hit-a-glass-ceiling-working-in-poland/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:12.000Z
Poland’s support for Ukrainian refugees often gets portrayed as a success story. Key to this was the creation of the ‘special law’ (*specustawa*). Enacted just weeks after the war broke out in February 2022, this extraordinary piece of legislation granted all Ukrainian refugees immediate access to the labour market.
The special law led to an impressively high rate of employment among newcomers. It allowed refugees to start their new lives in Poland without many of the barriers present in other EU countries. Yet behind this seemingly open-door policy lies a far more complex reality. Challenges in the recognition of qualifications, high numbers of people employed far below their skill levels, and precarious working conditions – all on a wide scale – have amounted to significant structural barriers and underemployment for Ukrainians in Poland.
For many refugees, what began as an open door has morphed into a glass ceiling. As the war has become protracted, Poland has exposed its limited appetite for integration measures that would offer Ukrainians truly long-term protection and prospect. Instead, anti-refugee sentiment is on the rise and prolonged precarity has become a norm. This is not only bad for Ukrainian refugees, but also a missed opportunity for Poland.
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### Online Safety Act: 'Protect the kids’ is pretext for rights erosions
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/online-safety-act-protect-the-children-is-pretext-for-rights-erosions/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:21.000Z
New Ofcom regulations, introduced in July, are forcing a reckoning for online content. This overhaul of the digital landscape is part of the second phase of the Online Safety Act (OSA), which ostensibly targets content harmful to children.
First passed in October 2023, the OSA’s stated objective of protecting young people garnered widespread support from [children’s charities.](https://www.nspcc.org.uk/support-us/campaigns/end-child-abuse-online/?ref=opendemocracy.net) This was echoed by [digital safety campaigners](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2025/may/28/my-sister-was-found-dead-then-i-discovered-her-search-history-and-the-online-world-that-had-gripped-her?ref=opendemocracy.net) frustrated with the lack of accountability placed on Big Tech and desperate to see its power reined in.
But while these new rules may aim to protect one group, others are being put in harm’s way. Sex workers and other marginalised communities are now less able to access content on harm reduction, face huge income losses due to their accounts being targeted, and risk losing precious anonymity due to identification rules.
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### Displacement from Venezuela taught me that class has no borders
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/displacement-from-venezuela-taught-me-that-class-has-no-borders/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:30.000Z
We were forced to leave our home in Venezuela after government supporters attempted to kill my mother. I cut short my undergraduate degree and travelled to Germany, where I sought refuge.
I was determined to continue studying, convinced that education would be my way forward. But the German system made it hard for someone like me to get in. My Venezuelan high school diploma wasn’t equivalent to a German one. I could only access university by taking a year-long preparatory course, which required passing a competitive entrance exam.
On exam day, I stood in line with dozens of non-European students. Another Venezuelan there had studied at the Humboldt School, one of Caracas’s most elite institutions. Around us were students from Lebanon, China, Nigeria, Brazil – graduates of international schools, fluent in German and English, prepped to circulate globally.
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### Gritos y silencios: El progresismo latinoamericano frente al genocidio en Gaza
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gritos-y-silencios-el-progresismo-latinoamericano-frente-al-genocidio-en-gaza/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:39.000Z
El presidente de Colombia, Gustavo Petro, [arenga](https://www.elcolombiano.com/internacional/petro-manifestacion-pro-palestina-nueva-york-roger-waters-KI29478507?ref=opendemocracy.net) a manifestantes pro-Palestina en las calles de Nueva York, luciendo una kufiya. Su par de Chile, Gabriel Boric, [dice](https://prensa.presidencia.cl/comunicado.aspx?id=303969&ref=opendemocracy.net) en la ONU que quiere ver al primer ministro israelí Benjamín Netanyahu ante un tribunal de justicia internacional.
Son imágenes poderosas. Pero, dos años después del ataque terrorista de Hamás en Israel, la situación en Gaza no concita entre partidos y gobiernos progresistas de América Latina la misma condena unánime que, en su época, despertaron fenómenos como el *apartheid* de Sudáfrica.
Algo de esto quedó expuesto en la 80ª Asamblea General de la ONU. Los presidentes Petro, Boric y Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, de Brasil, definieron como “genocidio” los ataques que lleva adelante Israel en el territorio palestino de Gaza desde octubre de 2023\. También lo hizo la presidenta de México, Claudia Sheinbaum, pese a que no asistió a Nueva York.
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### Israel’s biggest security threat has never been Hamas. It’s Netanyahu
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/gaza-war-israel-biggest-security-threat-netanyahu-trump-peace-plan-unlikely-ceasefire-tony-blair/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:48.000Z
Over the past two years,[ Israel](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/tagged/israel/) has killed over 66,000 Palestinians in[ Gaza](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/tagged/gaza/), the vast majority of whom were civilians, including 20,000 children. Tens of thousands more have been wounded, many with life-changing injuries, or are still missing, mostly buried under rubble.
This mass slaughter of Palestinians, which a UN commission of inquiry last month found to be a genocide, has been the utterly devastating Israeli response to the[ Hamas](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/tagged/hamas/) attack on 7 October 2023, when paramilitaries killed 1,195 people in southern Israel and took 251 people hostage.
What was scarcely mentioned in the initial reaction to Hamas’s assault is that it followed numerous Israeli Defence Force attacks on Gaza (which Hamas has had political control of since 2007) over the preceding 15 years, which killed around 5,000 Palestinians in total and injured thousands more.
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### Ten years on, Venezuelans still face precarity in Colombia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/ten-years-on-venezuelans-still-face-precarity-in-colombia/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:21:56.000Z
The Venezuelan displacement crisis is [among the largest](https://www.unhcr.org/refugee-statistics?ref=opendemocracy.net) in the world today. Nearly [eight million](https://www.unhcr.org/uk/emergencies/venezuela-situation?ref=opendemocracy.net) people have fled Venezuela over the past ten years, due to economic collapse, violence, insecurity and political repression. Most have sought [refuge in Latin American](https://www.r4v.info/en?ref=opendemocracy.net) countries, with Venezuela’s neighbour Colombia absorbing the largest share – [nearly three million](https://www.unhcr.org/uk/where-we-work/countries/colombia?ref=opendemocracy.net) people.
A significant number of Colombian nationals who previously lived in Venezuela have now also [returned home](https://www.unhcr.org/uk/news/briefing-notes/years-progress-protection-and-integration-displaced-people-colombia-risk-unhcr?ref=opendemocracy.net). On top of this, Colombia is home to [over seven million internally displaced people (IDP)](https://www.internal-displacement.org/countries/colombia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) – one of the highest IDP populations globally.
Colombia’s response to migration from Venezuela has [been praised](https://www.unhcr.org/us/news/news-releases/unhcr-and-iom-welcome-colombias-decision-regularize-venezuelan-refugees-and?ref=opendemocracy.net) for its progressiveness. This includes a temporary protection programme that grants Venezuelans [a ten-year permit](https://www.gfmd.org/pfp/ppd/19146?ref=opendemocracy.net), as well as access to formal employment, education, healthcare and financial services. But legal inclusion has [not always resulted](https://www.sdg16.plus/policies/temporary-protection-status-for-venezuelan-migrants-colombia/?ref=opendemocracy.net) in economic or social integration. As is so often the case, the reality on the ground is far more complex.
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### The search for self-reliance: refugees and the informal working poor
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-search-for-self-reliance-refugees-informal-working-poor/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:22:10.000Z
“Their labour is often all that refugees have to sell,” proclaimed Robert Chambers, a renowned refugee advocate and researcher. At the time, he was writing about refugees in rural sub-Saharan Africa in the 1970s. But his words continue to ring true around the world today.
An estimated two-thirds of the world’s refugees [lived in poverty](https://www.unhcr.org/what-we-do/reports-and-publications/data-and-statistics/indicator-report-2023?ref=opendemocracy.net) in 2023\. Their situation has continued to deteriorate. Refugees in 2025 have experienced cuts to their [food rations and other support](https://www.politico.com/news/2025/06/21/food-rations-are-halved-in-one-of-africas-largest-refugee-camps-after-us-aid-cuts-00415777?ref=opendemocracy.net), rising xenophobia and anti-migrant behaviours, and threats to their legal right to remain protected in exile. This is in part due to USAID and other donor cuts, as well as the rise of anti-migrant politicians in the US, Europe, and elsewhere.
A tragic yet paradoxical outcome of not just becoming a refugee but *remaining* one is that assistance (and often media attention and public goodwill) decreases over time. As humanitarian funding dries up, agencies often switch to encouraging so-called ‘development’ practices in the hopes of helping refugees better fend for themselves. A large pillar of such work is supporting refugees to join labour markets, be they semi-closed markets of camps, local urban economies, or even the global market through [remote work](https://www.manchesterhive.com/view/journals/jha/4/3/article-p1.xml?ref=opendemocracy.net).
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### Disposable yet indispensable: refugees in the global economy
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/disposable-yet-indispensable-refugees-in-the-global-economy/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:22:20.000Z
Refugee populations have become durable components of national labour markets in many regions around the world. They are central to garment production in Turkey, demolition in Japan, domestic work in Poland, and can be found filling out the ranks of the precarious, informal labour force in countries from Venezuela to Bangladesh.
Refugees’ reliance on work to survive is likely to increase in the coming years, even though most host governments continue to resist letting them do so legally. Major donor countries are reducing their humanitarian aid budgets – the shuttering of USAID in the US, for example, is an extreme rupture that has reverberated across the Global North aid infrastructure. As support drops away, refugees are faced with an inevitable choice: work, or go without.
Those who seek work generally do so under very adverse conditions. Immigration status, race and ethnicity, gender, high level of need, and the situation in the countries they fled all make them vulnerable to exploitation. So do stigma and anti-migrant/refugee racism.
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### Digital ID cards will put the UK on a dangerous path – just ask India
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/digital-id-brit-card-uk-dangerous-india-aadhar-surveillance-corruption-data-breach-keir-starmer/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:22:30.000Z
To those who hope that the ‘Brit Card’ digital ID scheme will, as Keir Starmer promised, serve as a check on immigration, I bring bad news. We immigrants, documented and undocumented, will figure it out; it is the Brits who will suffer the most.
I say this as a journalist who spent close to a decade investigating the many drawbacks, data leaks, and mis-applications of Aadhar, India’s vast and controversial biometric database, which Starmer’s government approvingly and misleadingly endorsed in its press release announcing Brit Card.
The UK government claims that rolling out Aadhar has saved India’s government over $10bn each year – an oft-repeated but never proven claim that has been [endlessly criticised as incorrect](https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-efficiency-myth-of-aadhaar-linking/article38067084.ece?ref=opendemocracy.net). Its [press release](https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-digital-id-scheme-to-be-rolled-out-across-uk?ref=opendemocracy.net) echoes the well-trodden fantasies of those who support unified identity schemes, stating that Brit Cards will save time, reduce reliance on messy paper documents, simplify access to government services and digital wallets, offer state-of-the-art security and encryption, strengthen borders and help to crack down on illegal migration.
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### ¿Es América Latina la región que resiste el autoritarismo?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/es-america-latina-la-region-que-resiste-el-autoritarismo/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:22:39.000Z
El desfile de algunos presidentes latinoamericanos defendiendo la democracia, denunciando los crímenes en Gaza o las amenazas de Donald Trump puede hacer creer que América Latina resiste el ascenso del autoritarismo con matices fascistas que se ve por todas partes. Pero esta caracterización es engañosa.
En efecto, América Latina aún tiene gobiernos que, además de ganar elecciones, respetan el estado de derecho y la división de poderes, y entre ellos varios de centroizquierda o progresistas, como Brasil, Chile, Colombia, México y Uruguay.
Pero las fuerzas de ultraderecha y los impulsos autoritarios no han hecho sino crecer en los últimos años.
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### Now that we have to say 'genocide' | With Lila Hassan
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/lila-hassan-israel-palestine-gaza-genocide/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:22:48.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
Did Western media manufacture consent for Israel's ongoing genocide of Palestinians in Gaza?
In the last two years since Hamas' attack on Israel, and the latter's bombardment of the territories of Palestine it partially occupies, mainstream media particularly in the U.S. and Europe have broken their own rules of fairness, accuracy, conflict of interest, objectivity and so-called "neutrality" in their coverage of Israel's actions.
They have often repeated the Israeli government's statements as fact without critical context or analysis; for example the fact that Israel was considered to be imposing apartheid on Palestinians long before October 7th. They have underreported or omitted major events from coverage including attacks on aid flotilla for Palestinians or Israeli declarations of intent to commit genocide. In some cases it has been discovered that some news organisations hired former soldiers of Israeli Defence Forces, as reporters without disclosing this affiliation to their audience.
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### On the Reform problem, Labour faces a serious strategic dilemma
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-strategic-dilemma-reform-uk-keir-starmer-nigel-farage-factions/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:22:59.000Z
All was not well at the Labour Party Conference in Liverpool.
The steady drip of knee-jerk policy announcements revealed a government in chaos; hardly surprising given the string of scandals over the past year, often for mistakes as basic as [failing to report donations](https://www.channel4.com/news/factcheck/factcheck-the-donation-scandal-surrounding-sir-keir-starmers-top-aide-explained?ref=opendemocracy.net).
What’s more, Keir Starmer’s top team has suffered a weekly resignation or firing for five weeks running now – No 10 strategist [Tom Kibasi](https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2025-09-08/keir-starmer-strategist-tom-kibasi-leaves-downing-street-after-two-weeks?ref=opendemocracy.net),[ deputy leader Angela Rayner](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c80gr5emk43o?ref=opendemocracy.net),[ US ambassador Peter Mandelson](https://www.cnn.com/2025/09/11/uk/peter-mandelson-uk-ambassador-fired-intl?ref=opendemocracy.net), senior aide[ Paul Ovenden](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/ckgy79yr74do?ref=opendemocracy.net),[ and communications director Steph Driver](https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/uk-politics/2025/09/starmer-loses-another-key-adviser?ref=opendemocracy.net) – and Labour has been behind Reform UK for over 100 consecutive polls, even facing wipeout in the party’s traditional Welsh heartland.
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### Inside the many, many Labour Party Conferences taking place in Liverpool
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/labour-party-conference-keir-starmer-fear-of-reform-uk-mixed-messaging/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:23:14.000Z
I’ve been attending political party conferences in the UK for over 20 years, but I’ve never seen anything like the Labour conference currently taking place in Liverpool.
The governing party is a broad coalition at the best of times. But this year’s event has been a series of “bubbles” that don’t – and won’t – interact with one another. You can experience a completely different reality from the people 50 feet away, just by going to different events.
That’s why, all week, when people have asked me, “What’s the feeling like at Labour conference?” I’ve replied that it depends on *which* Labour conference you’re attending. The real conference takes place not on the carefully choreographed main stage, but in a hundred meeting rooms dotted across the city, where fringe events are put on by members, activists and lobbyists – and it’s in those rooms that the party’s deep internal rifts can be seen.
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### Víctimas de abusos en Harrods denuncian un ‘sistema corporativo de trata de personas’
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/harrods-reino-unido-abusos-sexuales-sobrevivientes-mohamed-al-fayed-trata/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:23:26.000Z
Durante casi 200 años, la alta sociedad londinense – incluyendo reinas, príncipes y princesas – han ido a Harrods a comprar ropa, carteras y joyas de diseño, artículos para el hogar y alimentos *gourmet* de alta gama.
La lujosa tienda es conocida en todo el mundo por su famosa clientela, sus interiores victorianos y sus costosos productos. Durante décadas, su [única sucursal sudamericana, en Buenos Aires](https://www.infobae.com/sociedad/2021/03/31/harrods-del-esplendor-a-la-decadencia-la-fabulosa-tienda-que-se-transformo-en-una-metafora-de-la-argentina/?ref=opendemocracy.net), alimentó sueños de opulencia y distinción en las clases medias y altas argentinas.
Pero también durante décadas, la costosa fachada art déco londinense ocultó un lado oscuro. El año pasado, la BBC reveló que el expropietario de Harrods, el multimillonario egipcio Mohamed Al Fayed – padre de Dodi, quien murió junto a la princesa Diana en un siniestro de tránsito en 1997 –, presuntamente acosó y violó a cientos de mujeres jóvenes y adolescentes que trabajaron para él entre finales de la década de 1970 y la década de 2010.
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### Why we’re giving incarcerated women cash relief
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/why-were-giving-incarcerated-women-cash-relief-us-reparations/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:23:40.000Z
Women are the fastest growing incarcerated population in the United States. The female incarceration rate has ballooned by more than [700% since 1980](https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/Incarcerated-Women-and-Girls.pdf?ref=opendemocracy.net) – 172,700 women and girls were in jail or prison in 2023\. A quarter of these (46,300) are confined because they were either refused bail or cannot afford it, rather than because they were found guilty of a crime. Over 14,000 are awaiting trial for drug-related offenses.
Even brief contact with the prison system can have life-long impacts. It can increase the amount of time spent unemployed or out of the labour force by as much as four years, and reduce lifetime earnings by [up to 50%](https://www.richmondfed.org/publications/research/economic%5Fbrief/2021/eb%5F21-07?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=We%20find%20that%20incarceration%20is,as%20much%20as%20four%20years.). It can also exclude someone from many forms of employment, for example by running afoul of one the staggering 27,000 national, state and local rules that exist to bar formerly justice-involved people from holding [professional licenses](https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/collateral-consequences-and-enduring-nature-punishment?ref=opendemocracy.net).
It can also increase personal debt, compounding economic woes. Leaving prison is expensive – many of those who leave prison [violate their probation](https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/hope-goes-a-long-way-guaranteed-income-a-lifeline-for-ex-prisoners/) simply because they don’t have enough money.
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### How tech became the new frontier of domestic violence against women and girls
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/technology-domestic-abuse-violence-against-women-and-girls-refuge-government-ofcom/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:23:58.000Z
From hiding spycams in children’s toys to coercing partners into online sex work on platforms such as OnlyFans, abusers are increasingly weaponising technology to perpetrate new and insidious forms of violence against women and girls (VAWG).
One in three women in the UK has experienced online abuse or harassment, with almost one in five of them reporting that the perpetrator was a partner or former partner, according to [research we at Refuge, the UK’s largest specialist domestic abuse charity, carried out in 2021](https://refuge.org.uk/news/international-internet-day-refuge-unsocial-spaces-report/?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Topline%20results%20from%20the%20survey%20%28full%20report,this%20abuse%20from%20a%20partner%20or%20ex%2Dpartner.). For young women, the scale of the abuse was even higher, with two in three reporting online abuse or harassment.
Perpetrators of domestic abuse often use technology to extend existing patterns of coercive control. Location-tracking tools, instant messaging, and social media have made it easier than ever to monitor, harass and intimidate partners or ex-partners under the guise of ‘normal’ online behaviour. We’re increasingly seeing the use of stalkerware, hidden trackers and social media ‘maps’ to surveil survivors – part of a broader pattern of control over what survivors do and who they see.
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### Reparations for racial injustice: Black fathers must be first in line
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/reparations-for-racial-injustice-black-fathers-must-be-first-in-line/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:24:12.000Z
Across the US, [increasing numbers](https://ifstudies.org/blog/family-breakdown-and-americas-welfare-system?ref=opendemocracy.net) of Black children are growing up without fathers. Some of these families have been fatherless for up to four generations, which has profoundly impacted the wellbeing of their children for decades.
These families’ fathers are absent because of systemic racial violence and the many societal practices that led to this violence. Children – especially boys – who grow up without their dads are more likely than their peers to get caught up in that cycle of violence themselves.
Black boys are disproportionately more likely to end up in prison than their white peers, and Black people are more likely to experience police misconduct than white people. [Large cities](https://hunewsservice.com/news/black-cities-ranked-most-dangerous-leaders-challenge-labels/?ref=opendemocracy.net) with the largest Black populations suffer from some of the highest levels of community violence in the United States. From murders to shootings and carjackings, the [statistics](https://giffords.org/lawcenter/report/gun-violence-in-black-communities/?ref=opendemocracy.net) are bleak.
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### Israel’s growing pariah status is Gaza’s best hope after UN confirms genocide
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/israel-plan-gaza-genocide-un-palestine-west-bank-development/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:24:26.000Z
US secretary of state Marco Rubio’s visit to Israel last weekend confirmed what we already knew: the Trump administration has given Binyamin Netanyahu’s government carte blanche to level Gaza in its efforts to destroy Hamas.
Near enough dismissing any chance of a peaceful outcome, [Rubio said](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cly0qnnx5w5o?utm%5Fcampaign=dfn-ebb&utm%5Fmedium=email&utm%5Fsource=sailthru): “Sometimes when you're dealing with a group of savages like Hamas, that’s not possible.”
It was unsurprising, then, when days later the UN’s human rights council concluded that Israel is committing genocide in its report on the conflict. It said the country is acting “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group”.
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### Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal: Is This A South Asia Spring? | With Roman Gautam
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/podcasts/sri-lanka-bangladesh-nepal-south-asia-spring-in-solidarity-podcast-roman-gautam/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:24:41.000Z
[](https://open.spotify.com/show/2T5vrJmBgCIof17pp9LMWM?ref=opendemocracy.net) [](https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/in-solidarity-by-opendemocracy/id1790866829?ref=opendemocracy.net)
In early September, Nepal witnessed massive protests under the banner of GenZ protests to demonstrate against what they viewed as a hopelessly corrupt and sclerotic regime. The immediate trigger was a government ban on social media apps, but as the protestors themselves have made clear – their grievances run much deeper. The protests in Nepal bear parallels to similar uprisings in Sri Lanka in 2022 and Bangladesh last year. On this episode, journalists Roman Gautam and Aman Sethi discuss if we are witnessing a South Asian version of the Arab Spring. [http://www.himalmag.com](https://www.youtube.com/redirect?event=video%5Fdescription&redir%5Ftoken=QUFFLUhqbW5CM2czbktlQnFybW9OQ2tqSmRUUF9tM2FJZ3xBQ3Jtc0tsQXpkekFWY09YRVBXZnVjMjBtdm9lOTIzOTNzQmphQW5fME5aLTlIUnZqbHFJM2NmYTZpV0ktbTFHckExOFgwV29nWmU0akxPM3hQbHMwLThzOWptNzBXZ0hOTEpmVUlNdWJraE5DRXItNkVZamFmMA&q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.himalmag.com%2F&v=i1KtW4PdlTg&ref=opendemocracy.net)
—
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### Trabajo penitenciario, último bastión de la esclavitud en Estados Unidos
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/eeuu-prisiones-trabajo-forzoso-salarios-racismo-esclavitud-afroestadounidenses-reparaciones/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:24:58.000Z
En Estados Unidos, la libertad nunca fue gratis. Para los afroestadounidenses, en particular, el precio de la libertad fue inmenso y se pagó durante generaciones con decisiones difíciles y concesiones forzadas que conllevaron la pérdida de la historia, la unidad familiar, la estabilidad financiera y la privacidad.
Los costos que implicaba escapar de la esclavitud tradicional – en la que los afrodescendientes eran considerados bienes muebles – todavía existen, ya que son muchos quienes luchan por escapar de su legado en nuestro sistema carcelario, revelando un esquema persistente de precarización comunitaria y extracción económica basadas en la raza.
En este contexto, los esfuerzos para establecer una renta básica universal en Estados Unidos no deben considerarse como caridad ni como innovación política, sino como reparaciones y compensaciones necesarias.
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### The US is built on stolen labour. It’s time to settle the debt
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/the-us-is-built-on-stolen-labour-its-time-to-settle-the-debt/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:25:16.000Z
In the pendulum-swinging political landscape of the US, racial equity initiatives remain vulnerable to the whims of changing administrations. Across the country, hard-won racial equity initiatives are being systematically dismantled – from [diversity programmes](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c24110m30ddo?ref=opendemocracy.net) to [voting rights protections](https://www.npr.org/2025/08/06/nx-s1-5482864/scotus-voting-rights-act-8th-circuit-vra?ref=opendemocracy.net) to [fair housing enforcement](https://shelterforce.org/2025/05/15/trump-administration-weakening-the-enforcement-of-fair-housing/?ref=opendemocracy.net). As someone who has spent years dedicated to economic and racial justice, I've watched this cycle repeat itself: progress followed by backlash, advancement followed by retreat.
A fundamental question keeps me up at night: How do we build racial justice that lasts? How do we create change so deep and foundational that it can't be swept away by the next political tide?
After years of advocacy and research, I've come to believe there's only one answer: a constitutional amendment guaranteeing comprehensive reparations for the descendants of slavery. This would make racial justice a fundamental obligation, not a political preference.
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### Perú: Ofensiva legislativa vulnera a niñas, mujeres y personas LGBTIQ+
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/peru-ofensiva-legislativa-vulnera-a-ninas-mujeres-y-personas-lgbtiq/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:25:35.000Z
Una alianza de legisladores, iglesias y colectivos ultraconservadores de Perú impulsa 30 proyectos de ley que restringen libertades de mujeres y personas LGBTIQ+. Seis de ellos, ya aprobados, limitan el aborto terapéutico, niegan la identidad de las personas trans y desmontan políticas de igualdad de género.
La figura central de esa estrategia es la pastora evangélica y cofundadora de la iglesia La Casa del Padre, Milagros Jáuregui de Aguayo, del partido Renovación Popular. Llegó al Congreso en 2021 y en pocos años se convirtió en una de las principales operadoras del bloque ultraconservador. Con el voto unánime de su partido y de Fuerza Popular, Alianza para el Progreso y Somos Perú, fue reelegida en agosto presidenta de la Comisión de la Mujer y la Familia, un cargo que le otorga poder para traducir su ideario religioso en iniciativas legislativas.
En este tiempo, Jáuregui ha impulsado 30 proyectos de ley como autora o coautora; seis ya se convirtieron en norma. Uno [prohíbe a las personas trans usar baños de acuerdo a su identidad de género](https://www.hrw.org/es/news/2025/05/19/peru-nueva-ley-amenaza-la-libertad-de-expresion-y-los-derechos-trans?ref=opendemocracy.net). Tres otorgan [derechos al embrión o feto](https://busquedas.elperuano.pe/dispositivo/NL/2278679-2?ref=opendemocracy.net) bajo la figura del “niño por nacer”, lo que en la práctica apunta a restringir el aborto terapéutico. En Perú, el aborto solamente está permitido cuando hay peligro para la vida o la salud de la persona gestante.
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### How to stop anti-rights actors? Support Black feminists
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/how-to-stop-anti-rights-actors-fund-black-feminists/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:25:52.000Z
It’s becoming more and more apparent that there is no longer a global consensus – particularly in the increasingly far-right-leaning West – on the basic human rights that we all thought we were guaranteed.
Freedom from discrimination? This week, the US Supreme Court legitimised race as a reason for immigration officials to search, detain and eventually deport those they *suspect* to be undocumented migrants. The right to dignity, expression, and equality? Burkina Faso just became the latest country to make it ‘illegal’ for people who identify as LGBTIQ to express themselves. In some countries with particularly extreme laws, even parenting a queer person is outlawed. And there seems to be a concerted effort by powerful, well-resourced European and American Christian non-profits to erase trans people – women especially – from public life both at home and overseas.
We are living through an extraordinary, historic deficit of collective compassion. For the Black Feminist Fund, an international philanthropic organisation founded in 2021, this is the time to get to work. The organisation believes that by giving money to Black feminist movements carrying out intersectional, social justice work around the world, we all benefit: women (including trans women), girls, marginalised demographics, poor people. *All* of us.
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### Rescue ship shooting: Where is the EU’s red line with Libya?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/rescue-ship-shooting-where-is-the-eus-red-line-with-libya/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:26:07.000Z
In late August, the Ocean Viking, a civil rescue ship, was patrolling the central Mediterranean Sea when it was [hit by a barrage of bullets](https://jacobin.com/2025/08/libya-migrant-rescue-ship-attack?ref=opendemocracy.net). The Libyan Coast Guard fired hundreds of rounds at the humanitarian boat, many of them at head height, breaking windows, damaging the ship and terrorising those onboard. This included the crew and 87 people who had been rescued earlier that day from two boats in distress.
The assault, which lasted around 20 minutes, is unprecedented. The Libyan Coast Guard (LCG) has fired ‘warning shots’ into the air or water around rescue ships on multiple occasions before, [including the Ocean Viking in 2023](https://ecre.org/mediterranean-eu-blamed-for-increase-of-departures-from-tunisia-and-loss-of-lives-ngo-rescue-ship-blocked-un-report-notes-systematic-torture-by-eu-supported-libyan-authorities/?ref=opendemocracy.net), but shots which [appear aimed to kill or injure](https://jacobin.com/2025/08/libya-migrant-rescue-ship-attack?ref=opendemocracy.net) have never happened before. The incident, which took place in international waters, has led to [renewed calls](https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/66626/europe-demands-answers-from-libya-after-rescue-boat-shooting?ref=opendemocracy.net) for the European Union to end its working relationship with border forces in Libya.
In 2023, a European Commission official, speaking at a public event, identified direct fire as a ‘red line’ that would have consequences for the EU-Libya partnership. But in response to a request for comment, the commission says Libyan authorities are investigating the incident and that they are “not at the stage” of discussing consequences.
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### Prison labour: the last stronghold of slavery in the US
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/prison-labour-the-last-stronghold-of-slavery-in-the-us/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:26:24.000Z
In the United States, freedom has never been free. For Black Americans, in particular, the price of freedom has been immense, paid through generations of impossible decisions and forced compromises with the loss of history, family unity, financial stability, and privacy.
Costs that emerged in efforts to escape chattel slavery now continue as many fight to escape its legacy in our carceral system, revealing an ongoing scheme of racialised community destabilisation and economic extraction. In this context, efforts to establish a universal basic income in the United States must not be seen as charity or even policy innovation, but as necessary reparations and redress.
The [13th Amendment](https://endtheexception.com/?ref=opendemocracy.net) did not abolish slavery – it revised it and shrouded it in secrecy. By including an exception clause allowing slavery “as punishment for a crime”, Congress preserved the legal grounds for forced labour. In the aftermath of emancipation, Southern lawmakers used the clause to criminalise everyday Black life through Black Codes and funnel newly freed people into profitable “convict leasing” programmes.
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### How financialisation is corroding education in the UK
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/private-equity-buy-uk-universities-arden-brightstar-marcelo-claure-finance/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:26:47.000Z
While recent media commentary on the crisis in British universities has chiefly focused on their financial difficulties, much less attention has been paid to a far more fundamental malaise: their conversion from places of intellectual enquiry and critical thinking into ‘human capital’ factories geared to the demands of economic growth and increasingly dominated by finance.
A remarkable event that went right to the heart of this problem occurred in July 2025, yet was scarcely noticed by politicians or commentators. An American private equity firm, Brightstar Capital Partners, bought a 50% stake in a large British university.
Arden University, a for-profit private higher education institute, is the UK’s fastest-growing university, with 33,000 students studying online or across its six campuses in England (three of which are in London) and one in Berlin. It was allowed to call itself a university only in 2015, one year after the government granted it degree-awarding powers. Up until then, it had been known as Resource Development International, an online business school founded by a British businessman in Coventry in 1990 and sold to a US for-profit company, Capella Education, in 2011.
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### Brazil: Bolsonaro’s conviction is a victory for tortured women
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/brazil-bolsonaro-dilma-rousseff-conviction-coup-state-democracy-torture-misogyny-rape/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:27:09.000Z
Former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro was last week found guilty of leading a failed military coup d'état after he lost the 2022 presidential election to his left-wing rival, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. His conviction is particularly significant for those familiar with the atrocities committed during Brazil’s military dictatorship, which followed a coup d'état against a left-wing government in 1964 and lasted more than 20 years.
Bolsonaro has previously publicly praised the dictatorship and the violence it committed against women. In 2016, when he was still an obscure federal deputy, he dedicated his vote in the impeachment trial of then-president[ Dilma Rousseff](https://catarinas.info/colunas/dilma-rousseff-jair-bolsonaro-e-o-espetaculo-do-descontrole/?ref=opendemocracy.net) to “the memory of Col Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, the dread of Dilma Rousseff”.
This celebration of one of the dictatorship’s most notorious torturers by an elected official was shocking and appalling. In 1970, the intelligence and political repression unit led by Brilhante Ustra had arrested and tortured Rousseff, then a young guerrilla fighter, for 22 days. “If \[a security officer\] didn't like the answers, he would punch you”, Rousseff would later tell investigators.
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### As we fight for our lives in the South, reparations offer hope
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/as-we-fight-for-our-lives-in-the-south-reparations-offer-hope/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:27:37.000Z
A short walk from the Mississippi River in New Orleans’ Bywater neighbourhood, there is a 30,000 square-foot cultural landmark called StudioBe. Larger than life murals by artist Brandan ‘BMike’ Odums line the space, honouring legends in the movement for Black liberation: Albert Woodfox, Fannie Lou Hamer, the New Orleans Chapter of the Black Panther Party, Malcolm X, and others.
A huge painting of Black men and women erecting an American flag hangs on the back wall. Beneath them, a question: “What do we build on the ashes of a nightmare?” Though in Louisiana, the nightmare remains ever-present. It has not yet turned to ash.
In January 2024, Jeff Landry was sworn in as Governor of Louisiana, and his first order of business was to call a special session on crime for the Louisiana Legislature. Within three months of his inauguration, 20 years-worth of hard-fought incremental reforms were rolled back, and then some.
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### Why the US needs basic income as reparations for racial injustice
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/why-we-need-basic-income-as-reparations-for-racial-injustice-us/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:27:59.000Z
The US colonial project kidnapped nearly [11 million people](https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-resources/teacher-resources/historical-context-facts-about-slave-trade-and-slavery?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=Over%20the%20period%20of%20the,all%20long%2Ddistance%20global%20migrations.) from Africa as part of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Slavery was fundamental to nearly all industries in the US, and accounted for [32% of America's workforce](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0014498323000463?ref=opendemocracy.net#:~:text=This%20article%20evaluates%20the%20high,below%20average%20output%20per%20worker.) by 1800\. The profits generated through slave labour helped fuel the industrial revolution, establish Wall Street, and fund prestigious universities including Harvard, Yale, and Columbia.
When the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution abolished slavery in 1865, its drafters included an exception that allowed for the continued use of involuntary servitude “as a punishment for crime”. This exception clause has shaped the lives of millions of Americans ever since.
Today, more Black men are currently in prison than were [enslaved in 1860](https://pudding.cool/2017/01/shape-of-slavery/?ref=opendemocracy.net). Black men make up around 33% of the incarcerated [population](https://www.sentencingproject.org/reports/mass-incarceration-trends/?ref=opendemocracy.net), despite comprising 14% of the national population.
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### Brasil: Bolsonaro condenado es una victoria para las mujeres torturadas
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/brasil-bolsonaro-dilma-rousseff-condena-golpe-de-estado-democracia-torturas-misoginia-violaciones/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:28:20.000Z
La[ condena del expresidente brasileño Jair Messias Bolsonaro](https://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/justica/noticia/2025-09/stf-condena-bolsonaro-27-anos-e-tres-meses-de-prisao?ref=opendemocracy.net) por participar en un intento de golpe de Estado tiene un fuerte simbolismo para quienes conocen las perversidades cometidas durante la[ dictadura militar](https://catarinas.info/tag/ditadura/?ref=opendemocracy.net) en Brasil (1964-1985) y en otros países de América Latina.
No es solo una victoria de la democracia, sino también de las mujeres, tantas veces atacadas por él.
En el juicio político contra la expresidenta[ Dilma Rousseff](https://catarinas.info/colunas/dilma-rousseff-jair-bolsonaro-e-o-espetaculo-do-descontrole/?ref=opendemocracy.net) (2011-2016), Bolsonaro, entonces un oscuro diputado federal, votó por destituirla rindiendo homenaje al coronel Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, que había sido un conocido torturador de la dictadura. “El terror de Dilma Rousseff”, dijo Bolsonaro. En 1970, siendo una joven guerrillera, Rousseff fue detenida y torturada durante 22 días en la unidad de inteligencia y represión política que dirigía Brilhante Ustra.
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### Join the conversation: Can Jeremy Corbyn’s new party disrupt UK politics?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/readers-thoughts-jeremy-corbyn-new-party-disrupt-uk-politics/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:28:45.000Z
Welcome to openDemocracy’s weekly reader comments round-up. This is an opportunity for us to showcase some of the many carefully considered messages we receive on a range of topics.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length and don’t necessarily reflect openDemocracy's editorial position.
_This post is for subscribers only._
### Al Fayed’s victims say compensation scheme ignores ‘trafficking’ by Harrods
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/al-fayed-harrods-sexual-assault-compensation-scheme-overlooks-trafficking-victims-say/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:29:08.000Z
For almost 200 years, members of London’s high society – queens, princes and princesses among them – have turned to Harrods for their designer clothes, handbags and jewellery, as well as high-end homeware and gourmet foods.
The luxury department store is known around the world for its famous clientele, its opulent Victorian interiors and its upmarket goods. But for decades, the expensive art deco facade hid a dark underbelly. Last year, the BBC revealed that Harrods’ former owner, Mohamed Al Fayed, an Egyptian billionaire who died aged 94 in 2023, allegedly abused, harassed and raped hundreds of young women and teenage girls who worked for him between the late 1970s and the 2010s.
Harrods, which Al Fayed bought in 1985 and sold to Qatar’s sovereign wealth fund for £1.5bn in 2010, responded with an apology to the victims, condemning “the actions of an individual who was intent on abusing his power wherever he operated”. In March this year, the company set up a compensation scheme “to provide survivors with a trauma-informed alternative to litigating against Harrods”. By July, it reported that more than 100 of the 200-plus alleged survivors had applied for redress.
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### Israel is killing Gazans and endangering its own citizens
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/israel-doesnt-want-peace-endanger-own-citizens-gaza-hard-security-wont-work/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:29:31.000Z
If there was any remaining doubt, on Monday Israel made clear that it does not want a peaceful settlement to its war on Gaza, launching an air strike on Hamas officials in Qatar’s capital, Doha.
Five members of the group and a Qatari official were killed, but the attack does not appear to have gone as planned. The group’s top leadership, including its exiled Gaza leader and chief ceasefire negotiator, who was reportedly the intended target, survived.
Regardless, the impact has been massive. The White House has attempted to distance itself from the strike – even appearing somewhat critical of Israel – but Donald Trump’s suggestion that he was not involved in the decision to launch it is risible. The US has an advanced air defence warning system staffed by its own personnel in Israel and other tracking systems in Jordan, while Qatar houses the US’s largest Air Force base in the Middle East.
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### Explotación sexual en Uruguay: Cuando la familia es el peor lugar para ser niña
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/uruguay-explotacion-sexual-infantil-ninas-ninos-adolescentes-hogares/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:29:55.000Z
Este es el segundo artículo de una investigación sobre tácticas, redes y perfiles de perpetradores de trata y explotación sexual en la región más poblada de Uruguay, los departamentos de Montevideo y Canelones. Advertencia: este artículo contiene descripciones de abuso sexual
Los fines de semana de pesadilla empezaron cuando tenía 10 años. Los viernes Elisa\* recorría en autobús 90 kilómetros entre su pueblo rural y la pensión en la capital de Uruguay, Montevideo, en la que vivía Manuel, un peón naviero peruano de 35 años que había sido novio de su madre. Los domingos, Manuel la mandaba de regreso con alimentos o ropa nueva. Ella lloraba.
“Le dije a mi madre que abusaba de mí, pero ella me obligaba”, contó Elisa a dos psicólogas de la policía en 2017, cuando ya tenía 17.
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### Diario de Gaza: Así arriesgo mi vida para alimentar a mi familia
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/gaza-hambre-obligado-a-pescar-sobrevivencia-israel-guerra-ayuda-alimentaria/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:30:20.000Z
Son las 7 de la mañana. Suena la alarma y me preparo, como solía hacer en los días en que tomaba una taza de té de menta y comía un sándwich de falafel antes de ir a la universidad con mis amigos.
Ahora, la alarma me indica que es hora de volver al mar. En medio de la hambruna mortal que azota Gaza, la supervivencia ha sustituido a los estudios. He pasado de ser un estudiante de traductorado de inglés que perseguía sus sueños a ser un pescador que intenta desesperadamente alimentar a su familia.
Desde hace casi un mes, me levanto a diario y me dirijo al mar. Me expongo a un grave peligro: el ejército israelí[ declaró las aguas de Gaza ‘zona prohibida’ a principios de este año](https://www.un.org/unispal/document/building-to-starvation-systematic-attacks-on-fishing-in-gaza-and-implications-for-livelihoods-and-protection-may-2025/?ref=opendemocracy.net), por lo que está prohibido pescar, bañarse o nadar y cualquier otra actividad en el mar.
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### Join the conversation: British politics and a Ukraine-style visa for Gaza
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/readers-thoughts-jeremy-corbyn-uk-politics-reform-ukraine-style-visa-gaza/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:30:46.000Z
Welcome to openDemocracy’s weekly reader comments round-up. This is an opportunity for us to showcase some of the many carefully considered messages we receive on a range of topics.
These comments are edited for clarity, accuracy and length and don’t necessarily reflect openDemocracy's editorial position.
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### Is a shift quietly underway in British politics?
URL: https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/uk-politics-shifting-corbyn-your-party-starmer-labour-zarah-sultana-reform-farage/
Last updated: 2026-06-29T13:31:01.000Z
In May 2017, British Conservative prime minister Theresa May called a snap election three years early, despite having a comfortable majority in Parliament and having told the country she would not do so.
May was polling well and assumed it would be easy to push Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour opposition to a crushing defeat, winning an even bigger majority that would strengthen her hand in Brexit negotiations. Most pundits agreed this was the likely outcome.
But on polling day, May failed dismally. The Tories lost their majority. Corbyn, despite having faced bitter opposition from within his own party since being elected leader two years earlier, somehow managed to reach out over them to speak to a much wider public.
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